Academic literature on the topic '1926-1984 contributions in political science'
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Journal articles on the topic "1926-1984 contributions in political science"
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Święcicki, Łukasz. "Carl Schmitt w polskich interpretacjach politologicznych 1984–2007." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.4.7.
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Carl Schmitt in Polish political-science interpretations 1984–2007The article discusses Polish political-science interpretations of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt. It gives an overview of the main literature published between the 1980s and 2000s. Polish political scientists became interested in Schmitt only after a period of intensive studies conducted by lawyers. Polish political science, ideologically oriented during the times of the communist regime, took its leading role in Schmitt’s reception with the transformation of Poland’s political system. Interestingly, the flow of new translations of Schmitt’s writings in the first decades of the century shifted the reception substantially and moved it towards more philosophical and theological interpretations. The interpretations present in the field of political science have been divided into two kinds based on different methodologies: the first, focused on Schmitt as a political theorist, which aims at introducing his substantial contributions to political science, and the second, which focuses on Schmitt as a representative of conservatism. The article may serve as a practical introduction to Polish political-science research on Schmitt.
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Morley, T. P. "Some Professional and Political Events in Canadian Neurosurgery." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 12, no. 3 (August 1985): 230–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100047077.
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The Hannah Institute for the History of Medicine and Science, with the Royal College’s Section on the History of Medicine, asked me for a contribution to the Annual Meeting (1984) in Montreal dealing with the history of Canadian neurosurgery. I soon discovered that the material available to me, from my own files and from colleagues who sent me information, was too extensive for a paper of the required length. I have therefore excluded from this article the balanced review of the scientific and clinical contributions of Canadians in neurosurgery that I had hoped to prepare. What remains is a collection of events and developments that have involved or interested me during my career.
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Stanbury, W. T. "The Mother's Milk of Politics: Political Contributions to Federal Parties in Canada, 1974–1984." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 795–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900055153.
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AbstractAbstract. This study provides data to answer a number of important questions concerning the financing of the three main political parties at the federal level between 1974 and 1984. It analyzes both the regulated campaign expenditures by parties and candidates and the unregulated party expenditures outside official campaign periods. The main focus is on the importance of different sources of contributions to each party: individuals, corporations, trade unions, and interest groups. New details are provided on large contributions by individuals and corporations, and on the contributions of the largest 500 nonfinancial enterprises in Canada. Finally, the study notes that despite new federal legislation concerning political contributions and expenditures in 1974 the relationship between contributions and influence remains shrouded in secrecy.
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Neustadtl, Alan, Denise Scott, and Dan Clawson. "Class struggle in campaign finance? Political action committee contributions in the 1984 elections." Sociological Forum 6, no. 2 (June 1991): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01114391.
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Eagles, Munroe. "The Political Ecology of Campaign Contributions in Canada: A Constituency-Level Analysis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 3 (September 1992): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900021454.
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AbstractThis article explores the constituency dimension of campaign financing in the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada. The analysis uncovers considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations. These variations appear to be related to the past local and regional strengths of parties, to the expected closeness of the current contest, and to whether incumbents are running for re-election. Multivariate analyses suggest that these political variables have a broadly consistent impact on fund-raising after other features of the socio-economic diversity of constituencies have been controlled.
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SPECTER, MATTHEW. "HABERMAS'S POLITICAL THOUGHT, 1984–1996: A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 1 (April 2009): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001959.
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Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929) has for decades been recognized as a leading European philosopher and public intellectual. But his global visibility has obscured his rootedness in German political culture and debate. The most successful historical accounts of the transformation of political culture in West Germany have turned on the concept of German statism and its decline. Viewing Habermas through this lens, I treat Habermas as a radical critic of German statism and an innovative theorist of democratic constitutionalism. Based on personal interviews with Habermas and his German colleagues, and by setting the major work alongside his occasion-specific political writings from 1984 to 1996, I interpret Habermas's political thought as an evolving response to two distinct moments in German history: first, the mid-1980s, and second, the revolutions of 1989 and German reunification in 1990. This essay challenges the dominant interpretations of Habermas's mature statement of his political theory. Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Democracy (1992), which have described it as marking a distinct break with, and reversal of, the commitments of his earlier work. By contrast, I describe the work as an intellectual summa, consistent with Habermas's previous thought and career, and containing remarkable historical interpretations of two intertwined phenomena: the intellectual and institutional dimensions of the Bonn Republic and Habermas's own biography.
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Schwebel, Stephen M. "Attainments of Eduardo Valencia-Ospina as Deputy Registrar and Registrar of the International Court of Justice." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000248.
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LIEBERFELD, DANIEL. "Evaluating the Contributions of Track-two Diplomacy to Conflict Termination in South Africa, 1984-90." Journal of Peace Research 39, no. 3 (May 2002): 355–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343302039003006.
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Box-Steffensmeier, J. M., and J. K. Dow. "Campaign Contributions in an Unregulated Setting: an Analysis of the 1984 and 1986 California Assembly Elections." Political Research Quarterly 45, no. 3 (September 1, 1992): 609–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299204500304.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. "Campaign and Party Finance in the West German “Party State”." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036123.
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In contrast to the United States, where there is little or no public financing of parties and candidates below the presidential level, the German “party state” grants generous subsidies in a variety of forms to the political parties, though not to individual candidates. The German Basic Law (constitution), various laws passed by the national and Land (state) parliaments, and the Federal Constitutional Court have been important factors in the development of a complex and costly system of public financing for election campaigns, parliamentary parties and party foundations and for free television and radio time and billboard advertising space. In addition, the federal government incurs large tax expenditures through the encouragement of tax deductible contributions to political parties. In spite of the crucial role which public financing has assumed, recent scandals have occurred involving illegal contributions from business interests. A revised party law of 1984 and a Federal Constitutional Court decision in July 1986 have brought about significant changes, but controversy in Germany over public financing and the impact of recent reforms continues.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "1926-1984 contributions in political science"
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Carter, Kelly A. "Foucault's Foundationless Democratic Theory." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5475/.
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I examine a key shift in Michel Foucault's political philosophy from a position in which he was a staunch anti-humanist, to a final position in which he advocated not only the ability of the subject to influence his political condition, but also the individual freedoms assured by a democratic form of government. I begin by summarizing his overall critique of the post-Enlightenment West, and then explain how his observation of the Iranian Revolution served as a key turning point concerning his attitude towards the subject. Next, I elaborate on the direction of Foucault's late writings and examine how his new conceptualization of the subject leads him to embrace a democratic political system albeit free from Enlightenment philosophical foundations. I conclude by critiquing Foucault's foundationless democratic theory on the basis that it would ultimately undermine the individual freedoms and aesthetic development that he seeks to protect.
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Sanches, Junior Carlos Alberto [UNESP]. "Genealogia e biopoder." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88743.
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Os anos de 1974 a 1976 são marcados pela entrada, no vocabulário de Michel Foucault, dos neologismos biopoder e biopolítica. Estes termos despontam num momento decisivo de seu procedimento genealógico de análise: influenciado pelas leituras crítica de Nietzsche, ele passa a colocar em foco o processo multifacetado pelo qual, na modernidade, a dimensão biológica da vida humana entra nos cálculos de um poder que se exerce microcapilarmente. Esquadrinhado como “máquina” ou como “espécie”, o corpo do sujeito passa a ser o ponto que concentra os esforços das tecnologias e racionalidades governamentais. Este trabalho busca mapear os elementos metodológicos característicos que permitiram a formulação genealógica do problema da relação entre vida e poder. A fim de destacar a importância das teses e princípios analíticos foucauldianos para um diagnóstico crítico do presente, serão apresentadas considerações e notas a partir da leitura de Giorgio Agamben e Peter Sloterdijk
The years 1974 to 1976 are marked by the entry of neologisms biopower and biopolitics in the vocabulary of Michel Foucault. These terms emerges in a decisive moment in his genealogical analysis procedure: affected by critical readings of Nietzsche, he put into focus the multifaceted process by which, in modernity, the biological dimension of human life enters the calculations of a power that is exercised by microcapillary means. Scanned as “machine” or as “species”, the subject's body becomes the point that concentrates the efforts of governmental rationalities and technologies. This paper seeks to map some of the methodological elements that allow the genealogical formulation of the problem of the relation between life and power. In order to idicate the importance of Foucault’s theories and analytical principles for a critical diagnosis of actuallity, it shall present considerations and notes from the reading and analysis of works of Giorgio Agamben and Peter Sloterdijk
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Sachikonye, Tawanda. "A Foucauldian critique of neo-liberalsim." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003038.
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This study attempts to make a contribution to the critique of contemporary capitalism. This has been conceptualised through a Foucauldian critique of neo-liberalism, that is, Foucault’s concepts of power and governmentality have been used to criticise neo-liberalism. The study argues that neo-liberalism is a hegemonic and oppressive politico-economic social system. This has occurred in two ways; firstly, neo-liberalism came to dominate the global economy and, secondly, neo-liberalism has become the dominant politico-economic discourse. An attempt is made to expose the discourses and institutions that buttress the neo-liberal project by undertaking a Foucauldian critique. According to Foucault, knowledge shapes the social space through its ‘mechanisms’, discourses and institutions. In order to critique neo-liberalism, it is necessary to expose its power-knowledge base, which is what gives it legitimacy. By analysing and exposing neo-liberalism’s power-knowledge base, its oppression becomes clear through an observation of the material effects of neo-liberal ideology and policy. This study also evaluates to what extent Marxism is a viable alternative to neo-liberalism, in order to ascertain what Foucault adds to already existing critiques of capitalism, and neo-liberalism, in particular. It concludes by arguing that even though Marxism provides a useful framework in which to understand neo-liberal domination, its labour based social theory is somewhat outdated in our contemporary age of the information society. Therefore, it is Foucault’s concept of power-knowledge that is most pertinent in providing an effective critical theory of neo-liberalism in the age of the information society, as it focuses on the primacy of power-knowledge in matters of domination.
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Allsobrook, Christopher John. "Foucault, historicism and political philosophy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003073.
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This thesis defends an ontological and epistemological account of Michel Foucault's post-structuralist philosophy, to argue that political philosophy needs to take into account the historical and political contingency of subjectivity and discourse. I show that by addressing the historical and political contingency of knowledge, Foucault's work overcomes the flaw of foundational epistemology in political philosophy, which treats true discourse as universal and disinterested. In doing so I hope to have to refuted the mainly positivistic and humanist schools of thought that lay claim to universal and foundationalist notions, by demonstrating the extent to which their misgivings about Foucault's work are informed by and founded upon an unjustified a-historicism. The thesis is composed of three chapters, the first of which deals with an ontology of the subject, the second, with an ontology of social relations, and the last with epistemology. In each chapter I use dialectical analysis to reveal how interests necessarily mediate subjectivity, social relations, and knowledge. The first two chapters defend Foucault's conception of power, by way of an analysis of the relations between Foucault's work and Sartre's existential phenomenology. I show how both Foucault and Sartre successfully address the problem of historicism for political philosophy with their respective conceptions of human freedom. The final chapter defends Foucault's conception of the relations between power and discourse, to show how it overcomes the a-historicism of universal, foundational epistemology. These three chapters demonstrate the importance of accounting for historicism in political philosophy. Claims to universal interest, because knowledge is conditioned by conflicts of interest, often mask political domination. It is important, then, to remember, in political philosophy, that knowledge is evaluative and interested, reflecting historically and politically mediated evaluations. One should be suspicious of ' natural facts' , used to justify actions or beliefs, thereby masking the choices that inform them. I have used the work of Michel Foucault to motivate this claim.
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Castelfranchi, Juri 1969. "As serpentes e o bastão : tecnociencia, neoliberalismo e inexorabilidade." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280500.
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Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos SantosTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Neste trabalho são analisadas as práticas e o discurso da tecnociência contemporânea, definida não apenas como fusão entre ciência e tecnologia mas como acontecimento que funciona no interior de uma específica economia de poder e que é caracterizado pela interação e a retroalimentação mútua do capitalismo, da ciência e da tecnologia. São mapeados movimentos e rupturas no funcionamento da tecnociência, examinando a fonte dos financiamentos para a pesquisa, o ethos dos cientistas, as fomlas de apropriação do conhecimento e as políticas de C&T à luz dos conceitos foucaultianos de govemamentalidade e dispositivo. O discurso tecnocientífico atual é analisado a partir do monitoramento de documentos oficiais e declarações públicas de cientistas-empreendedores, policy-makers, ONGs etc. O cruzamento de tais elementos mostra que ciências, técnicas e capitalismo funcionam entrelaçados. Em alguns casos, impulsionando-se mutuamente: cada parte se apoia nos sucessos, na autoridade, nos efeitos de verdade e na potência das outras. Noutros casos, há dissonâncias e atritos. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a tecnociência atual é, ao mesmo tempo, piramidal e reticular, inexorável e modulável. De um lado, retrata si mesma como fundamentada num saber a-político, neutral, objetivo, universal, que "cai" na sociedade quando aplicado, divulgado, transformado em objeto técnico e em mercadoria. A tecnociência aparece como o bonde que não podemos perder, cuja marcha é automática e cuja regulação deve ser deixada com os especialistas. Por outro lado, no neoliberalismo a tecnociência precisa receber inúmerosfeedbacks, escutar as demandas do mercado e as preocupações do cidadão. Conclui se que a tecnociência atual é um dispositivo qe geometria variável modulado por parâmetros que nem sempre podem ser estabelecidos' nG, il1terior de uma tecnocracia. Funciona ativando mecanismos de despolitização e de inv.isibilização dos conflitos; e constitui-se como implacável politicamente através de repetidas performances voltadas para a mobilização da população e a afirmação de inevitabilidade. No entanto, sua configuração atual é um acontecimento apoiado em terrenos (epistêmicos, econômicos e sociais) movediços
Abstract: ln this work practices and discourse of contemporary technoscience are analyzed. Technoscience is defined not only as the merging between science and technology, but as an event, functioning inside a certain economy of power and characterized by the interaction and reciprocal feedback of capitalism, science and technology. Movements and ruptures in technoscience are mapped by means of the examination of the sources of funding for research, the ethos of scientists, the forms of appropriation of knowledge and S&T policies, using concepts by Michel Foucault, such as govemmentality and apparatus (dispositif). The contemporary technoscientific discourse is analyzed by monitoring official documents and public declarations by entrepreneurs-scientists, policy-makers, NGOs, etc. By crossing such elements, it is shown that sciences, techniques and capitalism function today inside an entanglement. ln some cases, they boost each other: every part is supported by the successes, the authority, the truth effects of the other ones. In other cases, dissonance and friction exist. The results of this research show that contemporary technoscience is, at the same time, pyramidal and reticular; it may seem inexorable, but it may also be modulated. Technoscience depicts itself as grounded on an a-political, neutral, objective, universal knowledge, "falling" down into society when applied, popularized and transformed in a technical object or a product. Its progress is told to be semi-automatic, and its regulation should be left with the experts. On the other side, in neoliberalism, technoscience needs also to receive feedback, to listen to the demands of the market and to the worries of the citizens. It can be concluded that contemporary technoscience is a dispositlf of.variable geometry, modulates by parameters that cannot be always established by a technocracy. It functions by acting mechanisms of depolitization and invisibilization of conflict; it constitutes itself as politically implacable by means of continuous performances of inevitability and mobilization of population. However, its configuration is an event grounded on shifting epistemic, economic and social lands
Doutorado
Sociologia da Cultura
Doutor em Sociologia
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Sanna, Maria Eleonora. "Pratiques de Soi et Performance de Genre : la construction des sujets politiques entre Pouvoir et Autonomie. Une lecture croisée de Michel Foucault et Judith Butler." Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00358609.
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On ne naît pas un sujet autonome, on le devient. Et, selon Foucault, on le devient à partir de l'invention d'une « éthique du souci de soi » sur la base de laquelle le soi s'engage dans la résistance aux formes de l'assujettissement et dans la production de formes originales de relations de pouvoir. Mais qui, quand, comment et à quelles conditions devient un sujet autonome ? Mobiliser la « performance de genre » pour répondre à cette question signifie problématiser la conceptualisation binaire et «occidentale» du genre, ainsi que mettre en cause les usages de cette conceptualisation. Mais si, comme l'écrit Butler, « l'acte de discours » opposé à la norme de genre est un acte « individuel » et « localisé » , comment peut-on politiser la parodie subjective du genre de manière à produire une action collective, subversive et inédite?
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Doron, Claude-Olivier. "Races et dégénérescence : l'émergence des savoirs sur l'homme anormal." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Diderot - Paris VII, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00876157.
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Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " dégénération/ dégénérescence " entre le XVIIe et le XIXe siècle. Elle envisage cette histoire tant du point de vue d'une épistémologie historique - " comment race et dégénérescence sont devenues les concepts de savoirs divers " (histoire naturelle, anthropologie, psychiatrie) - et d'une histoire des pratiques de gouvernement - " comment race et dégénérescence sont devenues des problèmes de gouvernement ". En prenant au sérieux la liaison entre ces deux notions, on vise à rendre compte de la formation, au XIXe siècle, d'un champ de savoirs qui se donnent pour objet ce que nous appelons " l'homme anormal ", c'est-à-dire cette figure bien particulière en laquelle la folie, la criminalité et les races " inférieures " viennent communiquer comme autant de déviations de la norme humaine, à la lisière du normal et du pathologique. Notre thèse décrit les catégories fondamentales qui organisent ce champ de savoirs. Plus profondément, il s'agit ainsi de montrer comment, loin d'être exclusif d'un discours universaliste et humaniste, loin d'être systématiquement corrélé à un dispositif d'exclusion, le discours de la race et de la dégénérescence est intimement lié à un humanisme théorique et pratique, ainsi qu'à des pratiques d'inclusion qui se focalisent non sur la race, la folie et le crime comme altérités radicales, mais comme des altérations qu'il convient de régénérer, de corriger et de perfectionner par des dispositifs de pouvoir particuliers. Ce sont les ambiguïtés et les apories qui logent au cœur de cette volonté d'inclusion et dans cette analyse de réalités hétérogènes en termes d'altérations d'une norme que nous étudions à travers ce parcours historique. Nous démontrons en particulier le lien profond qui existe entre l'entrée de la notion de " race " dans le champ naturaliste et une position monogéniste ; et d'autre part, qu'on ne saurait comprendre l'entrée de la même notion dans le champ politique et - plus généralement - le développement de tout un ensemble de savoirs sur l'homme anormal, sans les resituer dans la logique du libéralisme politique du début du XIXe siècle.
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Russ, Andrew. "The illusion of history : time and its absence in the radical political imagination." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/63570.
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This thesis is a study of the imaginative rationale governing three figureheads of the radical political imagination, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Karl Marx and Michel Foucault." "[It] focuses upon Kant’s contribution to political and moral philosophy in the limited sense of its critical functions, and, as such, concentrates upon the impairment such a radical manifestation of this critical position can exact upon history.Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2007
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"Power and resistance in dystopian literature: a Foucauldian reading of three novels." 1997. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896261.
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by Wing Chi Ki.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-182).
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.i v
Table of Contents --- p.v
Abbreviations used for Foucault's Works --- p.vi
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Power and Resistance in Foucault --- p.1
Chapter Chapter 2 --- 1984-The Axis of Power --- p.29
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Brave New World--The Axis of Sexuality --- p.70
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Handmaid's Tale-The Axis of Knowledge --- p.117
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion: Resistant Topos´ؤFrom Dystopia to Heterotopia --- p.167
Works Cited --- p.177
Bibliography --- p.182
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McIntyre, Katharine Mangano. "Freedom From Domination: A Foucauldian Account of Power, Subject Formation, and the Need for Recognition." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8JW8DRT.
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This dissertation seeks a concept of freedom that is compatible with Michel Foucault’s descriptions of power and its role in the constitution of the subject. Discovering the concept of freedom that properly opposes the Foucauldian concept of domination reveals the possibilities and limitations of the usefulness of Foucault’s account of power for social criticism. The first step in this endeavor is therefore to distinguish between Foucault's own use of the terms 'power' and 'domination' – the conflation of which is a source of criticism of his social theory. With this distinction in hand, I argue that Foucault’s genealogical period with its diagnosis of subjection is wholly compatible with, and indeed inseparable from, his ethical period with its emphasis on self-transformation. Read as two sides of a coin, these periods of Foucault’s work establish the terms in which we must understand the ethico-political struggle in which we constantly find ourselves as subjects of self-transformation embedded in identity-constituting relations of power. I then explore Foucault’s criticism of the modern concept of autonomy, which he believes to be inherited from the Enlightenment and, more specifically, Kant. In spite of these criticisms, Foucault does not dispense with the concept of freedom as autonomy altogether, but instead must embrace a concept of social freedom, similar to that which is found in contemporary recognition theory. Therefore, we should characterize Foucault’s normative stance as that of a coupling of a general concept of social freedom with what I call a "metaethico-political openness principle" committing us to acts of resistance that would attempt to push the boundaries of recognition so that we may affirm previously unimagined ways of life.
Books on the topic "1926-1984 contributions in political science"
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Dumm, Thomas L. Michel Foucault and the politics of freedom. Walnut Creek: Altamira, 2000.
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Michel Foucault and the politics of freedom. Thousand Oaks, Calif: SAGE Publications, 1996.
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Pickett, Brent. On the use and abuse of Foucault for politics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005.
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Foucault & the political. London, United Kingdom: Routledge, 1995.
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The political philosophy of Michel Foucault. New York: Routledge, 2009.
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Foucault, Michel. Politics, philosophy, culture: Interviews and other writings, 1977-1984. New York, USA: Routledge, 1988.
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Powers of freedom: Reframing political thought. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
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Jeremy, Moss, ed. The later Foucault: Politics and philosophy. London: Sage Publications, 1998.
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Hengehold, Laura. The body problematic: Political imagination in Kant and Foucault. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007.
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Hengehold, Laura. The body problematic: Political imagination in Kant and Foucault. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008.
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