Journal articles on the topic '1925-1970 Criticism and interpretation'

Samaun Bakri is one of many figures from Nagari Kurai Taji Pariaman West Sumatra, which enliven the national political stage. His movement in the Dutch Colonial period, began when he attended in Sumatra Thawalib Padang Panjang. The Kuminih movement, fronted by Communist propagandists, has changed its paradigm of thinking from moderate to radical. Sometimes Samaun is often the target of arrest with allegations of infidelity. This paper is compiled based on historical method, consist of; heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The world of Islamic movement and modernization has indeed influenced the way of Samaun thinking. Several times, he was involved in the press, ranging from Persamaan, Sasaran, Penabur, and often wrote harsh criticisms of the Dutch government. After the Silungkang incident, he crossed over to the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI). During the Japanese occupation, he was involved in the management of PUTERA and Jawa Hokokai. His political career post-independence immediately dashed, when he served as Deputy Governor of West Java in 1946, KNIP members represent West Java, and became Deputy Resident of Banten in 1946-1948.

This study aims to determine how the history of the Lamajan Hydroelectric Power in 1925, both in terms of the geographical, demographic conditions of Pangalengan and also the components that still exist in Lamajan. Lamajan is a Dutch hydroelectric power plant (PLTA) which was built in 1924 in Pangalengan, Bandung and has been operating since 1925. Lamajan has three generator units, the engine used by Lamajan supplied from the Dutch factories Heemaf and Smit Slikkerveer, initiated by V.H Willem Smith & Co. and R.W.H. Hofstede Crull. The method used in this study is a qualitative method, namely by collecting data through literature and documentation. This method is carried out through four stages namely, heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study show this hydroelectric power plant was built during the Dutch colonial era in 1920-1924 and operated in 1925. This power plant was initially built by a Dutch engineer named Willem Beyerinc K. for the electricity needs of sugar factories but over time was used to illuminate the area of Bandung and its surroundings, this power plant utilizes the flow of water from the Cisarua and Cisangkuy rivers.

This article discusses the influence of foreign cultures on the existence of Malay music in Medan City in the period 1970-2000. The arrival of various foreign communities in Medan City also brings their original culture. The acculturation of foreign communities with ethnic Malays produces a beautiful blend of cultures. This study uses the historical method in four writing steps, namely; heuristics, verification or criticism, interpretation, and historiography, with a cultural approach. Ethnic Malay as an egalitarian society can accept foreign culture with open arms. The interaction of the Malay people for hundreds with foreign cultures has brought significant changes to their culture. This can be seen from the various musical genres that influence Malay music. In addition, the use of musical instruments from various foreign cultures also enriches the treasures of Malay music. Even though it was influenced a lot from foreign cultures, Malay music still survives and exists today.

This article aims to describe the development of wayang kulit in Bekasi in 1970-2015. Broadly speaking, the main problem studied in this article is about "How is the existence of wayang kulit in Bekasi in the midst of the rapid pace of globalization in 1970-2015?". The author uses historical methods consisting of four steps: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on the results of research in its development, wayang kulit in Bekasi experienced dynamics in the span of 1970-2015. In the 1970s this art is in great demand by the public, it can be seen from the intensity of the performance is very dense. But entering 2015 the intensity of wayang kulit performances in Bekasi is decreasing. This indicates that the Betawi puppet was demoted by Betawi ethnic community it self and the society in general. Globalization is one of the factors that cause a decrease in public interest in traditional arts.

My apologies to Mr. Chrétien and to your readers for “developing some simplistic formulas on Burundi” in my quest for “media success.” No such simplistic formulas enter his criticism of my Congressional testimony. On the one hand, I am taken to task for not conceding that my interpretation of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict as a recent phenomenon is the product of Chrétien’s “patient research work” over the last quarter of a century; on the other hand, “some very similar analysis” had appeared in my “excellent work of 1970,” which came out long before Mr. Chrétien embarked on his patient research! Try to figure that one out if you can.

AbstrakTerbentuknya Province West-Java lebih karena munculnya tuntutan dari masyarakat Hindia Belanda saat itu yang memang sudah mengalami dinamisasi, perkembangan, dan kemajuan dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan. Tuntutan yang mereka ajukan adalah otonomi yang lebih besar yang berkait aspek-aspek politik. Di samping itu, penduduk pun menuntut makin meningkatnya pelayanan pemerintah dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan yang mereka butuhkan. Guna menjawab tuntutan itu dibentuklah pemerintahan Province West-Java. Dalam rangka menjalankan roda pemerintahan diangkatlah sejumlah pejabat yang kebanyakan berasal dari penduduk bumi putera. Momentum ini merupakan kesempatan awal bagi elit pribumi terlibat dalam birokrasi pemerintahan modern. Selanjutnya pengalaman ini menjadi bekal mereka dalam mengelola pemerintahan pada masa-masa berikutnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. AbstractWest-Java Province is formed because emerging demands of Nederland-Indie society at that time who had dynamic, growth, and progress in various aspects of life. Their conspicuous demand was greater autonomy related to political aspects. Besides, the people also demanded better government service in many aspects of life. Therefore, West-Java Province government formed. To run the government, some officials who mostly come from native citizen appointed. This momentum is early oppurtunity for the indigenous elite to get involved in the bureaucracy of modern government. In addition, this experience into their stock in managing the government in the sequent periods. This research uses historical method includes four phases, that are heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.

This research is about the history of women's fashion style in Jambi in the 1900s - 1970s. Aims to add to the repertoire of writing about the history of gender and historical fashion in Jambi. This study describes how women's fashion style travels in Jambi City, as well as the influence of the entry of modernity and the impact it has on women's clothing styles in Jambi City. This research uses the historical method which has 4 stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Kebaya clothing is a clothing that is often used in the daily life of women in the city of Jambi. But along with the times and culture, it began to shift with the presence of clothing from western countries such as dresses, mini skirts and midi skirts that showed the feminine side and also became a trend, especially for urban teenagers. The 1970s was a decade that was quite influential in the fashion sector in Indonesia, because this yearfashion designers began to appear and in Indonesia experienced freedom in dressing. For Jambi, this year is the year Jambi City women started wearing pants as their daily clothing. However, it does not make the existence of the kebaya and clothes brackets disappear.

This study is a concrete effort to trace the dynamics of Jedoran Tulungagung 1970-1982. Thistemporal term became the starting point for the paradigm shift of the Tulungagung people in interpretingIslamic art. The emergence of the 'Popular' prayer reduced the public's interest in Jedoran as anacculturative (Islamic and Javanese) shalawat art which has contributed to the history of Islamizationin Tulungagung. The study used historical research methodologies, namely: heuristics, source criticism,interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study indicate that there is one major narrativethat masterminds the dim existence of Jedoran from the Tulungagung art scene. This factor was the entryof the “Popular Islam” paradigm, which at that time was rapidly developing through radio, televisionand mobile phones in almost all parts of Indonesia. This has gradually resulted in the decline in people'sappetite for acculturative Islamic arts such as Jedoran. This factor is supported by two other situations,namely the cultural atmosphere in Tulungagung in general after 1965 and the difficulty in studyingJedoran which makes regeneration difficult.

K.H. Moenawar Chalil is an important figure who is almost forgotten in Indonesian history. He is one of the Indonesian scholars who existed in his time. He has several famous works that he has written since becoming a member of the Sarekat Islam in 1925 at the age of 17 years. Some of his works have been published in articles, newspapers, and the biggest one is in a book that is until now widely known, The Complete Date of the Prophet Muhammad. It turned out that he not only published books on the history of the Prophet Muhammad, but other books such as religious themes, and also politics. This research aims to reconstruct the political thought of K.H. Meonawar Chalil in Indonesia which is contained in his work, both from articles, newspapers and books. The study used four stages, namely Heuritics, Criticism, Interpretation and Historiography.

Kemajuan yang dicapai oleh negara Barat dalam bidang ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi, dan ekonomi, berakar pada trilogi liberalisme, pluralisme, dan sekularisme. Atas dasar itulah, beberapa tokoh Islam Indonesia ingin memajukan umatnya dengan trilogi tersebut. Dalam perjalanannya, tokoh Islam seperti Nurcholish Madjid dan Ulil Abshar menuai kritik dari Rasjidi dan Atiyan Ali. Puncaknya adalah ketika MUI mengeluarkan fatwa mengharamkan Islam liberal. Bagaimana gambaran sejarah masuk Islam liberal di Indonesia? Mengapa terjadi polemik Islam liberal di Indonesia? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah, meliputi heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, sejarah Islam liberal di Indonesia terbagi ke dalam empat tahap, yaitu: Tahap awal ketika masih menyatu dengan pemikiran neo-modernisme. Kedua, pembentukan enam paradigma Islam liberal. Ketiga adanya kritik dan evaluasi pemikiran Islam liberal. Kemudian sebab terjadinya polemk pemikiran Islam liberal disebabkan oleh perbedaan paradigma berfikir dan metodologi memahami ajaran Islam dalam melihat realitas yang terjadi di masyarakat pada masa kontemporer. The progress achieved by Western countries in the fields of science, technology and economics is rooted in liberalism, pluralism and secularism. For this reason, some Indonesian Muslim intellectuals want to reform their people accordingly. However, in working with these modern ideas, the polemics arose as those Muslim scholars such as Nurcholish Madjid and Ulil Abshar were criticized by Rasyidi and Atiyan Ali. This caused the MUI to issued a fatwa forbidding Liberal Islam. This study addressed two questions: How did liberal Islam come to Indonesia? Why did liberal Islam polemic occur in Indonesia? The method employed in this study is historical method which is comprised of heuristics, criticism or analysis, interpretation, and historiography. The result of the study shows that the history of liberal Islam in Indonesia was developed into four stages. First, when the thought of liberal Islam was still integrated with neo-modernism. Second, the establishment of six liberal Islam paradigms. Third, the emergence of criticism and evaluation toward it. Fourth, the polemic of liberal Islamic thought was caused by different paradigms and methodology in understanding the teaching of Islam that is compatible with the needs of contemporary society.

Mahbub Djunaidi is a thinker figure from Nahdlatul Ulama. When he became a columnist in 1970-1995, many of his thoughts poured in the newspapers. In the article, Mahbub Djunaidi talked about things related to religious and political aspects. This study outlined the question “How was Mahbub Djunaidi’s thought about religion and politics in 1970-1995?” To answer the question, this study used historical methods which consist of the heuristic stage, source criticism, interpretation and historiography as well as the research technique of literature study and interviews with some relevant sources from the problems researched. Based on the results, it could be found that Mahbub Djunaidi was a columnist from the Nahdlatul Ulama circle which in his writing poured many thoughts on religion and politics. His thought towards religion in 1970-1995 discussed many things social life that can not be separated from Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah.Whilst his thought about politics discussed many things about the relationship betweenIslam and the state, as well as the relationship between Nahdlatul Ulama and thestate that can not be separated from the democracy school of thought. This research isexpected to be a reference for the next research, so it can present new facts that have notbeen revealed from this research.

The formation of the district of Jember was influenced by Europeans who were interested in establishing a plantation in Jember. Jember which was originally part of the Bondowoso afdeeling then on January 9, 1883 the Governor of the Dutch East Indies made a change to a separate afdeeling and in 1928 the Dutch East Indies government issued a regulation to increase the status to Regentschap Djember as a district. Changes in status caused a large number of migrants to come, especially ethnic Chinese who made their place of residence namely the Chinatown village. The Chinatown area which is located in the city center is not only their place of residence, but their economic activities are also carried out in the area. The objectives to be achieved in this article are: (1) to determine the process of the formation of the Chinatown area in Jember Regency, (2) to determine the influence of the Chinatown area on the spatial planning of the city of Jember, 1930-1970. The method used in this study is a historical research method that contains four points, including: heuristics (data collection), verification (source criticism), interpretation, and historiography.

AbstractThis research is a historical research with the theme of religion which examines religion from an empirical point of view rather than from a normative point of view. As for what is being researched is about the growth and development of Catholicism in the city of Jambi. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explain historically the dynamics of Catholicism in Jambi City from the initial process of its spread to its development since the Dutch colonial period, the Japanese occupation, to independence, and to describe the existence of missionary groups who were important figures in the process of its spread. The method used is the historical method starting from the heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiographic stages. Some of the theories used refer to the theory from E.B. Taylor on the "theory of the soul" or "anima", Stephen K, Anderson on the "theory of stages of religious development", and the theory of R.N. Bellah on the evolution of religion. In the end, the findings obtained after conducting field research were that the Catholic religion that developed in Jambi City has gone through a long process in its history, was carried and spread by missionary groups (priests, brothers, nuns), and contributed a lot to the lives of the population starting from field work. religious, social, and economic.Keywords: Religion, Catholicism, Missionary, Jambi City AbstrakPenelitian ini merupakan penelitian sejarah yang bertemakan bertemakan agama yang mengkaji agama dari sudut empiris bukan dari segi normatifnya. Adapun yang diteliti adalah tentang pertumbuhan dan perkembangan agama Katolik di Kota Jambi. Oleh karenanya tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan secara historis dinamika agama katolik di Kota Jambi mulai dari proses awal penyebaran hingga perkembangannya sejak periode Kolonial Belanda, Pendudukan Jepang, hingga kemerdekaan, serta mendeskripsikan keberadaan kelompok misionaris yang menjadi tokoh penting dalam proses penyebarannya. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah mulai dari tahapan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Beberapa teori yang dipakai mengacu pada Teori dari E.B. Taylor tentang “teori jiwa” atau “anima”, Stephen K, Anderson tentang “teori tahapan perkembangan agama”, dan teori dari R.N. Bellah tentang evolusi agama. Pada akhirnya hasil temuan yang didapat setelah melakukan penelitian lapangan adalah bahwa agama Katolik yang berkembang di Kota Jambi telah melewati proses panjang dalam sejarahnya, dibawa dan disebarkan oleh kelompok misionaris (pastor, bruder, suster), dan banyak berkontribusi bagi kehidupan penduduk mulai dari karya bidang keagamaan, sosial, dan ekonomi.Kata Kunci : Agama, Katolik, Misionaris, Kota Jambi

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengemukakan latar belakang berdirinya Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru, perkembangan Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru, dan dampak keberadaan Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru bagi Alumni dan masyarakat dalam bidang agama, pendidikan, dan sosial budaya. Penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif analisis dengan menggunakan metode historis. Melalui tahapan-tahapan, Heuristik (pengumpulan data), kritik (verifikasi), interpretasi (penafsiran) dan historiografi (tulisan sejarah). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa latar belakang berdirinya Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru dilatarbelakangi oleh KH. Junaid Sulaiman sebagai pendiri pesantren awalnya membuka pengajian kitab kuning yang berlokasi di masjid raya Watampone. Daya tampung masjid raya yang kecil dan minat masyarakat untuk belajar semakin meningkat kemudian menjadi alasan bagi KH. Junaid Sulaiman untuk membangun pusat pendidikan Islam yang lebih besar dan bisa lebih fokus membina generasi muda. Berkat komunikasi yang baik dengan bapak Bupati Kabupaten Bone Andi Muhammad Amir dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat maka diperolehlah lokasi yang strategis di JL. Biru dan dengan bantuan berbagai pihak, berdirilah pesantren tersebut yang awalnya diramaikan oleh santri pindahan dari masjid raya mereka kurang lebih 20 orang. Pesantren modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru mengalami perkembangan yang dapat terlihat dengan jelas seperti perkembangan sarana dan prasarana, tenaga pengajar, dan para santrinya yang setiap tahun jumlahnya terus bertambah. Keberadaan Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru ditengah-tengah masyarakat Kabupaten Bone membawa dampak positif baik dalam bidang agama, pendidikan, dan sosial budaya. Dampak yang dirasakan secara langsung bagi masyarakat tentunya menambah pengetahuan baru tentang agama Islam dan mengetahui lebih dalam lagi tentang agama Islam. Keberadaan Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru juga dimanfaatkan oleh masyarakat sekitar sebagai sarana pendidikan bagi anak-anak mereka yang menginginkan anaknya mendalami ilmu keagamaan, dimana Pesantren Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru sebagai salah satu sarana pendidikan yang menjadi pusat pengembangan ilmu keagamaan dan pendidikan keagamaan melalui sekolah berbasis formal dan nonformal.Kata kunci : Pesantren, Modern dan Biru AbstractThis study aims to reveal the background of the establishment of the Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru the development of the Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru, and the impact of the existence of Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru for alumni and the community in the fields of religion, education, and social culture. This research is a descriptive analysis using the historical method. Through the stages of heuristics (data collection), criticism (verification), interpretation (interpretation) and historiography (historical writing).Tempe and several relevant government parties. then (2) criticism, (3) interpretation and (4) historiography. The results showed that the background of the establishment of the Modern Al-Junaidiyah Biru Pesantren was motivated by KH. Junaid Sulaiman as the founder of the pesantren initially opened the study of the yellow book located in the Watampone great mosque. Small mosque capacity and interest the community to learn to improve has become an excuse for KH. Junaid Sulaiman to build a bigger Islamic education center and can be more focused on fostering the younger generation. Thanks to good communication with the Bupati regent Bone Andi Muhammad Amir and the house of representatives, a strategic location was obtained on JL. Biru and with the help of various parties, the pesantren stood which was initially enlivened by the transfer students from their grand mosque of approximately 20 people. Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru has experienced developments that can be seen clearly such as the development of facilities and infrastructure, teaching staff, and students, which are increasing every year. The existence of the Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru in the middle of the Bone district community has a positive impact both in the fields of religion, education, and social culture. The impact that is felt directly for the community certainly adds new knowledge about the religion of islamic and knows more about the religion of islamic. The existence of the Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru is also used by the surrounding community as a means of education for their children who want their children to study religious knowledge, where the Modern boarding school Al-Junaidiyah Biru as one of the educational facilities which is the center of the development of religious knowledge and religious education through schools formal and informal basis.Keywords: Boarding School, Modern, Biru

AbstractBasically the mosque implies submission and obedience, then the essence of the mosque is a place to do all activities related to obedience to Allah SWT, merely. Therefore, the mosque can be interpreted further, not just a place of prostration, purification, a place of prayer and tayamum, but also as a place to carry out all activities of Muslims relating to obedience to God. The method used in this research is the historical approach method, which is the process of collecting historical sources effectively, evaluating them critically and conveying the overall results with procedures achieved through several stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. This research can be concluded that the fine art of Islamic architecture in the Magatsari Grand Mosque is decorative and ornamental art. Decorative art is aimed at the form of domes, poles, arches and pulpits, while ornamental art is more on calligraphy and carving decoration.Keywords: Magatsari Grand Mosque, Acculturation, Architecture, Decorative, Ornament. AbstrakPada dasarnya masjid mengandung arti tunduk dan patuh, maka hakekat dari masjid adalah tempat melakukan segala aktivitas berkaitan dengan kepatuhan kepada Allah SWT, semata. Oleh karenah itu masjid dapat diartikan lebih jauh, bukan hanya sekedar tempat bersujud, pensucian, tempat sholat dan bertayamum, namun juga sebagai tempat melaksanakan segala aktivitas kaum muslim berkaitan kepatuhan kepada tuhan. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode pendekatan sejarah, yang merupakan proses pengumpulan sumber- sumber sejarah secara efektif, menilainya secara kritis dan menyampaikan hasil- hasil keseluruhan dengan prosedur yang dicapai melalui beberapa tahapan, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi. Penelitian ini dapat di simpulkan bahwa Seni rupa arsitektur Islam yang ada pada Masjid Raya Magatsari merupakan seni dekoratif dan seni ornamentik. Seni dekoratif ditujukan pada bentuk kubah, tiang, lengkungan dan mimbarnya, sementara seni ornamentik lebih kepada hiasan kaligrafi dan ukiran.Kata Kunci: Masjid Raya Magatsari, Akulturasi, Arsitektur, Dekoratif, Ornamentik.

This study aims to describe the role of Sheikh Dr. Abdul Karim Amrullah in developing Muhammadiyah in Maninjau. This type of research is qualitative research with historical methods, and heuristic measures, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The theory and approach in this research is the phenomenological approach and the theory of study figures. The results obtained from this study first, Sheikh Dr. H. Abdul Karim was a scholar who was born in 1879 Ad and died in 1945 A.D. He was born to a religious family, since childhood he has received a religious education from both parents and then continued his education through non-formal course. Secondly, the role of Sheikh Dr. H. Abdul Karim Amrullah in developing Muhammadiyah in Maninjau, backed by the religious condition of Maninjau that time has been mixed only, is no longer distinguished where the teachings of pure Islam and which are mixed with bid'ah, and Khurafat. This is what prompted Sheikh Dr. H. Abdul Karim Amrullah to make updates to Islam that has been corrupted in Maninjau. Therefore, to accelerate this renewal. He was the pioneering establishment of Muhammadiyah in Maninjau, after his return from Java in 1925 A.D.

This study aims to determine the Makassar Football Association, which is headquartered in Makassar, South Sulawesi province. The Makassar Football Association was founded on November 2, 1915 which at that time was still a football association called Makassar Voetbal Bond. Based on the historical background of his achievements, Makassar Voetbal Bond features male players in the elite ranks of Dutch East Indies football such as Sagi and Sangkala as reliable players who at that time were highly respected by Dutch players. The Makassar Football Association is known as the birthplace of young and talented football players. Talented young players include Ramang, Suardi Arlan, Nursalam and Maulwi Saelan. The player emerged and triumphed in the 1950-1970 era. Ramang is a football legend who came from PSM which at that time was still called Makassar Voetbal Bond. Ramang began strengthening the Makassar Football Association in 1947. This study uses a qualitative approach with historical methods through heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.

AbstrakPerlawanan intelektual pribumi yang dilakukan oleh organisasi berideologi komunis menggunakan beberapa media, diantaranya surat kabar Soerapati. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi. Konsep dan teori yang digunakan adalah konsep ruang publik Habermas dan teori konflik Dahrendorf. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa surat kabar Soerapati pertama terbit setelah kongres PKI dan SR di Sukabumi pada tahun 1923. Hal ini diawali dengan perpecahan SI saat kongres di Madiun yang menghasilkan disiplin partai. PKI dan SR menggunakan media surat kabar Soerapati untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah kolonial dan pemerintah lokal, selain itu surat kabar Soerapati menjadi media perdebatan ideologi di internal organisasi pergerakan. Simpulan dari penelitian ini adalah perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh PKI dan SR berakhir dengan penangkapan dan pembuangan yang diberitakan di surat kabar Soerapati. Hal ini menjadi salah satu faktor surat kabar Soerapati harus disita dan dilarang terbit pada tahun 1925. AbstractThe Indigenous intellectual resistance carried out by communist ideology organizations using multiple media, including Soerapati newspapers. By used the historical method consists of four stages of work: heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. Concepts and theories used is the public sphere concept of Habermas and conflict theory of Dahrendorf. The results concluded that newspapers first published after the congress Soerapati PKI and SR in Sukabumi in 1923. It was preceded by a split time SI congress in Madiun who produce a discipline party. PKI and SR Soerapati using the press to fight against the colonial and local governments, in addition to the Soerapati newspaper became the ideological debates media movement organizations internally. The conclusions is carried out by the resistance of the PKI and SR ended with the capture and disposal by newspapers Soerapati. This is one factor newspaper Soerapati be confiscated and banned in 1925.

Abstrak: Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi dan menganalisis bagaimana perkembangan dunia pers di Sumatra’s Westkust? Seberapa besar perempuan Minangkabau mengambil bagian di dalam kemajuan pers Bumiputra di Sumatra’s Westkust? Apa kontribusi kemajuan pers ini bagi peningkatan kualitas kehidupan perempuan Minangkabau masa itu? Berpijak pada empat tahapan metode sejarah yakni heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan perempuan Minangkabau dalam dunia pers di Sumatra’s Westkust ditandai dengan kemunculan mereka sebagai penulis, editor dan redaktur surat kabar seperti Roehana Koeddoes, Zoebeidah Ratna Djoewita, Saadah Alim, Rasoena Said, dan Rangkaja Ch. Sjamsoe isteri Datoek Toemenggoeng. Kehadiran perempuan Minangkabau dalam dunia pers ini semakin kokoh melalui penerbitan beberapa surat kabar khusus perempuan seperti Soenting Melajoe (1912), Soeara Perempoean (1917), ASJRAQ (1925), Soeara Kaoem Iboe Soematra (1925), Medan Puteri, Suara Puteri. Kemunculan surat kabar khusus perempuan ini berhasil menjadi pemantik yang sukses mengobarkan semangat kemajuan di antara perempuan Minangkabau saat itu dan menginiasiasi perempuan-perempuan lainnya di Hindia-Belanda untuk semakin sadar akan pentingnya eksistensi perempuan dalam kemajuan kaumnya serta pergerakan kemerdekaan bangsanya. Kata kunci: perempuan Minangkabau, pers, Sumatra’s Westkust.Abstract: This paper aims to elaborate and analyze how the development of the press world in Sumatra’s Westkust? How much the Minangkabau women had taken part in the progress of the Bumiputra’s press in Sumatra’s Westkust? What was the contribution of this press progress to improving the quality of life of the Minangkabau woman at that time? Based on four stages of historical methods namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography, the results showed that the involvement of Minangkabau women in the press world in Sumatra's Westkust was marked by their emergence as journalism, editor and newspapers editor in chief such as Roehana Koeddoes, Zoebeidah Ratna Djoewita, Saadah Alim, Rasoena Said and Rangkaja Ch. Sjamsoe. The presence of Minangkabau women in the press world was strengthened through the publication of several women’s newspapers such as Soenting Melajoe (1912), Soeara Perempoean (1917), ASJRAQ (1925), Soeara Kaoem Iboe Soematra (1925), Medan Puteri, Suara Puteri. The publication of this women's newspaper became a successful flintstone that fueled the spirit of progress among the Minangkabau women at the time and initiated other women in the Dutch East Indies to become increasingly aware of the importance of women's existence in the advancement of their people and the independence movement of their nation.Keywords: Minangkabau women, press, Sumatra’s Westkust.

The present paper deals with a short contribution which E.D. Polivanov published in 1925 in the scientific journal of the Central Asia State University during his stay and work at the University of Taškent. Polivanov’s text presents a phonological analysis of the Georgian consonant system and aims at making the transcription system devised by the academician N.Ja. Marr for the rendering of Georgian sounds comparable with the better known and more useful alphabet of the International Phonetic Association. In addition to the synchronic description and classification of Georgian con-sonants, in which, contrary to the customary interpretation, weak aspiration of voiceless plosives is claimed, Polivanov offers an interesting diachronic ex-planation of the defective postvelar (uvular) series, which in contemporary standard Georgian features only the voiceless ejective member; his reconstruction of the former system is based on typological assumptions about the different behaviour of voiced and voiceless obstruents with respect to lenition (spirantisation). Some years later, the Georgian linguist G.S. Axvlediani provided ar-guments, based on internal reconstruction, which confirmed and further developed Polivanov’s hypothesis. Although he had reviewed Polivanov’s contribution for a Georgian journal in 1926, Axvlediani did not mention it in his later work, probably because Polivanov in the meanwhile had become persona non grata in Soviet lin-guistics for his open criticism of Marr’s linguistic theory.

In this article I analyse the criticism surrounding two songs from a well-known collection of oral prose narratives told by a San performer, transcribed by the white Afrikaans author Eugène Marais and published as Dwaalstories (Wandering tales) first in 1921 as magazine stories and then in 1927 as a book. The songs, “Die towenares” (The sorceress) and “Hart-van-die-dagbreek” (Heart-of-the-daybreak), both form part of the oral prose narrative “Die Reënbul” (The Rain Bull). Designating these lyrical texts as ‘songs’ is a conscious choice, considering that they have been interpreted as poems ever since Marais extracted them from the Dwaalstories and included them in his collected poems in 1925 and later collections. My argument is that these lyrical texts function in the same way in “Die Reënbul” as songs do in most oral prose narratives (or, folktales) from Africa. Their designation as poems hashowever resulted in attempts at analysis in which their oral origin is ignored, misunderstood, or undervalued. One such study is the text-immanent ‘structural analysis’ performed by Merwe Scholtz. I briefly critique a few other studies about (the songs in) “The Rain Bull”, finding that while they are more sophisticated than that of Scholtz, there are still significant inaccuracies. Though the scope of my article is limited, I also make the case for a context-driven interpretation of all the songs contained in the Dwaalstories.

This study focuses on the role Boven Digoel for the Indonesian nation in the struggle for independence. The research method is a method of history to the stage of research, searches historical sources, source criticism, interpretation, and writing of history. Boven Digoel selected as a place of exile of the movement because of factors: the more intense the radical movement (communists) in Indonesia period 1925-1927 which manifests itself in a variety of labor strikes and revolts; Holland is a minor colonial power compared with the Spanish, Portuguese, French and English - that is to say, only the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) which has a strategic significance for the survival of colonialism; Boven Digoel very far away from the center of government in Batavia covered by dense woods, filled with swamps and deserted-silent with various wild animals, ferociously malaria mosquitoes, and the original is still cannibals; Boven Digoel as the 'Land of Hope' or the future of the movement who did not return origin region. With discarded in Boven Digoel of the movement 'disconnected' at all with the people, so that they can not spread the ideas and the ideas of nationalism. Boven Digoel instrumental in the Stage History of Modern Indonesia, in particular, the national movement. Now in the Era of Reform and Special Autonomy for Papua, the existence of historical sites in Boven Digoel must be managed properly to the benefit of education and tourism development.

В статье впервые в отечественном искусствознании рассматривается феномен творческого взаимодействия одного из крупнейших оркестровых композиторов ХХ столетия Бориса Александровича Чайковского (1925–1996) и выдающегося российского дирижера, профессора Санкт-Петербургской консерватории Эдуарда Афанасьевича Серова (1937–2016). Основным предметом анализа является интерпретация, запечатленная в премьерной студийной записи Первой симфонии Б. Чайковского, осуществленной Серовым в июне 2006 года. Масштабный оркестровый опус, сочиненный Б. Чайковским, когда он был студентом в консерваторском классе Д. Д. Шостаковича, никогда прежде не исследовался в российском музыкознании. Тембровая поэтика и архитектоника самой ранней циклической партитуры Б. Чайковского осмыслены в контексте изучения авторского оркестрового стиля и его слагаемых, включая те, которые обозначены самим композитором («тембровая оптика», «перспективные планы», «атмосферная среда» и т. д.). Принципиально важным в оценке дирижерской трактовки Серова является анализ стилевой адекватности, проявляющейся в исполнительской расшифровке того, что Б. Чайковский, анализируя музыку других авторов, называл «темброво-поэтическим кодом» оркестровой партитуры. В статье впервые публикуется уникальный эпистолярный документ — послание Шостаковича своему ученику (после показа симфонии на композиторской кафедре Московской консерватории); также приводятся суждения самого Б. Чайковского, в которых он оценивает профессиональные качества Серова-дирижера и делится личными представлениями о стилевом аутентизме в дирижерском и шире — исполнительском искусстве. The article represents the first attempt in the Russian art criticism to deal with the phenomenon of creative interaction between one of the greatest orchestral composers of the twentieth century — Boris A. Tchaikovsky (1925–1996) and an outstanding Russian conductor — professor of Saint Petersburg Conservatoire Eduard A. Serov (1937–2016). The main subject of the analysis is the interpretation of B. Tchaikovsky’s First Symphony performed by Serov in June 2006, provided in the premiere studio record. This large-scale orchestral opus composed by B. Tchaikovsky while being a student in the Conservatory class of Dmitri D. Shostakovich has never been studied in Russian musicology before. Timbre poetics and architectonics of the earliest cyclic score by B. Tchaikovsky are conceptualized in the context of the author’s orchestral style and its components, including those designated by the composer himself (“timbre optics”, “perspective plans”, “atmospheric environment”, etc.). The analysis of stylistic adequacy, which B. Tchaikovsky called the “timbral-poetic code”, is fundamentally important in the conductor’s interpretation of the score by Serov. B. Tchaikovsky himself used this term while analyzing the music of other authors. This article is the first to publish a unique epistolary document — Shostakovich’s letter to his pupil (written after the performance of the Symphony at the Moscow Conservatory’s composition department), as well as the previously unpublished judgements of B. Tchaikovsky himself concerning Serov’s professional qualities as a conductor, and style authenticity in conducting and — more widely — in the performance practice.

<p><em>Researchers and academicians have indeed done a lot of researches in Jambi. The aspects of the life the society of Jambi Seberang in all any studies have been carried out, one of them is historical studies. The research process was also carried out by involving in-depth studies which became a reference to previous studies in this research. The rhyme is one of the Jambi education learning process in the Jambi Seberang area that still needs to be revealed. This awareness also wants to be built in the midst of the many educational patterns that have been adjusted during the times. Rhyme in the 20th century has become a powerful method, in addition to the fact that the people of Jambi have already recognized the repertoire of this rhyme as part of the cultural speech of the people. One of the teachers who uses rhyme in his studies is teacher Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. This research was using historical methods, namely: Heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The disclosure was made so that all forms of educational changes that exist in Jambi society can be appointed as the identity of the Jambi Sebrang society. This disclosure was made in the Jambi Seberang area, which is the first area of Islamic education in Jambi. This investigation tries to explain rhyme in the Islamic education of Jambi community, and the dynamics of its development process.</em></p><p><em> </em>Peneliti dan akademisi memang telah banyak melakukan penelitian di Jambi. Aspek sisi kehidupan masyarakat Jambi seberang dalam kajian apapun telah dilakukan. Salah satunya kajian sejarah. Proses penelitian ini pun dilakukan dengan melibatkan kajian yang mendalam yang menjadi referensi tinjauan terdahulu tentang penelitian ini. Syair dalam proses pembelajaran pendidikan Jambi di wilayah seberang Kota Jambi yang masih perlu untuk diungkap. Kesadaran ini juga ingin dibangun di tengah banyak pola pendidikan yang sudah disesuaikan pada perkembangan zamannya. Syair pada akhir abad 20 menjadi metode yang ampuh, disamping memang secara garis besar masyarakat Jambi telah mengenal khasanah syair ini sabagai bagian dari tutur kebudayaan masyarakatnya. Salah satu Tuan guru yang mengunakan syair dalam pembelajarannya yaitu Tuan guru Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode ilmu sejarah yaitu: Heuristik, kritik, intepretasi, dan historiografi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan agar segala bentuk proses perubahan pendidikan yang ada dalam masyarakat Jambi bisa diangkat sebagai identitas masyarakat Jambi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan di wilayah Jambi Seberang yang merupakan wilayah pertama pendidikan Islam di Jambi. Dalam penelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan syair dalam pendidikan Islam masyarakat Jambi, dan dinamika proses perkembangannya.</p><p> </p>

<p><em>Researchers and academicians have indeed done a lot of researches in Jambi. The aspects of the life the society of Jambi Seberang in all any studies have been carried out, one of them is historical studies. The research process was also carried out by involving in-depth studies which became a reference to previous studies in this research. The rhyme is one of the Jambi education learning process in the Jambi Seberang area that still needs to be revealed. This awareness also wants to be built in the midst of the many educational patterns that have been adjusted during the times. Rhyme in the 20th century has become a powerful method, in addition to the fact that the people of Jambi have already recognized the repertoire of this rhyme as part of the cultural speech of the people. One of the teachers who uses rhyme in his studies is teacher Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. This research was using historical methods, namely: Heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The disclosure was made so that all forms of educational changes that exist in Jambi society can be appointed as the identity of the Jambi Sebrang society. This disclosure was made in the Jambi Seberang area, which is the first area of Islamic education in Jambi. This investigation tries to explain rhyme in the Islamic education of Jambi community, and the dynamics of its development process.</em></p><p><em> </em>Peneliti dan akademisi memang telah banyak melakukan penelitian di Jambi. Aspek sisi kehidupan masyarakat Jambi seberang dalam kajian apapun telah dilakukan. Salah satunya kajian sejarah. Proses penelitian ini pun dilakukan dengan melibatkan kajian yang mendalam yang menjadi referensi tinjauan terdahulu tentang penelitian ini. Syair dalam proses pembelajaran pendidikan Jambi di wilayah seberang Kota Jambi yang masih perlu untuk diungkap. Kesadaran ini juga ingin dibangun di tengah banyak pola pendidikan yang sudah disesuaikan pada perkembangan zamannya. Syair pada akhir abad 20 menjadi metode yang ampuh, disamping memang secara garis besar masyarakat Jambi telah mengenal khasanah syair ini sabagai bagian dari tutur kebudayaan masyarakatnya. Salah satu Tuan guru yang mengunakan syair dalam pembelajarannya yaitu Tuan guru Abdul Qodir Ibrahim. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode ilmu sejarah yaitu: Heuristik, kritik, intepretasi, dan historiografi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan agar segala bentuk proses perubahan pendidikan yang ada dalam masyarakat Jambi bisa diangkat sebagai identitas masyarakat Jambi. Pengungkapan ini dilakukan di wilayah Jambi Seberang yang merupakan wilayah pertama pendidikan Islam di Jambi. Dalam penelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan syair dalam pendidikan Islam masyarakat Jambi, dan dinamika proses perkembangannya.</p><p> </p>

AbstrakPenelitian ini berusaha menguraikan tentang perkembangan taman kota serta analisis persebarannya di Bandung pada masa pemerintahan Hindia Belanda. Penelitian ini penting untuk dilakukan agar diketahui contoh pola perancangan taman kota yang baik dalam perkembangan kota. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah (heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi) dengan pendekatan sosio-spatial. Adapun konsep yang digunakan adalah “dialektika sosiospatial”, yaitu di suatu sisi masyarakat menciptakan dan memodifikasi ruang-ruang perkotaan namun di sisi lain, pada saat bersamaan, berbagai ruang berusaha disesuaikan agar sesuai dengan ruang-ruang tempat mereka tinggal dan kerja. Melalui penelitian ini diketahui bahwa pembangunan taman-taman kota dipengaruhi oleh peranan elit Eropa (Preangerplanters dan pejabat pemerintah) di Bandung. Pembangunan taman kota terjadi sepanjang tahun 1918 hingga 1925 bersamaan dengan rencana perpindahan ibu kota Hindia Belanda ke Bandung. Taman kota dibangun sebagai fasilitas publik yang berada di dekat lingkungan pendidikan, perumahan, dan pemerintahan. Pengambil kebijakan di masa itu menyadari pentingnya penyediaan ruang hijau ketika jumlah penduduk dan kehidupan kota semakin berkembang. AbstractThis study tried to describe the development of the city park and the analysis of their distribution in Bandung during the reign of the Dutch East Indies. This research is important to do in order to know the examples of design pattern of a city park in both of the development of the city. This study uses historical methods (heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography) with socio-spatial approach. The concept used in this research is the "dialectic sosiospatial" ; a society creates and modifies the urban spaces, but on the other hand, at the same time, a variety of space is tried to be adjusted to fit the spaces where they live and work.Through this research, can be inferred that the construction of city parks affected by the role of the European elite (Preangerplanters and government officials) in Bandung. City park development occurs throughout the 1918 to 1925 along with plans to transfer the capital of the Dutch East Indies to Bandung. City Park was built as a public facility that was located near an educational environment, housing, and governance. Policy makers at the time realized that the importance of providing green space when the population of city life is growing.

AbstrakTulisan mengenai Sejarah Sosial Daerah Kabupaten Lebak menggambarkan kehidupan masyarakat yang mencakup aspek geografi, pemerintahan, penduduk, budaya sinkretisme dan masyarakat adat, budaya, dan pendidikan. Untuk merekontruksi kembali menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahap, yaitu: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiogarfi. Lebak menjadi bagian dari wilayah Kesultanan Banten dan masyarakatnya menganut ajaran agama Islam. Pada abad ke-19 terjadilah perubahan politik di daerah tersebut. Perubahan itu seiring dengan semakin meluasnya kekuasaan Belanda di wilayah Banten yang ditandai oleh penghapusan Banten tahun 1808 oleh Daendels. Perkembangan selanjutnya pada masa pemerintahan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816), Banten dibagi menjadi empat daerah setingkat kabupaten, yaitu: Kabupaten Banten Lor, Banten Kulon, Banten Tengah, dan Banten Kidul. Setelah kekuasaan dipegang kembali oleh Belanda, maka wilayah Banten dibagi menjadi 3 kabupaten yaitu: Kabupaten Serang, Caringin, dan Lebak. Perubahan berikutnya terjadi pada tanggal 14 Agustus 1925, Lebak menjadi sebuah kabupaten otonom. Kemudian, pada tahun 1950 mengenai pembentukan daerah-daerah dalam lingkungan Provinsi Jawa Barat. Kabupaten Lebak dimasukkan ke dalam 25 Daerah Tingkat II di provinsi tersebut. Pada tahun 2003 Kabupaten Lebak menjadi bagian dari Provinsi Banten. Penduduk Kabupaten Lebak dari tahun ke tahun mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan, begitu pula di bidang sosial budaya dan pendidikan berkembang cukup dinamis.AbstractThis study illustrates aspects of community life in Kabupaten Lebak in the 19th century. Then, Lebak was part of the Sultanate of Banten and most of the people embraced Islam. In the 19th century Lebak faced a political change due to the expanding power of theDutch in Banten. Daendels eliminated the Sultanate of Banten in 1808. During the reign of Lieutenant Governor-General Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816) Banten was divided into four districts: Banten Lor (Northern Banten), Banten Kulon (Western Banten), Banten Tengah (Central Banten), and Banten Kidul (Southern Banten). When the Dutch regained its power in Banten, the region was divided into three disctricts: Serang, Caringin, and Lebak. In August 14, 1925 Lebak became an autonomous district. In 1950 District of Lebak was part of 25 districts in the Province of West Java, and since 2005 the district became part of the Province of Banten. Today, the population of Lebak has been increasing significantly every year and the educational and socio-cultural life has been developed quite dynamically. To reconstruct this history the author conducted method in history: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.

AbstrakRaspi adalah seorang maestro seni yang peduli pada lestarinya kesenian tradisional yang hampir punah, yaitu ronggeng gunung. Kesenian tradisional ini berasal dari Kabupaten Ciamis. Tarian ini muncul atas nama cinta dan dendam Dewi Siti Samboja, putri ke-38 Prabu Siliwangi karena suaminya Raden Anggalarang tewas di tangan bajak laut/bajo. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui siapakah Raspi, bagaimana kiprahnya sebagai ronggeng gunung, yang mampu bertahan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang meliputi heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Dari hasil penelitian yang dilakukan diperoleh informasi bahwa Raspi lahir di Dusun Karang Gowok, Kabupaten Ciamis tahun 1956. Sejak kecil ia hidup sendiri karena kedua orang tuanya telah bercerai. Usia 13 tahun, yaitu sekitar tahun 1970-an, Raspi lari dari rumahnya karena dipaksa kawin oleh orang tuanya. Saat pelarian itulah ia bertemu guru pertamanya sebagai penari ronggeng yaitu Embah Maja Kabun di Kampung Jubleg, Desa Panyutran, Kecamatan Padaherang, Kabupaten Ciamis. AbstractRaspi is a master of the art who concern about the preservation of nearly extinct traditional arts, namely Ronggeng Mountains. This traditional art is derived from Ciamis District. This dance appears in the name of love and revenge of Samboja Siti Dewi, daughter of the 38th Prabu Siliwangi Raden Anggalarang because her husband was killed by the pirates / bajo. This research is conducted to find out who is Raspi?, how his work as Ronggeng Mountain, is able to survive until now? The method used is the historical method which includes heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results are obtained that Raspi was born in Dusun Karang Kupa, Ciamis district in 1956. Since he was a kid, he lived alone because his parents had divorced. At age 13, which is about 1970, Raspi ran away because he was forced to marry by his parents. In his escape, he met his first teacher as a dancer Ronggeng, Embah Maja Kabun in Kampung Jubleg, Panyutran Village, District Padaherang, Ciamis District.

The article under studies identifies the methodological ties between modern Czech and Ukrainian literary studies on the example of Ivo Pospišil’s monograph “Methodology and Theory of Literary Slavic Studies and Central Europe” (2015). The methodological platform of the scientist is shown in dynamics: comparative studies, phenomenology, historical poetics, genre studies and areal studies. Areal (spatial) philology becomes the methodological framework and “cognitive tool” in the above work. Within the specific features of the hermeneutic circle, I. Pospišil outlines the methodological principles of Brno areal studies, as well as substantiates the powers of areal methodology. Hence, by means of deduction, he narrows the areas of its application and eventually connects spatial poetics to the analysis of specific texts of modern Czech literature. In this respect, areal studies are consonant with the methodology of the N. Kopystyanska’s scientific school. From the standpoint of literary axiology, I. Pospišil characterizes the literary process of 1960–1970 in the way that coincides with the ideas of D. Zatonsky and T. Hundorova. The interpretation of the tropical nature of allegory and symbol, within the areal issues, resonates with a number of Ukrainian investigations. I. Pospišil’s speculations on the problem of auto-reflection and auto-axiology of creativity is based mainly on the concepts of O. Potebnja, on whose methodological reputation rely the works of most Ukrainian researchers. The phenomenon of Central Europe is regarded in the context of “Central European centrism” and multiculturalism, which conceptually brings the scientific research closer to the American studies by N. Vysotska and T. Denysova. I. Pospišil emphasizes the influence of Central European university traditions of the first half of the XX century on the formation of the Prague Linguistic Circle, as well as on the scientific growth of F. Wallman, S. Vilinsky, R Jacobson and R. Wellek. The concept of the history of Russian literature, proposed by I. Pospišil, leads to the profound analysis of the scientific figure of D. Chyzhevsky, which is being widely studied in Ukraine. It is concluded that the “methodological balance” of Czech and Ukrainian literary criticism is ensured by common “pendulum movements” in the history of the literary process, common theoretical and literary basis (works by O. Potebnja, M. Bakhtin, D. Chyzhevsky, D. Ďurišin), parallel influences of Western European literary criticism, as well as collective conference events and consensual research optics.

Penelitian dan penulisan skripsi ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan latar belakang kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat nelayan, menguraikan kondisi kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat nelayan di Kecamatan Pulau Sembilan sebelum dan sesudah modernisasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan ilmu sejarah, sehingga tahap penelitian yang dilakukan adalah (1) Heuristik atau pengumpulan data, (2) Kritik (3) Interprtasi dan (4) Historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa karakteristik, pola hubungan kerja dan interaksi masyarakat antar pulau adalah bagian yang sangat penting dalam kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat nelayan di kecamatan pulau sembilan. Sebelum masuknya pengaruh modernisasi, kehidupan nelayan tradisional di Kecamatan Pulau Sembilan memiliki banyak keterbatasan baik dari segi alat tangkap yang masih sangat sederhana begitupun dengan daerah jangkauan penangkapan yang masih terbatas. Alat tangkap yang digunakan berupa pancing, panah, bubuh,bagang tancap dan bagang rakit dengan orientasi penangkapan yang masih bersifat subsisten. Kondisi seperti ini mulai berubah ketika nelayan mulai mengenal modernisasi pada tahun 1970 yang di tandai dengan pengunaan mesin sebagai alat penggerak perahu yang pada akhirnya menyebabkan daerah jangkauan penangkapan menjadi lebih luas. Pengaruh modernisasi telah mengubah pola pikir masyarakat nelayan di Kecamatan Pulau Sembilan untuk beralih mejadi nelayan pembudidaya rumput laut. Peralihan ini memberikan dampak yang sangat besar terhadap kehidupan sosial ekonomi nelayan, yang ditandai dengan perubahan orientasi ekonomi dari subsiten menjadi komersil.Kata Kunci : Nelayan, Pulau Sembilan, Modernisasi Abstract The research and writing of this thesis aims to describe the background of the socio-economic life of the fishing community, describing the socio-economic living conditions of the fishing communities in Pulau Sembilan District before and after modernization. . This study uses a historical science approach, so the stages of research carried out are (1) Heuristics or data collection, (2) Criticism (3) Interpretation and (4) Historiography. The results showed that the characteristics, patterns of work relationships and community interaction between islands are a very important part in the socio-economic life of fishing communities in Pulau Nine sub-district. Before the influx of modernization, the life of traditional fishermen in Pulau Sembilan Subdistrict had many limitations both in terms of fishing gear which was still very simple as well as the limited fishing range. Fishing gear that is used in the form of fishing rods, arrows, bubuh, stepang and stepang raft with a fishing orientation that is still subsistence. Conditions like this began to change when fishermen began to recognize modernization in 1970 which was marked by the use of engines as a means of driving a boat which ultimately led to a wider catchment area. The influence of modernization has changed the mindset of the fishing community in Pulau Sembilan Sub-district to turn into seaweed cultivating fishermen. This transition has a very big impact on the socio-economic life of fishermen, which is marked by a change in economic orientation from subsistence to commercial Keywords: Fisherman, Pulau Sembilan, Modernization

Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang pengawasan Pemerintah Orde Baru Indonesia terhadap eks-tahanan politik PKI di Provinsi Sumatera Barat. Para eks-tapol itu ditangkap setelah peristiwa G30S dan dilepaskan pada secara bertahap pada 1970-an. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan mengapa Orde Baru mengawasi mereka dan bagaimana pola pengawasan pemerintah Orde Baru terhadap para eks-tahanan politik itu di Provinsi ini. Artikel ini menggunakan metode sejarah, yaitu; heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa terdapat lebih dari 40.000 orang tahanan politik di provinsi ini. Pengawasan terhadap mereka dilaksanakan oleh berbagai instansi pemerintahan dan dilakukan secara terstruktur dan sistematis. Otoritas memegang semua data eks-tapol tersebut agar memudahkan proses pemantauan mereka. Dengan begitu, Orde Baru dapat mencegah kebangkitan kembali PKI dan komunisme di Indonesia. Sebagai rezim yang berkuasa, Orde Baru dapat menjalankan program karena ia memiliki otoritas. Namun pengawasan ini juga memberikan dampak bagi kehidupan eks-tahanan politik itu karena membatasi ruang gerak mereka.Kata Kunci: PKI, eks-Tahanan, Politik, Sumatera, Barat, Orde, Baru. Abstract: This article examines the New Order's supervision of ex-PKI political prisoners in West Sumatra. They were arrested after the G30S incident and were released in the 1970s. The purpose of this paper is to explain why the New Order supervised them and how the New Order government's supervision patterns of the ex-political prisoners in West Sumatra Province. This paper historical method. There are four steps in this method; heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research shows that there are more than 40,000 political prisoners in this province. This Surveillance had carried out by various government agencies and carried out in a structured and systematic manner. The authorities held all the data of the ex-political prisoners. Thus it made it easier for the process to monitor them. The New Order could prevent the revival of the PKI and communism in Indonesia. As the governing regime, the New Order had the authority to run its programs. However, this policy affected the ex-political prisoner's lives because it the limitation that resulted from that policy. Keywords: PKI, ex-Political, Prisoner, West, Sumatera, Orde, Baru.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how S.62 LPA 1925 and its equivalent provisions in other jurisdictions have been interpreted as having the capacity to create new easements. It is intended to identify that the theoretical justification for this interpretation can be viewed as flawed, and that its practical implications are unsatisfactory. It intends to restate the need for reform and to challenge arguments that this interpretation is correct and justified. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines and analyses the origins of the principle that S.62 LPA 1925 can create new legal rights, consider similar provisions from other jurisdictions, examine recent attempts to justify the creative effect of the section and offer observations on proposals for reform. Findings It is found that the ability of S.62 LPA 1925 to create legal easements from precarious rights has been replicated in many jurisdictions, has been widely criticised as both incorrect in principle and problematic in practice and has been the subject of well-reasoned and workable proposals for reform for more than 40 years. Originality/value From both theoretical and property practitioner perspectives, this paper highlights the lack of justification for the principle that S.62 LPA can create easements from precarious rights, challenges the arguments for retaining the principle and offers practical proposals drawn from several jurisdictions as to how the section and its equivalent provisions abroad could be reformed.

Uffe Hansen 14.12. 1894 - 11.9. 1994By Henning HøirupThe obituary begins with a description of Uffe Hansen’s background as an Independent Congregation clergyman (from 1925) to the Grundtvigian Independent Congregation (Danish valgmenighed, i.e. a congregation within the National Church, claiming the right to employ their own minister) of Ubberup, where the prominent clergymen V.J.Hoff and Carl Koch were his predecessors. Carl Koch’s extensive writings, theologically erudite, but .popular. in their language, and thus accessible to the layman, were to become the model for Uffe Hansen’s studies in Grundtvig’s hymnwriting. Through his membership of the Hymn Book Commission of the free Grundtvigian congregations (HYMNS. Independent Congregations and Free Church Congregations, 1935), Uffe Hansen was motivated to realize his plan of a complete account of the whole of Grundtvig’s hymn writing in the book Grundtvig’s Hymn Writing. Its History and Content I. 1810-1837, published in 1937. In the following years Uffe Hansen was absorbed in organizational work (Grundtvigian Convent, the »No More War« organization) and by his membership of the Grundtvigian Hymn Book Committee (The Danish Hymn Book. A Grundtvigian Proposal, 1944). In the 1940s efforts were made to unite the hymn tradition of the re-united Southern Jutland with the traditions of the Kingdom, i.e. the old Danish treasury of hymns and the Grundtvigian hymns. Uffe Hansen became a member of the Hymn Book Commission which published the proposal The Danish Hymn Book in 1951. More than anybody else, Uffe Hansen is responsible for the large number of Grundtvig hymns in this proposal, often with verses from the original versions of the hymns added to them. In spite of vehement criticism on this point The Danish Hymn Book was authorized in 1953. Grundtvig remained the predominant contributor, even though significant Grundtvig hymns, expressing his church view, were omitted, much to Uffe Hansen’s regret. The Hymn Book includes Uffe Hansen’s own translation of the Latin antiphone Oh, Grant Us Peace, Our Lord. While this debate was going on, the continuation of Uffe Hansen’s work, Grundtvig9s Hymn Writing II. 1837-1850 appeared in 1951, an important contribution to a comprehensive interpretation of Grundtvig’s work to renew the Danish hymnody. However, Uffe Hansen’s main achievement as a hymn researcher was his work as a co-editor of Grundtvig’s Song-Work I-VI, 1944-1964. This new edition was worked out on scientific principles, and the hymns were brought in chronological order, as far as it was possible. The edition included a critical variant apparatus, compiled by Uffe Hansen. Concurrently with this work, Uffe Hansen participated in the compilation of a Register of Grundtvig’s Posthumous Papers 1-IXXX, 1956-1964, and, while engaged on this, found several hitherto unknown hymns, which were included in the new edition of the Song-Work.Here Uffe Hansen’s abilities as a researcher and scholar were amply demonstrated. Then, in 1966, came his finalwork, Grundtvig’s Hymn Writing III. 1851-1872, which, like the other volumes, testify to Uffe Hansen’s talent for combining erudition with easy comprehensibility. In his last years Uffe Hansen lived in Holland; he was laid to rest from the Independent Congregation Church of Ubberup.

In 1970, the Italian feminist Carla Lonzi published her now-classic polemic urging women to “spit on Hegel”. Disregarding her advice, many subsequent feminist theorists and philosophers have engaged substantially with Hegel's thought, and a wide variety of feminist readings of Hegel have sprung up. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of these different feminist criticisms and interpretations of Hegel. In introducing these various interpretations, I will show how they reflect a range of divergent feminist approaches to the history of philosophy as a whole. My aim is not only to describe but also to evaluate these approaches, with respect to their capacity to generate insightful and productive readings of Hegel's philosophy. I shall argue that what I will call the “essentialist” feminist approach to Hegel is the most fruitful, doing most to illuminate the contours of his thought and to open up new and creative ways of reading his works.To anticipate, in surveying the various feminist interpretations of Hegel, I will classify them as reflecting four different types of feminist approach to the history of philosophy. The first, “extensionist” approach draws upon the history of philosophy for conceptual resources to understand and explain women's social situation. The second approach is more critical, tracing the pervasiveness of “masculinist” assumptions and biases in the history of philosophy. To call views “masculinist” is to say that they uphold systematic and hierarchical contrasts between masculinity and femininity, contrasts which need not be explicit but may be sustained through contrasts between other ostensibly neutral concepts which actually have tacit gender connotations. This critical approach generates an overwhelmingly negative picture of the philosophical tradition. The third, “essentialist” approach complicates this picture, recovering and highlighting the strands within historical texts which revalorise concepts or items that are given feminine connotations. These often overlooked strands oppose the dominant masculinist tendencies in texts by assigning equal importance and value to “symbolically feminine” concepts. However, proponents of the fourth, “deconstructive” approach object that essentialist readings of philosophical texts accept and reinforce patterns of gender symbolism which feminists ought to challenge. Deconstructive feminists seek to expose and exacerbate the instability within these patterns of gender symbolism by tracing how philosophical texts continuously undermine the gender contrasts present within them.

Taking its cue from the rediscovery of H.D.’s works initiated in the 1980s, this article aims to advance the efforts destined to recover the modernist poet’s revisionist legacy and, in particular, her revisionary myth-making. To this end, adopting a myth-criticism interpretative approach, I will analyse one of the most relevant examples of H.D.’s work in this respect: her lyric poem “Eurydice” (1925). In particular, I will examine H.D.’s ‘tactics of revisionary mythopoesis’, that is, narrative strategies which distance her poem from the dominant account of the myth and that enable the poet to contest the established classical tradition. The examination will ultimately bring to the surface H.D.’s invaluable contribution to the re-shaping and re-writing of myth from a female perspective and the way in which she created a different, subverted, version of the classical account.

When identifying different strands of criticism on Derek Walcott’s play, Dream on Monkey Mountain (1970), one is pleasantly surprised by the scope of theoretical approaches towards his dramatic work. Almost every critical school of literary theory can be found in the writings on Walcott’s play. This diversity in form is paralleled by an even greater variety of content, making it all but impossible to tag Walcott’s drama with a single label. Most critics concur that Dream on Monkey Mountain is a complex play, full of complicated, sometimes, contradictory images and metaphors. Dangling between dreams and reality, Walcott’s play, according to the author of this paper, is a multifaceted narrative. Focusing only on the concept of “dream”, the present article, appreciating and reflecting some of the significant relevant interpretations (all about dreams), tends to add that the identity, thus destiny, of a (colonised) nation is shaped also by their collective unconscious shared in the psychic inheritance of all members of the human family.

Abstract. We investigate the spatial and temporal characteristics of multidecadal climate variability in the North Atlantic realm, using observational data, proxy data and model results. The dominant pattern of multidecadal variability of SST depicts a monopolar structure in the North Atlantic during the instrumental period with cold (warm) phases during 1900–1925 and 1970–1990 (1870–1890 and 1940–1960). Two atmospheric general circulation models of different complexity forced with global SST over the last century show SLP anomaly patterns from the warm and cold phases of the North Atlantic similar to the corresponding observed patterns. The analysis of a sediment core from Cariaco Basin, a coral record from the northern Red Sea, and a long-term sea level pressure (SLP) reconstruction reveals that the multidecadal mode of the atmospheric circulation characterizes climate variability also in the pre-industrial era. The analyses of SLP reconstruction and proxy data depict a persistent atmospheric mode at least over the last 300 years, where SLP shows a dipolar structure in response to monopolar North Atlantic SST, in a similar way as the models' responses do. The combined analysis of observational and proxy data with model experiments provides an understanding of multidecadal climate modes during the late Holocene. The related patterns are useful for the interpretation of proxy data in the North Atlantic realm.

Abstract. We investigate the spatial and temporal characteristics of multidecadal climate variability in the North Atlantic realm, using observational data, proxy data and model results. The dominant pattern of multidecadal variability of SST depicts a monopolar structure in the North Atlantic during the instrumental period with cold (warm) phases during 1900–1925 and 1970–1990 (1870–1890 and 1940–1960). Two atmospheric general circulation models of different complexity forced with global SST over the last century show SLP anomaly patterns from the warm and cold phases of the North Atlantic similar to the corresponding observed patterns. The analysis of a sediment core from Cariaco Basin, a coral record from the northern Red Sea, and a long-term sea level pressure (SLP) reconstruction reveals that the multidecadal mode of the atmospheric circulation characterizes climate variability also in the pre-industrial era. The analyses of SLP reconstruction and proxy data depict a persistent atmospheric mode at least over the last 300 years, where SLP shows a dipolar structure in response to monopolar North Atlantic SST, in a similar way as the models' responses do. The combined analysis of observational and proxy data with model experiments provides an understanding of multidecadal climate modes during the late Holocene. The related patterns are useful for the interpretation of proxy data in the North Atlantic realm.

The subject of this research is the correlation between the policy of neocolonialism and Francophonie in the context of foreign cultural strategy of France in the 1960s. Decolonization forced France to relinquish direct colonial rule and shift towards the policy of &ldquo;cooperation&rdquo; on the basis of bilateral agreements with the developing countries, which regulated intergovernmental relations in various spheres. The idea of the universality of French language and cultural values underlied the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation established in 1970. A crucial role in its establishment was played by the political leaders of African countries, who sought benefit from cooperation with France in terms of the development of young sovereign states. Despite this fact, the activity of Francophonie was the object of criticism, and by some researchers, considered a version of French post-colonialism. Analysis is conducted on different interpretations and approaches towards the terms &ldquo;neo-colonialism&rdquo; and &ldquo;Francophonie&rdquo;. The article employs the unpublished archival documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, which determines the scientific novelty. The authors conclude that the equality sign between neo-colonialism and Francophonie seems unreasoned, since the latter has improved the educational, cultural, scientific and technical standard of living in the young sovereign states, contributed to the establishment of their political and administrative and increase of authority on the world stage. The participation of the developing countries in the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation and the leaders of the Western world &ndash; France and Canada &ndash; consolidated the authority and broadened the experience of the political elite of the third world countries. At the same time, there is no denying that de Gaulle sought to increase the international prestige of the Fifth Republic by strengthening the positions of France in the Francophone world.

The popular historical narrative of the batik Sidoarjo needs to be reexamined based on historical methodology so that there is no historical bias based only on oral stories of the general public. Many studies are trapped in an inaccurate understanding of local historicity. As a result, these various studies have failed to fit batik Sidoarjo into its full context, instead it has become a kind of narrative standardization on its characteristics and history. This study aims to criticize the historical construction that has been popular in relation to the basic understanding of batik Sidoarjo and to explain the position of batik Sidoarjo in the cultural framework of its people. This article is the author's attempt to provide an analysis or explanation that is different from the historical narrative of batik Sidoarjo which is commonly used in various discussions. This research is classified as a qualitative research, using the historical method which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research uses historical and sociological approaches to collect, select, and critically examine historical sources of Sidoarjo batik, resulting in historical facts. The results showed that the historicity of batik Sidoarjo refers to the batik activities in the areas of Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Gajah Mada St. (Peranakans), and Tulangan, all of which have a direct relationship with both Peranakans nor indigenous. Batik Sidoarjo is not framed by traditional rituals, nor is it under the control and domination of the royal aristocracy. Its growth is based on the factor of the economic needs of the supporting community, which tends to be a trading commodity. The presence of other groups of people or nations such as Peranakan Chinese, Indo-European, Dutch, Arabic contributed to the birth of Sidoarjo batik. Keywords: batik, Sidoarjo, historical criticism.AbstrakNarasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang populer perlu dikaji ulang dengan didasari metodologi sejarah sehingga tidak terjadi bias sejarah yang hanya berdasar pada cerita lisan masyarakat umum. Banyak penelitian yang terjebak dalam pemahaman historisitas setempat yang kurang tepat. Akibatnya, berbagai kajian tersebut tidak berhasil mendudukkan batik Sidoarjo sesuai dengan konteksnya secara utuh, malah menjadi semacam standardisasi narasi pada karakteristik maupun sejarahnya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkritisi konstruksi sejarah yang telah populer terkait pemahaman dasar tentang batik Sidoarjo serta menjelaskan kedudukan batik Sidoarjo dalam kerangka budaya masyarakatnya. Artikel ini merupakan upaya penulis untuk memberikan analisis atau paparan yang berbeda dari narasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang umum dilakukan pada berbagai pembahasan. Penelitian ini tergolong dalam penelitian kualitatif, dengan menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis dan sosiologis untuk mengumpulkan, menyeleksi, dan menguji secara kritis sumber-sumber sejarah batik Sidoarjo, sehingga menghasilkan fakta sejarah. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa historisitas batik Sidoarjo merujuk pada aktivitas pembatikan yang ada di wilayah Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Jl. Gajah Mada (China Peranakan), dan Tulangan yang kesemuanya saling terkait memiliki hubungan langsung baik itu pembatikan China peranakan maupun pribumi. Batik Sidoarjo tidak dikerangkai oleh ritual adat, juga tidak di bawah kendali dan dominasi aristokrasi kraton. Pertumbuhannya didasari faktor kebutuhan ekonomi masyarakat pendukungnya, sifatnya cenderung merupakan komoditas dagang. Hadirnya golongan masyarakat atau bangsa lain seperti China Peranakan, Indo-Eropa, Belanda, Arab turut berpengaruh melahirkan batik Sidoarjo.Kata Kunci: batik, Sidoarjo, kritik sejarah. Author:Asy Syams Elya Ahmad : Universitas Negeri Surabaya References:Abbas, Irwan. (2014). Memahami Metodologi Sejarah antara Teori dan Praktek. ETNOHISTORI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kebudayaan dan Kesejerahan, 1(1), 33–41.Abdurrahman, Dudung. (1999). Metode Penelitian Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Logos.Ahmad, Asy Syams Elya. (2013). Kajian Estetik Batik Sidoarjo. Tesis. Tidak Diterbitkan. Bandung: Program Studi Magister Desain, Institut Teknologi Bandung.Anas, Biranul, Hasanuddin, Ratna Panggabean, Yanyan Sunarya. (1997). Indonesia Indah-Buku ke 8; “Batik”. Jakarta: Yayasan Harapan Kita/BP 3 TMII.Anshori, Yusak & Kusrianto, Adi. (2011). Keeksotisan Batik Jawa Timur. 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The cognitive specificity of social pedagogy is its interest in the issues related to social conditionings of human development and, respectively, the specific social conditionings of the upbringing process. The notion has been developed in various directions since the very beginning of the discipline, yet the most clearly visible area seems to be the functioning of individuals, families and broader environment. Simultaneously, it is possible to observe that the issues have been entangled in certain socio-political conditions, the knowledge of which is substantial for the reconstruction and identification of the research heritage of social pedagogy. All these interrelationships allowed to distinguish particular stages of development of social pedagogy. Contemporarily, it is a discipline with descent scientific achievements which marks out and indicates new perspectives both in the field of educational practice and the theory of social activity. Social pedagogy, similarly to other areas (subdisciplines) of pedagogy, deals with the notion of upbringing in a certain aspect – in a certain problem inclination. It specializes in social and environmental conditionings of the upbringing process. It is the thread of the social context of upbringing what proves to be the crucial, basic and fundamental determinant of upbringing and, thus, decisive factor for human development. This notion was always present in the general pedagogical thought however, its organized and rationalized character surfaced only when the social pedagogy was distinguished as a separate, systematic area of pedagogy. It occurred in Poland only at the beginning of the 19th century. From the very beginning the creators and precursors of this subdiscipline pointed out its relatively wide range. It has been the notion of individual – social conditionings of human development, yet, social pedagogists were interested in human at every stage of their lives i.e. childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age. Another area of interest were the issues related to family as the most important “place” of human development and, in this respect, the issues connected with institutions undertaking various activities: help, care, support and animation. Finally, the scope of interest included issues related to the environment as the place where the upbringing process is supposed to realize and realizes. Since the very beginning of social pedagogy these have been the prominent threads for exploration. At the same time it ought to be stated that these threads have always been interwoven with various social-political conditions both with regards to their interpretation as well as possible and planned educational practice. Therefore social pedagogy and its findings must be always “read” in the context of social-political conditions which accompanied the creation of a given thought or realization of some educational practice. As these conditions have constantly been undergoing certain transformations one may clearly distinguish particular stages of development of social pedagogy. The stages reflect various approaches to exploring and describing the above-mentioned areas of this discipline. Following the assumptions regarding the chronology of social pedagogy development and the three distinguished stages of development, it seems worthwhile to study how the issues related to an individual, family and environment were shaped at these stages. The first stage when the social psychology was arising was mainly the time of Helena Radlińska’s activities as well as less popular and already forgotten Polish pedagogists – precursors of this discipline such as: Anna Chmielewska, Irena Jurgielewiczowa, Zofia Gulińska or Maria Korytowska. In that period social pedagogists mainly dealt with individuals, families and the functioning of environments in the context of educational activities aimed at arousing national identity and consciousness. However, their work did no focus on indicating the layers of threats and deficits in functioning of individuals, social groups or families but on the possibilities to stimulate their development and cultural life. Therefore social pedagogy of those times was not as strongly related to social work as it currently is but dealt mainly with educational work. The classic example of such approach in the research carried out in the social pedagogy of that time may be the early works by Helena Radlińska who undertook the narrow field of cultural-educational work targeted to all categories of people. The works described such issues as the organization of libraries, organizing extra-school education (H. Orsza, 1922, H. Orsza-Radlińska, 1925). It ought to be stated that this kind of work was regarded as public and educational work, whereas currently it exists under the name of social work. Frequently quoted works related to the issues of arising social pedagogy were also the works by Eustachy Nowicki e.g. “Extra-school education and its social-educational role in the contemporary Polish life” from 1923 or the works by Stefania Sempołowska, Jerzy Grodecki or Jadwiga Dziubińska. Such an approach and tendencies are clearly visible in a book from 1913 (a book which has been regarded by some pedagogists as the first synthetic presentation of social pedagogy). It is a group work entitled “Educational work – its tasks, methods and organization” (T. Bobrowski, Z. Daszyńska-Golińska, J. Dziubińska, Z. Gargasa, M. Heilperna, Z. Kruszewska, L. Krzywicki, M. Orsetti, H. Orsza, St. Posner, M. Stępkowski, T. Szydłowski, Wł. Weychert-Szymanowska, 1913). The problem of indicated and undertaken research areas and hence, the topics of works realized by the social pedagogists of that times changed immediately after regaining independence and before World War II. It was the time when the area of social pedagogists interests started to include the issues of social inequality, poverty and, subsequently, the possibility of helping (with regards to the practical character of social pedagogy). The research works undertaken by social pedagogists were clearly of diagnostic, practical and praxeological character. They were aimed at seeking the causes of these phenomena with simultaneous identification and exploration of certain environmental factors as their sources. A classic example of such a paper – created before the war – under the editorial management of H. Radlińska was the work entitled “Social causes of school successes and failures” from 1937 (H. Radlińska, 1937). Well known are also the pre-war works written by the students of H. Radlińska which revealed diagnostic character such as: “The harm of a child” by Maria Korytowska (1937) or “A child of Polish countryside” edited by M. Librachowa and published in Warsaw in 1934 (M. Librachowa, 1934). Worthwhile are also the works by Czesław Wroczyński from 1935 entitled “Care of an unmarried mother and struggle against abandoning infants in Warsaw” or the research papers by E. Hryniewicz, J. Ryngmanowa and J. Czarnecka which touched upon the problem of neglected urban and rural families and the situation of an urban and rural child – frequently an orphaned child. As it may be inferred, the issues of poverty, inefficient families, single-parent families remain current and valid also after the World War II. These phenomena where nothing but an outcome of various war events and became the main point of interest for researchers. Example works created in the circle of social pedagogists and dealing with these issues may be two books written in the closest scientific environment of Helena Radlińska – with her immense editorial impact. They are “Orphanage – scope and compensation” (H. Radlińska, J. Wojtyniak, 1964) and “Foster families in Łódź” (A. Majewska, 1948), both published immediately after the war. Following the chronological approach I adopted, the next years mark the beginning of a relative stagnation in the research undertaken in the field of social pedagogy. Especially the 50’s – the years of notably strong political indoctrination and the Marxist ideological offensive which involved building the so called socialist educational society – by definition free from socio-educational problems in public life. The creation and conduction of research in this period was also hindered due to organizational and institutional reasons. The effect of the mentioned policy was also the liquidation of the majority of social sciences including research facilities – institutes, departments and units. An interesting and characteristic description of the situation may be the statement given by Professor J. Auletner who described the period from the perspective of development of social policy and said that: “During the Stalinist years scientific cultivation of social policy was factually forbidden”. During the period of real socialism it becomes truly difficult to explore the science of social policy. The name became mainly the synonym of the current activity of the state and a manifestation of struggles aimed at maintaining the existing status quo. The state authorities clearly wanted to subdue the science of social activities of the state […]. During the real socialism neither the freedom for scientific criticism of the reality nor the freedom of research in the field of social sciences existed. It was impossible (yet deliberated) to carry out a review of poverty and other drastic social issues” (J. Auletner, 2000). The situation changes at the beginning of the 60’s (which marks the second stage of development of social pedagogy) when certain socio-political transformations – on the one hand abandoning the limitation of the Stalinist period (1953 – the death of Stalin and political thaw), on the other – reinforcement of the idea of socialist education in social sciences lead to resuming environmental research. It was simultaneously the period of revival of Polish social pedagogy with regards to its institutional dimension as well as its ideological self-determination (M. Cichosz, 2006, 2014). The issues of individuals, families and environments was at that time explored with regards to the functioning of educational environments and in the context of exploring the environmental conditionings of the upbringing process. Typical examples here may be the research by Helena Izdebska entitled “The functioning of a family and childcare tasks” (H. Izdebska, 1967) and “The causes of conflicts in a family” (H. Izdebska, 1975) or research conducted by Anna Przecławska on adolescents and their participation in culture: “Book, youth and cultural transformations” (A. Przecławska, 1967) or e.g. “Cultural diversity of adolescents against upbringing problems” (A. Przecławska, 1976). A very frequent notion undertaken at that time and remaining within the scope of the indicated areas were the issues connected with organization and use of free time. This may be observed through research by T. Wujek: “Homework and active leisure of a student” (T. Wujek, 1969). Another frequently explored area was the problem of looking after children mainly in the papers by Albin Kelm or Marian Balcerek. It is worthwhile that the research on individuals, families or environments were carried out as part of the current pedagogical concepts of that time like: parallel education, permanent education, lifelong learning or the education of adults, whereas, the places indicated as the areas of human social functioning in which the environmental education took place were: family, school, housing estate, workplace, social associations. It may be inferred that from a certain (ideological) perspective at that time we witnessed a kind of modeling of social reality as, on the one hand particular areas were diagnosed, on the other – a desired (expected) model was built (designed) (with respect to the pragmatic function of practical pedagogy). A group work entitled “Upbringing and environment” edited by B. Passini and T. Pilch (B. Passini, T. Pilch, 1979) published in 1979 was a perfect illustration of these research areas. It ought to be stated that in those years a certain model of social diagnosis proper for undertaken social-pedagogical research was reinforced (M. Deptuła, 2005). Example paper could be the work by I. Lepalczyk and J. Badura entitled: “Elements of pedagogical diagnostics” (I. Lepalczyk, J. Badura, 1987). Finally, the social turning point in the 80’s and 90’s brought new approaches to the research on individuals, families and environments which may be considered as the beginning of the third stage of the development of social pedagogy. Breaking off the idea of socialist education meant abandoning the specific approach to research on the educational environment previously carried out within a holistic system of socio-educational influences (A. Przecławska, w. Theiss, 1995). The issues which dominated in the 90’s and still dominate in social pedagogy with regards to the functioning of individuals, families and local environments have been the issues connected with social welfare and security as well as education of adults. Research papers related to such approach may be the work by Józefa Brągiel: “Upbringing in a single-parent family” from 1990; the work edited by Zofia Brańka “The subjects of care and upbringing” from 2002 or a previous paper written in 1998 by the same author in collaboration with Mirosław Szymański “Aggression and violence in modern world” published in 1999 as well as the work by Danuta Marzec “Childcare at the time of social transformations” from 1999 or numerous works by St. Kawula, A. Janke. Also a growing interest in social welfare and social work is visible in the papers by J. Brągiel and P. Sikora “Social work, multiplicity of perspectives, family – multiculturalism – education” from 2004, E. Kanwicz and A. Olubiński: “Social activity in social welfare at the threshold of 21st century” from 2004 or numerous works on this topic created by the circles gathered around the Social Pedagogy Faculty in Łódź under the management of E. Marynowicz-Hetka. Current researchers also undertake the issues related to childhood (B. Smolińska-Theiss, 2014, B. Matyjas, 2014) and the conditionings of the lives of seniors (A. Baranowska, E. Kościńska, 2013). Ultimately, among the presented, yet not exclusive, research areas related to particular activities undertaken in human life environment (individuals, families) and fulfilled within the field of caregiving, social welfare, adult education, socio-cultural animation or health education one may distinguish the following notions:  the functioning of extra-school education institutions, most frequently caregiving or providing help such as: orphanage, residential home, dormitory, community centre but also facilities aimed at animating culture like youth cultural centres, cultural centres, clubs etc.,  the functioning of school, the realization of its functions (especially educational care), fulfilling and conditioning roles of student/teacher, the functioning of peer groups, collaboration with other institutions,  the functioning (social conditionings) of family including various forms of families e.g. full families, single-parent families, separated families, families at risk (unemployment) and their functioning in the context of other institutions e.g. school,  social pathologies, the issues of violence and aggression, youth subcultures,  participation in culture, leisure time, the role of media,  the functioning of the seniors – animation of activities in this field,  various dimensions of social welfare, support, providing help, the conditionings of functioning of such jobs as the social welfare worker, culture animator, voluntary work. It might be concluded that the issues connected with individuals, families and environment have been the centre of interest of social pedagogy since the very beginning of this discipline. These were the planes on which social pedagogists most often identified and described social life – from the perspective of human participation. On the course of describing the lives of individuals, families and broader educational environments social pedagogists figured out and elaborated on particular methods and ways of diagnosing social life. Is it possible to determine any regularities or tendencies in this respect? Unquestionably, at the initial stage of existence of this discipline, aimed at stimulating national consciousness and subsequent popularization of cultural achievements through certain activities – social and educational work, social pedagogists built certain models of these undertakings which were focused on stimulating particular social activity and conscious participation in social life. The issues concerning social diagnosis, though not as significant as during other stages, served these purposes and hence were, to a certain extent, ideologically engaged. The situation changed significantly before and shortly after the World War II. Facing particular conditions of social life – increase in many unfavourable phenomena, social pedagogists attempted to diagnose and describe them. It seems to have been the period of clear shaping and consolidation of the accepted model of empirical research in this respect. The model was widely accepted as dominating and has been developed in Polish social pedagogy during the second and subsequent stages of developing of this discipline. Practical and praxeological character of social pedagogy became the main direction of this development. Consequently, social diagnosis realized and undertaken with regard to social pedagogy was associated with the idea of a holistic system of education and extra-school educational influences and related educational environments. Therefore, the more and more clearly emphasized goal of environmental research – forecasting, was associated with the idea of building holistic, uniform educational impacts. After the systemic transformation which occurred in Poland in the 90’s, i.e. the third stage of social pedagogy development, abandoning the previous ideological solutions, environmental research including diagnosis was reassociated with social life problems mainly regarding social welfare and security. Individuals, families and environment have been and still seem to be the subject of research in the field of social pedagogy in Poland. These research areas are structurally bound with its acquired paradigm – of a science describing transformations of social life and formulating a directive of practical conduct regarding these transformations. A question arouses about the development of social pedagogy as the one which charts the direction of transformations of practices within the undertaken research areas. If it may be considered as such, then it would be worthwhile to enquire about the directions of the accepted theoretical acknowledgments. On the one hand we may observe a relatively long tradition of specifically elaborated and developed concepts, on the other – there are still new challenges ahead. Observing the previous and current development of Polish social pedagogy it may be inferred that its achievements are not overextensive with regards to the described and acquired theoretical deliberations. Nevertheless, from the very beginning, it has generated certain, specific theoretical solutions attempting to describe and explain particular areas of social reality. Especially noteworthy is the first period of the existence of this discipline, the period of such social pedagogists like i.a. J.W. Dawid, A. Szycówna, I. Moszczeńska or Helena Radlińska. The variety of the reflections with typically philosophical background undertaken in their works (e.g. E. Abramowski) is stunning. Equally involving is the second stage of development of social pedagogy i.e. shortly after the World War II, when Polish social pedagogy did not fully break with the heritage of previous philosophical reflections (A. Kamiński, R. Wroczyński) yet was developed in the Marxist current. A question arouses whether the area of education and the projects of its functioning of that time were also specific with regards to theory (it seems to be the problem of the whole Socialist pedagogy realised in Poland at that time). The following years of development of this discipline, especially at the turn of 80’s and 90’s was the period of various social ideas existing in social pedagogy – the influences of various concepts and theories in this field. The extent to which they were creatively adapted and included in the current of specific interpretations still requires detailed analysis, yet remains clearly visible. Another important area is the field of confronting the theories with the existing and undertaken solutions in the world pedagogy. A. Radziewicz-Winnicki refers to the views of the representatives of European and world social thought: P. Bourdieu, U. Beck, J. Baudrillard, Z. Bauman and M. Foucault, and tries to identify possible connections and relationships between these ideas and social pedagogy: “the ideas undertaken by the mentioned sociologists undoubtedly account for a significant source of inspiration for practical reflection within social pedagogy. Therefore, it is worthwhile to suggest certain propositions of their application in the field of the mentioned subdiscipline of pedagogy” (Radziewicz-Winnicki 2008). The contemporary social pedagogy in Poland constantly faces numerous challenges. W. Theiss analysed the contemporary social pedagogy with regards to its deficiencies but also the challenges imposed by globalisation and wrote: “Modern social pedagogy focuses mainly on the narrow empirical research and narrow practical activity and neglects research in the field of theory functioning separately from the realms of the global (or globalising) world or pays insufficient attention to these problems. It leads to a certain self-marginalisation of our discipline which leaves us beyond the current of main socio-educational problems of modern times. In this respect, it seems worthwhile and necessary to carry out intensive conceptual and research work focused on e.g. the following issues:  metatheory of social pedagogy and its relationship with modern trends in social sciences;  the concepts of human and the world, the concepts of the hierarchy of values;  the theory of upbringing, the theory of socialization, the theory of educational environment;  a conceptual key of the modern reality; new terms and new meanings of classical concepts;  socio-educational activities with direct and indirect macro range e.g. balanced development and its programmes, global school, intercultural education, inclusive education, professional education of emigrants”. Considering the currently undertaken research in this field and the accepted theoretical perspectives it is possible to indicate specific and elaborated concepts. They fluctuate around structural spheres of social pedagogy on the axis: human – environment – environmental transformations. It accounts for an ontological sphere of the acknowledged concepts and theories. Below, I am enumerating the concepts which are most commonly discussed in social pedagogy with regards to the acquired and accepted model. Currently discussed theoretical perspectives (contexts) in social pedagogy and the concepts within. I. The context of social personal relationships  social participation, social presence;  social communication, interaction;  reciprocity. II. The context of social activities (the organization of environment)  institutionalisation;  modernization;  urbanization. III. The context of environment  space;  place;  locality. The socially conditioned process of human development is a process which constantly undergoes transformations. The pedagogical description of this process ought to include these transformations also at the stage of formulating directives of practical activities – the educational practice. It is a big challenge for social pedagogy to simultaneously do not undergo limitations imposed by current social policy and response to real social needs. It has been and remains a very important task for social pedagogy.

In a study on the material of Ukrainian, in particular, Kharkiv, periodicals, an attempt was made to reconstruct the play by N. Erdman “The Mandate”. This is one of the most popular stagings in the national theater repertoire of the 1925/1926 season. The scientific novelty of the work is due to the fact that the problems of reception and interpretation of “The Mandate” play by the Ukrainian theater critics of the 1920s have not yet become the subject of a special scientific study. The research methodology consists of applying an integrated approach, in particular, using historical, cultural, typological, and intertextual methods for the analysis. This approach allowed us to get an idea of such components of the staging as the director’s, actors’ activities, and the audience’s reaction. In addition, an attempt was made to classify domestic theater criticism of the 1920s. It is shown that the director’s theater influenced the writers. However, despite the commitment of critics to a particular aesthetic system, the sociological trend dominated in their comments, which often led to simplified perception and interpretation. It has been established that the emergence of the Ukrainian stage history of “The Mandate” is primarily due to the repertoire crisis of domestic theaters, the lack of plays, with the exception of M. Kulish’s works, that would reflect contemporary life, reproduced the Soviet life on a scene. Filling the repertoire lacunae with plays that were successful on the stages of the capital's theaters, the newly formed groups, in particular, the Chervonozavodskyi Theater in Kharkiv, tried to acknowledge their professionalism. The principles and limits of the director’s “interference” in the art world of the play did not always correspond to the plan of the playwright and were due to the desire to establish a link between art and life. In general, the theatrical season of 1925/1926, in terms of saturation with theatrical premieres, affirmed the beginning of a new era in the Ukrainian theater and, as a result, in the Ukrainian theater criticism.

The article discusses the features of the concept of Ukrainian literature teacher and professor of KhINO, the head of the department of the history of Ukrainian literature (1933–1936) of the Kharkov University V. Koryak (1889–1937). His aesthetic views combined Marxism, sociological criticism and the ideas of building “proletarian culture”. The sociological concept of the dynamics of the national literary process and the interpretation of works of art reflected the Marxist approach to the analysis of writing and significantly influenced the Ukrainian literary criticism of the 1920s, as well as its further transformations during the period of “socialist realism”. V. Koryak taught at KhINO since 1925, and having defended his thesis, he first became the so-called “red professor”, from 1927 - a visiting professor, while continuing to teach the course of history of Ukrainian literature. He was also the head of the Soviet literature room at the T. G. Shevchenko Institute of Literature, and from 1933 to 1936, after the restoration of Kharkov University, he headed the department of the history of Ukrainian literature. The basic terms of the sociological concept of V. Koryak were made public in the textbook of Ukrainian Literature (1928), which was used to teach this subject. This course was the first attempt to synthesize the problematic issues of "Marxist literary criticism" to create an original concept of the history of Ukrainian literature based on the sociological method. Negative and positive features of V. Koryak’s literary-critical concept were reflected to the greatest extent in his interpretation of T. G. Shevchenko’s works. A significant amount of his extraordinary ideas can also be traced in the interpretation of the works of other Ukrainian writers.

At their peak, theories of underdevelopment and dependency guided social research in the most varied dimensions of life. The rapid increase in urban inequality was one of the main drivers of criticism of capitalist development in peripheral countries and gave rise to analyses of dependent urbanization. This interpretation was interrupted in the late 1970s with the crisis of dependency theory, the main reason for which was the political defeat of the continent’s new left. This rescue of this analytical matrix and its combination with current Marxist studies of the capitalist production of the city offer a more precise categorization of underdevelopment and greater refinement in dealing with levels of abstraction. It is now feasible to better situate existing links between dependency and urban development and thus to establish a dialogue with recent analytical contributions on urban development. This dialogue opens a path for the theoretical and methodological evolution of urban studies in peripheral countries. Em seu auge as teorias do subdesenvolvimento e dependência orientaram as investigações sociais nas mais variadas dimensões da vida. O acelerado aumento da desigualdade urbana foi um dos principais impulsionadores da crítica ao desenvolvimento capitalista nos países periféricos e deu origem às análises da urbanização dependente. Essa construção foi interrompida no final da década de 1970 com a crise da teoria da dependência cuja principal razão identificamos na derrota política da nova esquerda no continente. O resgate dessa matriz analítica e seu encontro com os atuais estudos marxistas da produção capitalista da cidade oferece atualmente uma categorização mais precisa do subdesenvolvimento e maior refinamento no trato dos níveis de abstração. Torna-se possível localizar melhor as mediações existentes entre a dependência e o urbano e, com isso, estabelecer um diálogo com as recentes contribuições analíticas sobre o urbano. Deste diálogo abre-se uma alameda para a evolução teórica-metodológica dos estudos urbanos nos países periféricos.

Artiklis vaatlen olmekirjanduse nimelist nähtust – 1970. ja 1980. aastate vahetusel Nõukogude Eestis ilmunud romaane, mille keskseks teemaks olid kaasaegsed sugudevahelised suhted. Asetan olmekirjanduse kitsalt eesti kirjanduspildist laiemale, üleliidulisele taustale, mida kujundavad paljuski sotsioloogia areng ning selle keskajakirjanduslik kajastus. Muuhulgas sõna emantsipatsioon kasutuse kaudu teostes näitan romaanide käsitluslaadi vastavust kaasaegsele ajakirjanduslikule käsitluslaadile. Seeläbi paigutan romaanid ajakirjandusega ühte, „hilisnõukogude liberaalsesse kriitilisse diskursusse“, kus võim ja vastupanu, nõukogulikkus ja ebanõukogulikkus on tihedasti läbi põimunud. In this article, I examine a phenomenon known as 'everyday literature' (olmekirjandus)—novels published in Soviet Estonia at the turn of the 1970s—1980s. By name, these novels could be expected to depict contemporary everyday life, whereas they really focus on gender relations, marital and especially extramarital relationships. Contemporary criticism did not value such books highly; nevertheless, they stood out as a corpus and succeeded in evoking a discussion. In retrospect, everyday novels have been interpreted as a particular incarnation of light/lowbrow literature, as timid harbingers of postmodernism, and as proto-feminist works. While these interpretations all have their grounds, they operate in a narrower context of Estonian (national) literature. In this article, I set everyday novels on a wider background of the cultural situation in the contemporary Soviet Union.This situation was heavily influenced by the rebirth of sociology and its reflections in print media. Having been banned meanwhile since the middle of the 1950s, sociology again became a permitted discipline in the Soviet Union. Among prominent areas of study were matters concerning the private sphere: family life and gender dynamics. That in turn gave rise to an extensive discussion of gender relations and “the woman question” in contemporary print media—in newspapers, culture magazines and popular science magazines. The discourse was one of sharp antagonism, tending to ridicule the state-endorsed slogan of women’s emancipation and gender equality, and to pit men and women against one another.I argue that the vocabulary and the general approach of everyday novels closely corresponds to that of the print media, and acknowledging this allows for the most fruitful interpretation of these works. I demonstrate the close proximity of the novels to media accounts, describing the general problem settings of the novels and, more closely, the use of the very word 'emancipation' itself. Both novels and media texts feature the so-called emancipated woman and her (lacking) counterpart – either an irresponsible womanizer or a weak drunkard of a man. Neither male or female characters are content with the situation and while the blame may shift from one party to another, in novels as well as in media accounts, the phenomenon of emancipation itself is considered a negative, but most importantly, a ridiculous thing.The corpus seems to have awoken opposite intuitions already in its contemporary audience. As most often the case with the literature of the Soviet era, a question of conformism and resistance, of Sovietness and anti-Sovietness has implicitly coloured the discussions of everyday literature. On the one hand, the novels were considered petty, taking on subjects familiar from print media and offering no new depths in their approach. The latter was perhaps most clearly expressed in a 1980 piece by Rein Veidemann that gives its name to the current article, “On the nature, meaning, and function of everyday literature”; according to an exile Estonian reviewer’s ironic comment, everyday novels exemplified the truest socialist realism. On the other hand, they were read very widely and succeeded in stirring up a controversy, thus proving to be at least somewhat unconventional in the time and place of their publication. An evident reason are open references to sexual matters; however, it is not irrelevant that they touched upon the problems of changing gender relations, even if the analysis they offered did not satisfy the audience.In addition to sketching out the general power relations of Soviet Russia and Soviet Estonia, and pointing out the influence of the central Soviet print media on Estonian culture, the framework of postcolonial studies emphasizes that Sovietness and anti-Sovietness does not have to be an either/or question—those seemingly opposite intuitions may well thrive side by side. Drawing a parallel between the novels and media texts among other things allows them to be placed within the 'late Soviet liberal critical discourse', a term used to describe the metaphor-laden media discourse of the 1970s—1980s Soviet Union. This discourse is simultaneously a locus of conformism and resistance, avoiding certain taboo subjects and displaying fiercely critical attitudes toward other, more “harmless” subjects as a manner of managing the dissatisfaction of the Soviet citizen; whereas “the woman question” has been argued to be namely one of such token subjects. Positioning the novels within the late Soviet liberal critical discourse similarly on the one hand blocks the interpretation of the novels as something unprecedented and, no less, subversive and dissident or even implicitly nationalist; on the other hand, it does not completely cut off their critical potential.

Anyone contemplating the role of a “hermeneutics of suspicion” in literary and cultural studies must concede that the phrase is rarely used—even by its most devout practitioners, who usually think of themselves engaged in something called “critique.” What, then, are the terminological differences between “critique” and “the hermeneutics of suspicion”? What intellectual worlds do these specific terms conjure up, and how do these worlds converge or diverge? And what is the rationale for preferring one term over the other?The “hermeneutics of suspicion” is a phrase coined by Paul Ricoeur to capture a common spirit that pervades the writings of Marx, Freud, and Nietzsche. In spite of their obvious differences, he argued, these thinkers jointly constitute a “school of suspicion.” That is to say, they share a commitment to unmasking “the lies and illusions of consciousness;” they are the architects of a distinctively modern style of interpretation that circumvents obvious or self-evident meanings in order to draw out less visible and less flattering truths (Ricoeur 356). Ricoeur’s term has sustained an energetic after-life within religious studies, as well as in philosophy, intellectual history, and related fields, yet it never really took hold in literary studies. Why has a field that has devoted so much of its intellectual energy to interrogating, subverting, and defamiliarising found so little use for Ricoeur’s phrase?In general, we can note that hermeneutics remains a path not taken in Anglo-American literary theory. The tradition of hermeneutical thinking is rarely acknowledged (how often do you see Gadamer or Ricoeur taught in a theory survey?), let alone addressed, assimilated, or argued over. Thanks to a lingering aura of teutonic stodginess, not to mention its long-standing links with a tradition of biblical interpretation, hermeneutics was never able to muster the intellectual edginess and high-wattage excitement generated by various forms of poststructuralism. Even the work of Gianni Vattimo, one of the most innovative and prolific of contemporary hermeneutical thinkers, has barely registered in the mainstream of literary and cultural studies. On occasion, to be sure, hermeneutics crops up as a synonym for a discredited model of “depth” interpretation—the dogged pursuit of a hidden true meaning—that has supposedly been superseded by more sophisticated forms of thinking. Thus the ascent of poststructuralism, it is sometimes claimed, signaled a turn away from hermeneutics to deconstruction and genealogy—leading to a focus on surface rather than depth, on structure rather than meaning, on analysis rather than interpretation. The idea of suspicion has fared little better. While Ricoeur’s account of a hermeneutics of suspicion is respectful, even admiring, critics are understandably leery of having their lines of argument reduced to their putative state of mind. The idea of a suspicious hermeneutics can look like an unwarranted personalisation of scholarly work, one that veers uncomfortably close to Harold Bloom’s tirades against the “School of Resentment” and other conservative complaints about literary studies as a hot-bed of paranoia, kill-joy puritanism, petty-minded pique, and defensive scorn. Moreover, the anti-humanist rhetoric of much literary theory—its resolute focus on transpersonal and usually linguistic structures of determination—proved inhospitable to any serious reflections on attitude, disposition, or affective stance.The concept of critique, by contrast, turns out to be marred by none of these disadvantages. An unusually powerful, flexible and charismatic idea, it has rendered itself ubiquitous and indispensable in literary and cultural studies. Critique is widely seen as synonymous with intellectual rigor, theoretical sophistication, and intransigent opposition to the status quo. Drawing a sense of intellectual weightiness from its connections to the canonical tradition of Kant and Marx, it has managed, nonetheless, to retain a cutting-edge sensibility, retooling itself to fit the needs of new fields ranging from postcolonial theory to disability studies. Critique is contagious and charismatic, drawing everything around it into its field of force, marking the boundaries of what counts as serious thought. For many scholars in the humanities, it is not just one good thing but the only conceivable thing. Who would want to be associated with the bad smell of the uncritical? There are five facets of critique (enumerated and briefly discussed below) that characterise its current role in literary and cultural studies and that have rendered critique an exceptionally successful rhetorical-cultural actor. Critique, that is to say, inspires intense attachments, serves as a mediator in numerous networks, permeates disciplines and institutional structures, spawns conferences, essays, courses, and book proposals, and triggers countless imitations, translations, reflections, revisions, and rebuttals (including the present essay). While nurturing a sense of its own marginality, iconoclasm, and outsiderdom, it is also exceptionally effective at attracting disciples, forging alliances, inspiring mimicry, and ensuring its own survival. In “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?” Bruno Latour remarks that critique has been so successful because it assures us that we are always right—unlike those naïve believers whose fetishes we strive to expose (225–48). At the same time, thanks to its self-reflexivity, the rhetoric of critique is more tormented and self-divided than such a description would suggest; it broods constantly over the shame of its own success, striving to detect signs of its own complicity and to root out all possible evidence of collusion with the status quo.Critique is negative. Critique retains the adversarial force of a suspicious hermeneutics, while purifying it of affective associations by treating negativity as an essentially philosophical or political matter. To engage in critique is to grapple with the oversights, omissions, contradictions, insufficiencies, or evasions in the object one is analysing. Robert Koch writes that “critical discourse, as critical discourse, must never formulate positive statements: it is always ‘negative’ in relation to its object” (531). Critique is characterised by its “againstness,” by its desire to take a hammer, as Latour would say, to the beliefs of others. Faith is to be countered with vigilant skepticism, illusion yields to a sobering disenchantment, the fetish must be defetishised, the dream world stripped of its befuddling powers. However, the negativity of critique is not just a matter of fault-finding, scolding, and censuring. The nay-saying critic all too easily calls to mind the Victorian patriarch, the thin-lipped schoolmarm, the glaring policeman. Negating is tangled up with a long history of legislation, prohibition and interdiction—it can come across as punitive, arrogant, authoritarian, or vitriolic. In consequence, defenders of critique often downplay its associations with outright condemnation. It is less a matter of refuting particular truths than of scrutinising the presumptions and procedures through which truths are established. A preferred idiom is that of “problematising,” of demonstrating the ungroundedness of beliefs rather than denouncing errors. The role of critique is not to castigate, but to complicate, not to engage in ideas’ destruction but to expose their cultural construction. Barbara Johnson, for example, contends that a critique of a theoretical system “is not an examination of its flaws and imperfections” (xv). Rather, “the critique reads backwards from what seems natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal in order to show that these things have their history” and to show that the “start point is not a (natural) given, but a (cultural) construct, usually blind to itself” (Johnson xv–xvi). Yet it seems a tad disingenuous to describe such critique as free of negative judgment and the examination of flaws. Isn’t an implicit criticism being transmitted in Johnson’s claim that a cultural construct is “usually blind to itself”? And the adjectival chain “natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal” strings together some of the most negatively weighted words in contemporary criticism. A posture of detachment, in other words, can readily convey a tacit or implicit judgment, especially when it is used to probe the deep-seated convictions, primordial passions, and heart-felt attachments of others. In this respect, the ongoing skirmishes between ideology critique and poststructuralist critique do not over-ride their commitment to a common ethos: a sharply honed suspicion that goes behind the backs of its interlocutors to retrieve counter-intuitive and uncomplimentary meanings. “You do not know that you are ideologically-driven, historically determined, or culturally constructed,” declares the subject of critique to the object of critique, “but I do!” As Marcelo Dascal points out, the supposedly non-evaluative stance of historical or genealogical argument nevertheless retains a negative or demystifying force in tracing ideas back to causes invisible to the actors themselves (39–62).Critique is secondary. A critique is always a critique of something, a commentary on another argument, idea, or object. Critique does not vaunt its self-sufficiency, independence, and autotelic splendor; it makes no pretense of standing alone. It could not function without something to critique, without another entity to which it reacts. Critique is symbiotic; it does its thinking by responding to the thinking of others. But while secondary, critique is far from subservient. It seeks to wrest from a text a different account than it gives of itself. In doing so, it assumes that it will meet with, and overcome, a resistance. If there were no resistance, if the truth were self-evident and available for all to see, the act of critique would be superfluous. Its goal is not the slavish reconstruction of an original or true meaning but a counter-reading that brings previously unfathomed insights to light. The secondariness of critique is not just a logical matter—critique presumes the existence of a prior object—but also a temporal one. Critique comes after another text; it follows or succeeds another piece of writing. Critique, then, looks backward and, in doing so, it presumes to understand the past better than the past understands itself. Hindsight becomes insight; from our later vantage point, we feel ourselves primed to see better, deeper, further. The belatedness of critique is transformed into a source of iconoclastic strength. Scholars of Greek tragedy or Romantic poetry may mourn their inability to inhabit a vanished world, yet this historical distance is also felt as a productive estrangement that allows critical knowledge to unfold. Whatever the limitations of our perspective, how can we not know more than those who have come before? We moderns leave behind us a trail of errors, finally corrected, like a cloud of ink from a squid, remarks Michel Serres (48). There is, in short, a quality of historical chauvinism built into critique, making it difficult to relinquish a sense of in-built advantage over those lost souls stranded in the past. Critique likes to have the last word. Critique is intellectual. Critique often insists on its difference from everyday practices of criticism and judgment. While criticism evaluates a specific object, according to one definition, “critique is concerned to identify the conditions of possibility under which a domain of objects appears” (Butler 109). Critique is interested in big pictures, cultural frameworks, underlying schema. It is a mode of thought well matched to the library and seminar room, to a rhythm of painstaking inquiry rather than short-term problem-solving. It “slows matters down, requires analysis and reflection, and often raises questions rather than providing answers” (Ruitenberg 348). Critique is thus irresistibly drawn toward self-reflexive thinking. Its domain is that of second-level observation, in which we reflect on the frames, paradigms, and perspectives that form and inform our understanding. Even if objectivity is an illusion, how can critical self-consciousness not trump the available alternatives? This questioning of common sense is also a questioning of common language: self-reflexivity is a matter of form as well as content, requiring the deployment of what Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb call “difficult language” that can undermine or “un-write” the discourses that make up our world (1–14). Along similar lines, Paul Bove allies himself with a “tradition that insists upon difficulty, slowness, complex, often dialectical and highly ironic styles,” as an essential antidote to the “prejudices of the current regime of truth: speed, slogans, transparency, and reproducibility” (167). Critique, in short, demands an arduous working over of language, a stoic refusal of the facile phrase and ready-made formula. Yet such programmatic divisions between critique and common sense have the effect of relegating ordinary language to a state of automatic servitude, while condescending to those unschooled in the patois of literary and critical theory. Perhaps it is time to reassess the dog-in-the-manger attitude of a certain style of academic argument—one that assigns to scholars the vantage point of the lucid and vigilant thinker, while refusing to extend this same capacity to those naïve and unreflecting souls of whom they speak.Critique comes from below. Politics and critique are often equated and conflated in literary studies and elsewhere. Critique is iconoclastic in spirit; it rails against authority; it seeks to lay bare the injustices of the law. It is, writes Foucault, the “art of voluntary insubordination, that of reflected intractability” (194). This vision of critique can be traced back to Marx and is cemented in the tradition of critical theory associated with the Frankfurt School. Critique conceives of itself as coming from below, or being situated at the margins; it is the natural ally of excluded groups and subjugated knowledges; it is not just a form of knowledge but a call to action. But who gets to claim the mantle of opposition, and on what grounds? In a well-known essay, Nancy Fraser remarks that critical theory possesses a “partisan though not uncritical identification” with oppositional social movements (97). As underscored by Fraser’s judicious insertion of the phrase “not uncritical,” critique guards its independence and reserves the right to query the actions and attitudes of the oppressed as well as the oppressors. Thus the intellectual’s affiliation with a larger community may collide with a commitment to the ethos of critique, as the object of a more heartfelt attachment. A separation occurs, as Francois Cusset puts it, “between academics questioning the very methods of questioning” and the more immediate concerns of the minority groups with which they are allied (157). One possible strategy for negotiating this tension is to flag one’s solidarity with a general principle of otherness or alterity—often identified with the utopian or disruptive energies of the literary text. This strategy gives critique a shot in the arm, infusing it with a dose of positive energy and ethical substance, yet without being pinned down to the ordinariness of a real-world referent. This deliberate vagueness permits critique to nurture its mistrust of the routines and practices through which the everyday business of the world is conducted, while remaining open to the possibility of a radically different future. Critique in its positive aspects thus remains effectively without content, gesturing toward a horizon that must remain unspecified if it is not to lapse into the same fallen state as the modes of thought that surround it (Fish 446).Critique does not tolerate rivals. Declaring itself uniquely equipped to diagnose the perils and pitfalls of representation, critique often chafes at the presence of other forms of thought. Ruling out the possibility of peaceful co-existence or even mutual indifference, it insists that those who do not embrace its tenets must be denying or disavowing them. In this manner, whatever is different from critique is turned into the photographic negative of critique—evidence of an irrefutable lack or culpable absence. To refuse to be critical is to be uncritical; a judgment whose overtones of naiveté, apathy, complacency, submissiveness, and sheer stupidity seem impossible to shrug off. In short, critique thinks of itself as exceptional. It is not one path, but the only conceivable path. Drew Milne pulls no punches in his programmatic riff on Kant: “to be postcritical is to be uncritical: the critical path alone remains open” (18).The exceptionalist aura of critique often thwarts attempts to get outside its orbit. Sociologist Michael Billig, for example, notes that critique thinks of itself as battling orthodoxy, yet is now the reigning orthodoxy—no longer oppositional, but obligatory, not defamiliarising, but oppressively familiar: “For an increasing number of younger academics,” he remarks, “the critical paradigm is the major paradigm in their academic world” (Billig 292). And in a hard-hitting argument, Talal Asad points out that critique is now a quasi-automatic stance for Western intellectuals, promoting a smugness of tone that can be cruelly dismissive of the deeply felt beliefs and attachments of others. Yet both scholars conclude their arguments by calling for a critique of critique, reinstating the very concept they have so meticulously dismantled. Critique, it seems, is not to be abandoned but intensified; critique is to be replaced by critique squared. The problem with critique, it turns out, is that it is not yet critical enough. The objections to critique are still very much part and parcel of the critique-world; the value of the critical is questioned only to be emphatically reinstated.Why do these protestations against critique end up worshipping at the altar of critique? Why does it seem so exceptionally difficult to conceive of other ways of arguing, reading, and thinking? We may be reminded of Eve Sedgwick’s comments on the mimetic aspect of critical interpretation: its remarkable ability to encourage imitation, repetition, and mimicry, thereby ensuring its own reproduction. It is an efficiently running form of intellectual machinery, modeling a style of thought that is immediately recognisable, widely applicable, and easily teachable. Casting the work of the scholar as a never-ending labour of distancing, deflating, and diagnosing, it rules out the possibility of a different relationship to one’s object. It seems to grow, as Sedgwick puts it, “like a crystal in a hypersaturated solution, blotting out any sense of the possibility of alternative ways of understanding or things to understand” (131).In this context, a change in vocabulary—a redescription, if you will—may turn out to be therapeutic. It will come as no great surprise if I urge a second look at the hermeneutics of suspicion. Ricoeur’s phrase, I suggest, can help guide us through the interpretative tangle of contemporary literary studies. It seizes on two crucial parts of critical argument—its sensibility and its interpretative method—that deserve more careful scrutiny. At the same time, it offers a much-needed antidote to the charisma of critique: the aura of ethical and political exemplarity that burnishes its negativity with a normative glow. Thanks to this halo effect, I’ve suggested, we are encouraged to assume that the only alternative to critique is a full-scale surrender to complacency, quietism, and—in literary studies—the intellectual fluff of aesthetic appreciation. Critique, moreover, presents itself as an essentially disembodied intellectual exercise, an austere, even abstemious practice of unsettling, unmaking, and undermining. Yet contemporary styles of critical argument are affective as well as analytical, conjuring up distinctive dispositions and relations to their object. As Amanda Anderson has pointed out in The Way We Argue Now, literary and cultural theory is saturated with what rhetoricians call ethos—that is to say, imputations of motive, character, or attitude. We need only think of the insouciance associated with Rortyan pragmatism, the bad-boy iconoclasm embraced by some queer theorists, or the fastidious aestheticism that characterises a certain kind of deconstructive reading. Critical languages, in other words, are also orientations, encouraging readers to adopt an affectively tinged stance toward their object. Acknowledging the role of such orientations in critical debate does not invalidate its intellectual components, nor does it presume to peer into, or diagnose, an individual scholar’s state of mind.In a related essay, I scrutinise some of the qualities of a suspicious or critical reading practice: distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact (215–34). Suspicion, in this sense, constitutes a muted affective state—a curiously non-emotional emotion of morally inflected mistrust—that overlaps with, and builds upon, the stance of detachment that characterises the stance of the professional or expert. That this style of reading proves so alluring has much to do with the gratifications and satisfactions that it offers. Beyond the usual political or philosophical justifications of critique, it also promises the engrossing pleasure of a game-like sparring with the text in which critics deploy inventive skills and innovative strategies to test their wits, best their opponents, and become sharper, shrewder, and more sophisticated players. In this context, the claim that contemporary criticism has moved “beyond” hermeneutics should be treated with a grain of salt, given that, as Stanley Fish points out, “interpretation is the only game in town” (446). To be sure, some critics have backed away from the model of what they call “depth interpretation” associated with Marx and Freud, in which reading is conceived as an act of digging and the critic, like a valiant archaeologist, excavates a resistant terrain in order to retrieve the treasure of hidden meaning. In this model, the text is envisaged as possessing qualities of interiority, concealment, penetrability, and depth; it is an object to be plundered, a puzzle to be solved, a secret message to be deciphered. Instead, poststructuralist critics are drawn to the language of defamiliarising rather than discovery. The text is no longer composed of strata and the critic does not burrow down but stands back. Instead of brushing past surface meanings in pursuit of hidden truth, she dwells in ironic wonder on these surface meanings, seeking to “denaturalise” them through the mercilessness of her gaze. Insight, we might say, is achieved by distancing rather than by digging. Recent surveys of criticism often highlight the rift between these camps, underscoring the differences between the diligent seeker after buried truth and the surface-dwelling ironist. From a Ricoeur-inflected point of view, however, it is their shared investment in a particular ethos—a stance of knowingness, guardedness, suspicion and vigilance—that turns out to be more salient and more striking. Moreover, these approaches are variously engaged in the dance of interpretation, seeking to go beyond the backs of texts or fellow-actors in order to articulate non-obvious and often counter-intuitive truths. In the case of poststructuralism, we can speak of a second-order hermeneutics that is less interested in probing the individual object than the larger frameworks and conditions in which it is embedded. What the critic interprets is no longer a self-contained poem or novel, but a broader logic of discursive structures, reading formations, or power relations. Ricoeur’s phrase, moreover, has the singular advantage of allowing us to by-pass the exceptionalist tendencies of critique: its presumption that whatever is not critique can only be assigned to the ignominious state of the uncritical. As a less prejudicial term, it opens up a larger history of suspicious reading, including traditions of religious questioning and self-scrutiny that bear on current forms of interpretation, but that are occluded by the aggressively secular connotations of critique (Hunter). In this context, Ricoeur’s own account needs to be supplemented and modified to acknowledge this larger cultural history; the hermeneutics of suspicion is not just the brain-child of a few exceptional thinkers, as his argument implies, but a widespread practice of interpretation embedded in more mundane, diffuse and variegated forms of life (Felski 220).Finally, the idea of a suspicious hermeneutics does not invalidate or rule out other interpretative possibilities—ranging from Ricoeur’s own notion of a hermeneutics of trust to more recent coinages such as Sedgwick’s “restorative reading,” Sharon Marcus’s “just reading” or Timothy Bewes’s “generous reading.” Literary studies in France, for example, is currently experiencing a new surge of interest in hermeneutics (redefined as a practice of reinvention rather than exhumation) as well as a reinvigorated phenomenology of reading that elucidates, in rich and fascinating detail, its immersive and affective dimensions (see Citton; Macé). This growing interest in the ethos, aesthetics, and ethics of reading is long overdue. Such an orientation by no means rules out attention to the sociopolitical resonances of texts and their interpretations. It is, however, no longer willing to subordinate such attention to the seductive but sterile dichotomy of the critical versus the uncritical.ReferencesAnderson, Amanda. The Way We Argue Now: A Study in the Cultures of Theory. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2005.Asad, Talal. “Free Speech, Blasphemy, and Secular Criticism.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 20–63. Bewes, Timothy. “Reading with the Grain: A New World in Literary Studies.” Differences 21.3 (2010): 1–33.Billig, Michael. “Towards a Critique of the Critical.” Discourse and Society 11.3 (2000): 291–92. Bloom, Harold. The Western Canon: The Books and School of the Ages. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1994.Bove, Paul. Mastering Discourse: The Politics of Intellectual Culture. Durham: Duke UP, 1992. Butler, Judith. “The Sensibility of Critique: Response to Asad and Mahmood.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 101–136.Citton, Yves. Lire, interpréter, actualiser: pourqoi les études littéraires? Paris: Editions Amsterdam, 2007. Culler, Jonathan and Kevin Lamb, “Introduction.” Just Being Difficult? Academic Writing in the Public Arena. Ed. Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. 1–14. Cusset, Francois. French Theory: How Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze, & Co. Transformed the Intellectual Life of the United States. Trans. Jeff Fort. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2008.Dascal, Marcelo. “Critique without Critics?” Science in Context 10.1 (1997): 39–62.Felski, Rita. “Suspicious Minds.” Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34.Fish, Stanley. Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies. Durham: Duke UP, 1989.Foucault, Michel. “What is Critique?” The Political. Ed. David Ingram. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 191–211. Fraser, Nancy. “What’s Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender.” New German Critique 35 (1985): 97–131. Hunter, Ian. Rethinking the School: Subjectivity, Bureaucracy, Criticism. New York: St Martin’s Press, 1994.Johnson, Barbara. “Translator’s Introduction.” Jacques Derrida’s Dissemination. London: Continuum, 2004. vii–xxxv. Koch, Robert. “The Critical Gesture in Philosophy.” Iconoclash: Beyond the Image Wars in Science, Religion, and Art. Ed. Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel. Cambridge: MIT, 2002. 524–36. Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30 (2004): 225–48.Macé, Marielle. Facons de lire, manières d’être. Paris: Gallimard, 2011. Marcus, Sharon. Between Women: Friendship, Desire, and Marriage in Victorian England. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2007.Milne, Drew. “Introduction: Criticism and/or Critique.” Modern Critical Thought: An Anthology of Theorists Writing on Theorists. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 1–22. Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Ruitenberg, Claudia. “Don’t Fence Me In: The Liberation of Undomesticated Critique.” Journal of the Philosophy of Education 38.3 (2004): 314–50. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading, Or, You’re So Paranoid, You Probably Think This Essay is About You.” Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity. Durham: Duke UP, 2003. 123–52. Serres, Michel and Bruno Latour. Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time. Trans. Roxanne Lapidus. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1995.Vattimo, Gianni. Beyond Interpretation: The Meaning of Hermeneutics for Philosophy. Trans. David Webb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997.

The difficulty of reading Allen Ginsberg's poetry is a recurring theme in criticism of his work and that of other post-WWII "Beat Generation" writers. "Even when a concerted effort is made to illuminate [Beat] literature," laments Nancy M. Grace, "doing so is difficult: the romance of the Beat life threatens to subsume the project" (812). Of course, the Beat life is romantic to the extent that it is romantically regaled. Continual romantic portrayals, such as that of Ginsberg in the recent movie Howl (2010), rekindle the Beat romance for new audiences with chicken-and-egg circularity. I explore this difficulty of reading Ginsberg that Grace and other critics identify by articulating it with respect to "Kaddish"—"Ginsberg's most highly praised and his least typical poem" (Perloff 213)—as a difficulty of interpreting Ginsberg suspiciously. Philosopher Paul Ricoeur's theories of interpretation—or "hermeneutics"—provide the theoretical foundation here. Ricoeur distinguishes between a romantic or "restorative" mode of interpretation, where meaning is reverently reconciled to a text assumed to be trustworthy, and a "suspicious" approach, where meaning is aggressively extrapolated from a text held as unreliable. In order to bring these theories to bear on "Kaddish" and its criticism, I draw on Rita Felski's pioneering work in relating Ricoeur's concept of "suspicious reading" to the field of literature. Is it possible to read "Kaddish" suspiciously? Or is there nothing left for suspicious readers to expose in texts such as "Kaddish" that are already self-exposing? In "Kaddish," Ginsberg tells the story of his mother Naomi Ginsberg, a Russian Jewish immigrant, who died in a mental hospital in 1956. It is a lengthy prose poem and spans a remarkable 19 pages in Ginsberg's Collected Poems (1984). In the words of Maeera Y. Shreiber, "Kaddish" "is a massive achievement, comprised of five numbered parts, and an interpellated 'Hymmnn' between parts two and three" (84). I focus on the second narrative part, which forms the bulk of the poem, where the speaker—I shall refer to him henceforth as "Allen" in order to differentiate between Ginsberg's poetic self-representation and Ginsberg-the-author—recounts the nervous breakdowns and hospital movements of his mother, whom he calls by her first name, Naomi. I begin by illustrating the ways in which Allen focalises Naomi in the text, and suggest that his attempts to "read" her suspicious mind alternate between restorative and suspicious impulses. I then take up the issue of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. Acknowledging Ricoeur's assertion that psychoanalysis is an unequivocal "school of suspicion" (32), I consider James Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish," in particular, his reading of what is easily the most contentious passage in the poem: the scene where Naomi solicits Allen for sex. I regard this passage as a microcosm of the issues that beset a suspicious reading of "Kaddish"—such as the problem posed by the self-exposing poem and poet—and I find that Breslin's response to it raises interesting questions on the politics of psychoanalysis and the nature of suspicious interpretation. Finally, I identify an unpublished thesis on Ginsberg's poetry by Sarah Macfarlane and classify her interpretation of "Kaddish" as unambiguously suspicious. My purpose is not to advance my own suspicious reading of "Kaddish" but to highlight the difficulties of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. I argue that while it is difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously, to do so offers a fruitful counterbalance to the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. There are as yet unexplored hermeneutical territories in and around this poem, indeed in and around Ginsberg's work in general, which have radical implications for the future direction of Beat studies. Picking her tooth with her nail, lips formed an O, suspicion—thought's old worn vagina— (Ginsberg, "Kaddish" 218)Ginsberg constructs Naomi's suspicion in "Kaddish" via Allen's communication of her visions and descriptions of her behaviour. Allen relates, for example, that Naomi once suspected that Hitler was "in her room" and that "she saw his mustache in the sink" ("Kaddish" 220). Subsequently, Allen depicts Naomi "listening to the radio for spies—or searching the windowsill," and, in an attempt to "read" her suspicious mind, suggests that she envisages "an old man creep[ing] with his bag stuffing packages of garbage in his hanging black overcoat" ("Kaddish" 220). Allen's gaze thus filters Naomi's; he watches her as she watches for spies, and he animates her visions. He recalls as a child "watching over" Naomi in order to anticipate her "next move" ("Kaddish" 212). On one fateful day, Naomi "stared out the window on the Broadway Church corner"; Allen interprets that she "spied a mystical assassin from Newark" ("Kaddish" 212). He likewise observes and interprets Naomi's body language and facial expressions. When she "covered [her] nose with [a] motheaten fur collar" and "shuddered at [the] face" of a bus driver, he deduces that, for Naomi, the collar must have been a "gas mask against poison" and the driver "a member of the gang" ("Kaddish" 212). On the one hand, Allen's impetus to recover "the lost Naomi" ("Kaddish" 216)—first lost to mental illness and then to death—may be likened to Ricoeur's concept of a restorative hermeneutic, "which is driven by a sense of reverence and goes deeper into the text in search of revelation" (Felski 216). As if Naomi's mind constitutes a text, Allen strives to reveal it in order to make it intelligible. What drives him is the cathartic impulse to revivify his mother's memory, to rebuild her story, and to exalt her as "magnificent" and "mourned no more" ("Kaddish" 212), so that he may mourn no more. Like a restorative reader "driven by a sense of reverence" (Felski 216), he lauds Naomi as the "glorious muse that bore [him] from the womb [...] from whose pained head [he] first took Vision" ("Kaddish" 223). Critics of "Kaddish" also observe the poem's restorative impulse. In "Strange Prophecies Anew," Tony Trigilio reads the recovery of Naomi as "the recovery of a female principle of divinity" (773). Diverging from Ginsberg's earlier poem "Howl" (1956), which "represses signs of women in order to forge male prophetic comradeship," "Kaddish" "constructs maternity as a source of vision, an influence that precedes and sustains prophetic language. In 'Kaddish', Ginsberg attempts to recover the voice of his mother Naomi, which is muted in 'Howl'" (776). Shreiber also acknowledges Ginsberg's redemption of "the feminine, figured specifically as the lost mother," but for her it "is central to both of the long poems that make his reputation," namely "Kaddish" and "Howl" (81). She cites Ginsberg's retrospective confession that "Howl" was actually about Naomi to argue that, "it is in the course of writing 'Howl' that Ginsberg discovers his obligation to the elided (Jewish) mother—whose restoration is the central project of 'Kaddish'" (81). On the other hand, Allen's compulsion to "cut through" to Naomi, to talk to her as he "didn't when [she] had a mouth" ("Kaddish" 211), suggests the brutality of a suspicious hermeneutic where meanings "must be wrestled rather than gleaned from the page, derived not from what the text says, but in spite of what it says" (Felski 223). When Naomi was alive and "had a mouth," Allen aggressively "pushed her against the door and shouted 'DON'T KICK ELANOR!'" in spite of her message: "Elanor is the worst spy! She's taking orders!" ("Kaddish" 221). As a suspicious reader wrestles with a resistant text, Allen wrestles with Naomi, "yelling at her" in exasperation, and even "banging against her head which saw Radios, Sticks, Hitlers—the whole gamut of Hallucinations—for real—her own universe" ("Kaddish" 221).Allen may be also seen as approaching Naomi with a suspicious reader's "adversarial sensibility to probe for concealed, repressed, or disavowed meanings" (Felski 216). This is most visible in his facetiously professed "good idea to try [to] know the Monster of the Beginning Womb"—to penetrate Naomi's body in order to access her mind "that way" ("Kaddish" 219). Accordingly, in his psychoanalytic reading of "Kaddish," James Breslin understands Allen's "incestuous desires as expressing [his] wish to get inside his mother and see things as she does" (424). Breslin's interpretation invokes the Freudian concept of "epistemophilia," which Bran Nicol defines as the "desire to know" (48).Freud is one of "three masters" of suspicion according to Ricoeur (32). Freud, Nietzsche, and Marx "present the most radically contrary stance to the phenomenology of the sacred and to any hermeneutics understood as the recollection of meaning" (Ricoeur 35). They "begin with suspicion concerning the illusions of consciousness, and then proceed to employ the stratagem of deciphering" (Ricoeur 34). Freud deciphers the language of the conscious mind in order to access the "unconscious"—that "part of the mind beyond consciousness which nevertheless has a strong influence upon our actions" (Barry 96). Like their therapeutic counterparts, psychoanalytic critics distinguish "between the conscious and the unconscious mind," associating a text's "'overt' content with the former" and "'covert' content with the latter, privileging the latter as being what the work is 'really' about" (Barry 105). In seeking to expose a text's unconscious, they subscribe to a hermeneutic of suspicion's "conviction that appearances are deceptive, that texts do not gracefully relinquish their meanings" (Felski 216). To force texts to relinquish their meanings suspicious readers bear "distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact" (Felski 222).For the most part, these qualities fail to characterise Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" and "Howl." Far from aggressive or superior, Breslin is a highly sympathetic reader of Ginsberg. "Many readers," he complains, are "still not sympathetic to the kind [sic] of form found in these poems" (403). His words echo Trigilio's endorsement of Marjorie Perloff's opinion that critics are too often "unwilling to engage the experimental scope of Ginsberg's poems" (Trigilio 774). Sympathetic reading, however, clashes with suspicious reading, which "involves a sense of vigilant preparedness for attack" (Shand in Felski 220). Breslin is sympathetic not only to the experimental forms of "Kaddish" and "Howl," but also to their attestation to "deep, long-standing private conflicts in Ginsberg—conflicts that ultimately stem from his ambivalent attachment to his mother" (403). In "Kaddish," Allen's ambivalent feelings toward his mother are conspicuous in his revolted and revolting reaction to her exposed body, combined with his blasé deliberation on whether to respond to her apparent sexual provocation: One time I thought she was trying to make me come lay her—flirting to herself at sink—lay back on huge bed that filled most of the room, dress up round her hips, big slash of hair, scars of operations, pancreas, belly wounds, abortions, appendix, stitching of incisions pulling down in the fat like hideous thick zippers—ragged long lips between her legs—What, even, smell of asshole? I was cold—later revolted a little, not much—seemed perhaps a good idea to try—know the Monster of the Beginning Womb—Perhaps—that way. Would she care? She needs a lover. ("Kaddish" 219)In "Confessing the Body," Elizabeth Gregory observes that "Naomi's ordinary body becomes monstrous in this description—not only in its details but in the undiscriminating desire her son attributes to it ('Would she care?')" (47). In exposing Naomi thus, Allen also exposes himself and his own indiscriminate sexual responsiveness. Such textual exposés pose challenges for those who would practice a hermeneutic of suspicion by "reading texts against the grain to expose their repressed or hidden meanings" (Felski 215). It appears that there is little that is hidden or repressed in "Kaddish" for a suspicious reader to expose. As Perloff notes, "the Ginsberg of 'Kaddish' is writing somewhat against the grain" (213). In writing against the grain, Ginsberg inhibits reading against the grain. A hermeneutic of suspicion holds "that manifest content shrouds darker, more unpalatable truths" (Felski 216). "Kaddish," however, parades its unpalatable truths. Although Ginsberg as a Beat poet is not technically included among the group of poets known as the "confessionals," "Kaddish" is typical of a "confessional poem" in that it "dwells on experiences generally prohibited expression by social convention: mental illness, intra-familial conflicts and resentments, childhood traumas, sexual transgressions and intimate feelings about one's body" (Gregory 34). There is a sense in which "we do not need to be suspicious" of such subversive texts because they are "already doing the work of suspicion for us" (Felski 217). It is also difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously because it presents itself as an autobiographical history of Ginsberg's relationship with his mother. "Kaddish" once again accords with Gregory's definition of "confessional poetry" as that which "draws on the poet's autobiography and is usually set in the first person. It makes a claim to forego personae and to represent an account of the poet's own feelings and circumstances" (34). These defining features of "Kaddish" make it not particularly conducive to a "suspicious hermeneutic [that] often professes a lack of interest in the category of authorship as a means of explaining the ideological workings of texts" (Felski 222). It requires considerable effort to distinguish Allen, speaker and character in "Kaddish," from Ginsberg, celebrity Beat poet and author of "Kaddish," and to suspend knowledge of Ginsberg's public-private life in order to pry ideologies from the text. This difficulty of resisting biographical interpretation of "Kaddish" translates to a difficulty of reading the poem suspiciously. In his psychoanalytic reading, Breslin's lack of suspicion for the poem's confession of autobiography dilutes his practice of an inherently suspicious mode of interpretation—that of psychoanalysis. His psychoanalysis of Ginsberg shows that he trusts "Kaddish" to confess its author's intimate feelings—"'It's my fault,' he must have felt, 'if I had loved my mother more, this wouldn't have happened to her—and to me'" (Breslin 422)—whereas a hermeneutic of suspicion "adopts a distrustful attitude toward texts" (Felski 216). That said, Breslin's differentiation between the conscious and unconscious, or surface and underlying levels of meaning in "Kaddish" is more clearly characteristic of a hermeneutic of suspicion's theory that texts withhold "meanings or implications that are not intended and that remain inaccessible to their authors as well as to ordinary readers" (Felski 216). Hence, Breslin speculates that, "on an unconscious level the writing of the poem may have been an act of private communication between the poet" and his mother (430). His response to the previously quoted passage of the poem suggests that while a cursory glance will restore its conscious meaning, a more attentive or suspicious gaze will uncover its unconscious: At first glance this passage seems a daring revelation of an incest wish and a shockingly realistic description of the mother's body. But what we really see here is how one post-Freudian writer, pretending to be open and at ease about incestuous desire, affects sophisticated awareness as a defense [sic] against intense longings and anxieties. The lines are charged with feelings that the poet, far from "confessing out," appears eager to deny. (Breslin 422; my emphasis)Breslin's temporary suspicious gaze in an otherwise trusting and sympathetic reading accuses the poet of revealing incestuous desire paradoxically in order to conceal incestuous desire. It exposes the exposé as an ironic guise, an attempt at subterfuge that the poet fails to conceal from the suspicious reader, evoking a hermeneutic of suspicion's conviction that in spite of itself "the text is not fully in control of its own discourse" (Felski 223). Breslin's view of Ginsberg's denial through the veil of his confession illuminates two possible ways of sustaining a suspicious reading of "Kaddish." One is to distrust its claim to confess Ginsberg, to recognise that "confession's reality claim is an extremely artful manipulation of the materials of poetry, not a departure from them" (Gregory 34). It is worth mentioning that in response to his interviewer's perception of the "absolute honesty" in his poem "Ego Confession," Ginsberg commented: "they're all poems, ultimately" (Spontaneous 404–05). Another way is to resist the double seduction operative in the text: Naomi's attempted seduction of Allen, and, in narrating it, Allen's attempted seduction of the psychoanalytic critic.Sarah Macfarlane's effort to unmask the gender politics that psychoanalytic critics arguably protect characterises her "socio-cultural analysis" (5) of "Kaddish" as unmistakably suspicious. While psychoanalytic critics "identify a 'psychic' context for the literary work, at the expense of social or historical context" (Barry 105), Macfarlane in her thesis "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg" locates Allen's "perception of Naomi as the 'Monster of the Beginning Womb'" in the social and historical context of the 1950s "concept of the overbearing, dominating wife and mother who, although confined to the domestic space, looms large and threatening within that space" (48). In so doing, she draws attention to the Cold War discourse of "momism," which "envisioned American society as a matriarchy in which dominant mothers disrupted the Oedipal structure of the middle-class nuclear family" (Macfarlane 33). In other words, momism engaged Freudian explanations of male homosexuality as arising from a son's failure to resolve unconscious sexual desire for his mother, and blamed mothers for this failure and its socio-political ramifications, which, via the Cold War cultural association of homosexuality with communism, included "the weakening of masculine resolve against Communism" (Edelman 567). Since psychoanalysis effectively colludes with momism, psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" is unable to expose its perpetuation in the poem. Macfarlane's suspicious reading of "Kaddish" as perpetuating momism radically departs from the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. Trigilio, for example, argues that "Kaddish" revises the Cold War "discourse of containment—'momism'—in which the exposure of communists was equated to the exposure of homosexuals" (781). "Kaddish," he claims, (which exposes both Allen's homosexuality and Naomi's communism), "does not portray internal collapse—as nationalist equations of homosexual and communist 'threats' would predict—but instead produces […] a 'Blessed' poet who 'builds Heaven in Darkness'" (782). Nonetheless, this blessed poet wails, "I am unmarried, I'm hymnless, I'm Heavenless" ("Kaddish" 212), and confesses his homosexuality as an overwhelming burden: "a mortal avalanche, whole mountains of homosexuality, Matterhorns of cock, Grand Canyons of asshole—weight on my melancholy head"("Kaddish" 214). In "Confessing the Body," Gregory asks whether confessional poetry "disclose[s] secrets in order to repent of them, thus reinforcing the initial negative judgement that kept them secret," or "to decathect that judgement" (35). While Allen's confession of homosexuality exudes exhilaration and depression, not guilt—Ginsberg critic Anne Hartman is surely right that "in the context of [the 1950s] public rituals of confession and repentance engendered by McCarthyism, […] poetic confession would carry a very different set of implications for a gay poet" (47)—it is pertinent to question his confession of Naomi. Does he expose Naomi in order to applaud or condemn her maternal transgressions? According to the logic of the Cold War "urge to unveil, [which] produces greater containment" (Trigilio 794), Allen's unveiling of Naomi veils his desire to contain her, unable as she is "to be contained within the 1950's [sic] domestic ideal of womanhood" (Macfarlane 44). "Ginsberg has become such a public issue that it's difficult now to read him naturally; you ask yourself after every line, am I for him or against him. And by and large that's the criticism he has gotten—votes on a public issue. (I see this has been one of those reviews.)" (Shapiro 90). Harvey Shapiro's review of Kaddish and Other Poems (1961) in which "Kaddish" first appeared illuminates the polarising effect of Ginsberg's celebrity on interpretations of his poetry. While sympathetic readings and romantic portrayals are themselves reactions to the "hostility to Ginsberg" that prevails (Perloff 223), often they do not sprout the intellectual vigour and fresh perspectives that a hermeneutic of suspicion has the capacity to sow. Yet it is difficult to read confessional texts such as "Kaddish" suspiciously; they appear to expose themselves without need of a suspicious reader. Readers of "Kaddish" such as Breslin are seduced into sympathetic biographical-psychoanalytical interpretations due to the poem's purported confession of Ginsberg's autobiography. As John Osborne argues, "the canon of Beat literature has been falsely founded on biographical rather than literary criteria" (4). The result is that "we are for the immediate future obliged to adopt adversarial reading strategies if we are to avoid entrenching an already stale orthodoxy" (Osborne 4). Macfarlane obliges in her thesis; she succeeds in reading "Kaddish" suspiciously by resisting its self-inscribed psychoanalysis to expose the gender politics of Allen's exposés. While Allen's confession of his homosexuality suggests that "Kaddish" subverts a heterosexist model of masculinity, a suspicious reading of his exposure of Naomi's maternal transgressions suggests that the poem contributes to momism and perpetuates a sexist model of femininity. Even so, a suspicious reading of a text such as "Kaddish" "contains a tacit tribute to its object, an admission that it contains more than meets the eye" (Felski 230). Ginsberg's own prophetic words bespeak as much:The worst I fear, considering the shallowness of opinion, is that some of the poetry and prose may be taken too familiarly, […] and be given the same shallow treatment, this time sympathetic, as, until recently, they were given shallow unsympathy. That would be the very we of fame. (Ginsberg, Deliberate 252)ReferencesBarry, Peter. Beginning Theory: An Introduction to Literary and Cultural Theory. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2002. Breslin, James. "The Origins of 'Howl' and 'Kaddish.'" On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 401–33.Edelman, Lee. "Tearooms and Sympathy, or, The Epistemology of the Water Closet." The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader. Ed. Henry Abelove, Michèle Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin. New York: Routledge, 1993. 553–74.Felski, Rita. "Suspicious Minds." Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34. Ginsberg, Allen. Deliberate Prose: Selected Essays 1952-1995. Ed. Bill Morgan. London: Penguin, 2000.---. "Kaddish." Collected Poems 1947–1980. New York: Harper and Row, 1984. 209–27. ---. Spontaneous Mind: Selected Interviews 1958–1996. Ed. David Carter. New York: Harper Collins, 2001. Grace, Nancy M. "Seeking the Spirit of Beat: The Call for Interdisciplinary Scholarship." Rev. of Kerouac, the Word and the Way: Prose Artist as Spiritual Quester, by Ben Giamo, and The Bop Apocalypse: The Religious Visions of Kerouac, Ginsberg, and Burroughs, by John Lardas. Contemporary Literature 43.4 (2002): 811–21.Gregory, Elizabeth. "Confessing the Body: Plath, Sexton, Berryman, Lowell, Ginsberg and the Gendered Poetics of the 'Real.'" Modern Confessional Writing: New Critical Essays. Ed. Jo Gill. London: Routledge, 2006. 22–49. Hartman, Anne. "Confessional Counterpublics in Frank O'Hara and Allen Ginsberg." Journal of Modern Literature 28.4 (2005): 40–56. Howl. Dir. Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman. Perf. James Franco. Oscilloscope Pictures, 2010.Macfarlane, Sarah. "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg." MA thesis. Brown U, 1999.Nicol, Bran. "Reading Paranoia: Paranoia, Epistemophilia and the Postmodern Crisis of Interpretation." Literature and Psychology 45.1/2 (1999): 44–62.Osborne, John. "The Beats." A Companion to Twentieth Century Poetry. Blackwell Reference Online. Ed. Neil Roberts. 2003. 16 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/uid=1205/tocnode?id=g9781405113618_chunk_g978140511361815&authstatuscode=202›.Perloff, Marjorie. "A Lion in Our Living Room: Reading Allen Ginsberg in the Eighties." Poetic License: Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1990. 199–230.Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. Trans. Denis Savage. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Shapiro, Harvey. "Exalted Lament." Rev. of Kaddish and Other Poems 1958-1960, by Allen Ginsberg. On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 86–91. Shreiber, Maeera Y. "'You Still Haven't Finished with Your Mother': The Gendered Poetics of Charles Reznikoff and Allen Ginsberg." Singing in a Strange Land: A Jewish American Poetics. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2007. 46–97.Trigilio, Tony. "'Strange Prophecies Anew': Rethinking the Politics of Matter and Spirit in Ginsberg's Kaddish." American Literature 71.4 (1999): 773–95.

"Outwit, Outplay, Outlast" "All entertainment has hidden meanings, revealing the nature of the culture that created it" ( 6). This quotation has no greater relevance than for the most powerful entertainment medium of all: television. In fact, television has arguably become part of the "almost unnoticed working equipment of civilisations" (Cater 1). In other words, TV seriously affects our culture, our society, and our lives; it affects the way we perceive and approach reality (see Cantor and Cantor, 1992; Corcoran, 1984; Freedman, 1990; Novak, 1975). In this essay, I argue that the American television programme Survivor is an example of how entertainment (TV in particular) perpetuates capitalistic ideologies. In other words, Survivor is a symptom of American economic culture, which is masked as an "interpersonal game". I am operating under the assumption that television works "ideologically to promote and prefer certain meanings of the world, to circulate some meanings rather than others, and to serve some interests rather than others" (Fiske 20). I argue that Survivor promotes ideals on two levels: economic and social. On the economic level, it endorses the pursuit of money, fame, and successful careers. These values are prevalent in American society and have coalesced into the myth of the "American Dream", which stands for the opportunity for each individual to get ahead in life; someone can always become wealthy (see White, 1988; Cortes, 1982; Grambs, 1982; Rivlin, 1992). These values are an integral part of a capitalistic society, and, as I will illustrate later, Survivor is a symptom of these ideological values. On the second level, it purports preferred social strategies that are needed to "win" at the game of capitalism: forming alliances, lying, and deception. Ideology The discussion of ideology is critical if we are to better understand the function of Survivor in American culture. Ideologies are neither "ideal" nor "spiritual," but rather material. Ideologies appear in specific social institutions and practices, such as cultural artefacts (Althusser, For Marx 232). In that way, everyone "lives" in ideologies. Pryor suggests that ideology in cultural practices can operate as a "rhetoric of control" by structuring the way in which people view the world: Ideology `refracts' our social conditions of existence, structuring consciousness by defining for us what exists, what is legitimate and illegitimate, possible and impossible, thinkable and unthinkable. Entering praxis as a form of persuasion, ideology acts as a rhetoric of control by endorsing and legitimising certain economic, social and political arrangements at the expense of others and by specifying the proper role and position of the individual within those arrangements. (4) Similarly, Althusser suggests, "ideology is the system of ideas and representations which dominate the mind of a man or a social group" (Ideology 149). Thus, ideology, for Althusser, represents the way individuals "live" their relations to society (Eagleton 18). Grossberg suggests, "within such positions, textuality is a productive practice whose (imaginary) product is experience itself. Experience can no longer serve as a mediation between the cultural and the social since it is not merely within the cultural but is the product of cultural practices" (409). The "text" for study, then, becomes the cultural practices and structures, which determine humans. Althusser concludes that ideology reifies our affective, unconscious relations with the world, and determines how people are pre-reflectively bound up in social reality (Eagleton 18). Survivor as a Text In the United States, the "reality TV" genre of programming, such as The Real World, Road Rules, and Big Brother (also quite famous in Europe), are currently very popular. Debuting in May, 2000, Survivor is one of the newest additions to this "reality programming." Survivor is a game, and its theme is: "Outwit, Outplay, Outlast". The premise is the following: Sixteen strangers are "stranded" on a remote island in the South China Sea. They are divided into two "tribes" of eight, the "Pagong" and "Tagi." They have to build shelter, catch food, and establish a "new society". They must work together as a team to succeed, but ultimately, they are competitors. The tribes compete in games for "rewards" (luxury items such as food), and also for "immunity". Every third day, they attend a "tribal council" in which they vote one member off the island. Whoever won the "immunity challenge" (as a tribe early in the show, later, as an individual) cannot be voted off. After several episodes, the two tribes merge into one, "Rattana," as they try to "outwit, outlast, and outplay" the other contestants. The ultimate prize is $1,000,000. The Case of Survivor As Althusser (For Marx) and Pryor suggest, ideology exists in cultural artefacts and practices. In addition, Pryor argues that ideology defines for us what is "legitimate and illegitimate," and "thinkable and unthinkable" by "endorsing certain economic and social arrangements" (4). This is certainly true in the case of Survivor. The programme is definitely a cultural artefact that endorses certain practices. In fact, it defines for us the "preferred" economic and social arrangements. The show promotes for us the economic arrangement of "winning" money. It also defines the social arrangements that are legitimate, thinkable, and necessary to win the interpersonal and capitalistic game. First, let us discuss the economic arrangements that Survivor purports. The economic arrangements that Survivor perpetuates are in direct alignment with those of the "game" of capitalism: to "win" money, success, and/or fame (which will lead to money). While Richard, the $1,000,000 prize winner, is the personification of the capitalistic/American Dream come true, the other contestants certainly have had their share of money and fame. For example, after getting voted off the island, many of the former cast members appeared on the "talk show circuit" and have done many paid interviews. Joel Klug has done approximately 250 interviews (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 62), and Stacey Stillman is charging $1200 for a "few quotes," and $1800 for a full-length interview (Millman et al. 16). Jenna Lewis has been busy with paid television engagements that require cross country trips (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 63). In addition, some have made television commercials. Both B. B. Andersen and Stacey Stillman appeared in Reebok commercials that were aired during the remaining Survivor episodes. Others are making their way even farther into Hollywood. Most have their own talent agents who are getting them acting jobs. For example, Sean Kenniff is going to appear in a role on a soap opera, and Gervase Peterson is currently "sifting through offers" to act in television situation comedies and movies. Dirk Been has been auditioning for movie roles, and Joel Klug has moved to Los Angeles to "become a star". Even Sonja Christopher, the 63-year-old breast cancer survivor and the first contestant voted off, is making her acting debut in the television show, Diagnosis Murder (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 57). Finally, two of the women contestants from Survivor were also tempted with a more "risky" offer. Both Colleen Haskell and Jenna Lewis were asked to pose for Playboy magazine. While these women are certainly attractive, they are not the "typical-looking" playboy model. It is obvious that their fame has put them in the mind of Hugh Heffner, the owner of Playboy. No one is revealing the exact amount of the offers, but rumours suggest that they are around $500,000. Thus, it is clear that even though these contestants did not win the $1,000,000, they are using their famous faces to "win" the capitalistic game anyway. Not only does Survivor purport the "preferred" economic arrangements, it also defines for us the social arrangements needed to win the capitalistic game: interpersonal strategy. The theme of the strategy needed to win the game is "nice guys don't last". This is demonstrated by the fact that Gretchen, a nice, strong, capable, and nurturing "soccer mother" was the seventh to be voted off the island. There were also many other "nice" contestants who were eventually voted off for one reason or another. However, on the other hand, Richard, the million-dollar winner, used "Machiavellian smarts" to scheme his way into winning. After the final episode, he said, "I really feel that I earned where I am. The first hour on the island I stepped into my strategy and thought, 'I'm going to focus on how to establish an alliance with four people early on.' I spend a lot of time thinking about who people are and why they interact the way they do, and I didn't want to just hurt people's feelings or do this and toss that one out. I wanted this to be planned and I wanted it to be based on what I needed to do to win the game. I don't regret anything I've done or said to them and I wouldn't change a thing" (Hatch, n.pag.). One strategy that worked to Richard's advantage was that upon arriving to the island, he formed an alliance with three other contestants: Susan, Rudy, and Kelly. They decided that they would all vote the same person off the island so that their chances of staying were maximised. Richard also "chipped in", did some "dirty work", and ingratiated himself by being the only person who could successfully catch fish. He also interacted with others strategically, and decided who to vote off based on who didn't like him, or who was more likeable than him (or the rest of the alliance). Thus, it is evident that being part of an alliance is definitely needed to win this capitalistic game, because the four people who were part of the only alliance on the island were the final contestants. In fact, in Rudy's (who came in third place) final comments were, "my advice for anybody who plays this game is form an alliance and stick with it" (Boesch, n.pag.). This is similar to corporate America, where many people form "cliques", "alliances", or "particular friendships" in order to "get ahead". Some people even betray others. We definitely saw this happen in the programme. This leads to another essential ingredient to the social arrangements: lying and deception. In fact, in episode nine, Richard (the winner) said to the camera, "outright lying is essential". He also revealed that part of his strategy was making a big deal of his fishing skills just to distract attention from his schemings. He further stated, "I'm not still on the island because I catch fish, I'm here because I'm smart" (qtd. in Damitol, n.pag.). For example, he once thought the others did not appreciate his fishing skills. Thus, he decided to stop fishing for a few days so that the group would appreciate him more. It was seemingly a "nasty plan", especially considering that at the time, the other tribe members were rationing their rice. However, it was this sort of behaviour that led him to win the game. Another example of the necessity for lying is illustrated in the fact that the alliance of Richard, Rudy, Sue, and Kelly (the only alliance) denied to the remaining competitors that they were scheming. Sue even blatantly lied to the Survivor host, Jeff Probst, when he asked her if there was an alliance. However, when talking to the cameras, they freely admitted to its existence. While the alliance strategy worked for most of the game, in the end, it was destined to dissolve when they had to start voting against each other. So, just as in a capitalistic society, it is ultimately, still "everyone for her/himself". The best illustration of this fact is the final quote that Kelly made, "I learned early on in the game [about trust and lying]. I had befriended her [Sue -- part of Kelly's alliance]; I trusted her and she betrayed me. She was lying to me, and was plotting against me from very early on. I realised that and I knew that. Therefore I decided not to trust her, not to be friends with her, not to be honest with her, for my own protection" (Wiglesworth, n.pag.). Therefore, even within the winning alliance, there was a fair amount of distrust and deception. Conclusion In conclusion, I have demonstrated how Survivor promotes ideals on two levels: economic and social. On the economic level, it endorses the pursuit of money, fame, and successful careers. On the social level, it purports preferred interpersonal strategies that are needed to "win" at the game of capitalism. In fact, it promotes the philosophy that "winning money at all costs is acceptable". We must win money. We must lie. We must scheme. We must deceive. We must win fame. Whether or not the audience interpreted the programme this way, what is obvious to everyone is the following: six months ago, the contestants on Survivor were ordinary American citizens; now they are famous and have endless opportunities for wealth. References Abele, R., M. Alexander and M. Lasswell. "They Will Survive." TV Guide 48.38 (2000): 56-63. Althusser, L. For Marx. Trans. Ben Brewster. New York: Vintage Books, 1969, 1970. ---. "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses." Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: New Left Books, 1971. ---. Philosophy and the Spontaneous Philosophy of the Scientists. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: Verso, 1990. Boesch, R. "Survivor Profiles: Rudy." CBS Survivors Website. 2000. 26 Sep. 2000 <http://www.cbs.com/primetime/survivor/survivors/rudy_f.shtml>. Cantor, M.G., and J. M. Cantor. Prime Time Television Content and Control. Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1992. Cater, D. "Television and Thinking People." Television as a Social Force: New Approaches to TV Criticism. Ed. D. Cater and R. Adler. New York: Praeger Publications, 1975. 1-8. Corcoran, F. "Television as Ideological Apparatus: The Power and the Pleasure." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 1 (1984): 131-45. Cortes, C. E. "Ethnic Groups and the American Dream(s)." Social Education 47.6 (1982): 401-3. Damitol. "Episode 9A -- 'Oh God! My Eyes! My Eyes!' or 'Richard Gets Nekkid'." Survivorsucks.com. 2000. 16 Oct. 2000 <http://www.survivorsucks.com/summaries.s1.9a.php>. Eagleton, T. Ideology: An Introduction. London: Verso, 1991. Ellis, K. "Queen for One Day at a Time." College English 38.8 (1977): 775-81. Freedman, C. "History, Fiction, Film, Television, Myth: The Ideology of M*A*S*H." The Southern Review 26.1 (1990): 89-106. Grambs, J. D. "Mom, Apple Pie, and the American Dream." Social Education 47.6 (1982): 405-9. Grossberg, L. "Strategies of Marxist Cultural Interpretation." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 1 (1984): 392-421. Jones, G. Honey, I'm Home! Sitcoms Selling the American Dream. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1992. Hatch, R. "Survivor Profiles: Richard." CBS Survivors Website. 2000. 26 Sep. 2000 <http://www.cbs.com/primetime/survivor/survivors/richard_f.shtml>. Hofeldt, R. L. "Cultural Bias in M*A*S*H." Society 15.5 (1978): 96-9. Lichter, S. R., L. S. Lichter, and S. Rothman. Watching America. New York: Prentice Hall, 1991. Millman, J., J. Stark, and B. Wyman. "'Survivor,' Complete." Salon Magazine 28 June 2000. 16 Oct. 2000 <http://www.salon.com/ent/tv/feature/2000/06/28/survivor_episodes/index.php>. Novak, M. "Television Shapes the Soul." Television as a Social Force: New Approaches to TV Criticism. Ed. D. Cater and R. Adler. New York: Praeger Publications, 1975. 9-20. Pryor, R. "Reading Ideology in Discourse: Charting a Rhetoric of Control." Unpublished Essay. Northern Illinois University, 1992. Rivlin, A. M. Reviving the American Dream. Washington, D. C.: The Brookings Institution, 1992. White, J. K. The New Politics of Old Values. Hanover: UP of New England, 1988. Wiglesworth, K. "Survivor Profiles: Kelly." CBS Survivors Website. 2000. 26 Sep. 2000 <http://www.cbs.com/primetime/survivor/survivors/kelly_f.shtml>. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Carol Morgan. "Capitalistic Ideology as an 'Interpersonal Game': The Case of Survivor." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.5 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/survivor.php>. Chicago style: Carol Morgan, "Capitalistic Ideology as an 'Interpersonal Game': The Case of Survivor," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 5 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/survivor.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Carol Morgan. (2000) Capitalistic Ideology as an 'Interpersonal Game': The Case of Survivor. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(5). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/survivor.php> ([your date of access]).

Literature—at least serious literature—is something that we work at. This is especially true within the academy. Literature departments are places where workers labour over texts carefully extracting and sharing meanings, for which they receive monetary reward. Specialised languages are developed to describe professional concerns. Over the last thirty years, the productions of mass culture, once regarded as too slight to warrant laborious explication, have been admitted to the academic workroom. Gothic studies—the specialist area that treats fearful and horrifying texts —has embraced the growing acceptability of devoting academic effort to texts that would once have fallen outside of the remit of “serious” study. In the seventies, when Gothic studies was just beginning to establish itself, there was a perception that the Gothic was “merely a literature of surfaces and sensations”, and that any Gothic of substantial literary worth had transcended the genre (Thompson 1). Early specialists in the field noted this prejudice; David Punter wrote of the genre’s “difficulty in establishing respectable credentials” (403), while Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick hoped her work would “make it easier for the reader of ‘respectable’ nineteenth-century novels to write ‘Gothic’ in the margin” (4). Gothic studies has gathered a modicum of this longed-for respectability for the texts it treats by deploying the methodologies used within literature departments. This has yielded readings that are largely congruous with readings of other sorts of literature; the Gothic text tells us things about ourselves and the world we inhabit, about power, culture and history. Yet the Gothic remains a production of popular culture as much as it is of the valorised literary field. I do not wish to argue for a reintroduction of the great divide described by Andreas Huyssen, but instead to suggest that we have missed something important about the ways in which popular Gothics—and perhaps other sorts of popular text—function. What if the popular Gothic were not a type of work, but a kind of play? How might this change the way we read these texts? Johan Huizinga noted that “play is not ‘ordinary’ or ‘real’ life. It is rather a stepping out of ‘real’ life into a temporary sphere of activity with a disposition all of its own. Every child knows perfectly well he is ‘only pretending’, or that it was ‘only for fun’” (8). If the Gothic sometimes offers playful texts, then those texts might direct readers not primarily towards the real, but away from it, at least for a limited time. This might help to account for the wicked spectacle offered by Dennis Wheatley’s The Devil Rides Out, and in particular, its presentation of the black mass. The black mass is the parody of the Christian mass thought to be performed by witches and diabolists. Although it has doubtless been performed on rare occasions since the Middle Ages, the first black mass for which we have substantial documentary evidence was celebrated in Hampstead on Boxing Day 1918, by Montague Summers; it is a satisfying coincidence that Summers was one of the Gothic’s earliest scholars. We have record of Summer’s mass because it was watched by a non-participant, Anatole James, who was “bored to tears” as Summers recited tracts of Latin and practiced homosexual acts with a youth named Sullivan while James looked on (Medway 382-3). Summers claimed to be a Catholic priest, although there is some doubt as to the legitimacy of his ordination. The black mass ought to be officiated by a Catholic clergyman so the host may be transubstantiated before it is blasphemed. In doing so, the mass de-emphasises interpretive meaning and is an assault on the body of Christ rather than a mutilation of the symbol of Christ’s love and sacrifice. Thus, it is not conceived of primarily as a representational act but as actual violence. Nevertheless, Summers’ black mass seems like an elaborate form of sexual play more than spiritual warfare; by asking an acquaintance to observe the mass, Summers formulated the ritual as an erotic performance. The black mass was a favourite trope of the English Gothic of the nineteen-sixties and seventies. Dennis Wheatley’s The Devil Rides Out features an extended presentation of the mass; it was first published in 1934, but had achieved a kind of genre-specific canonicity by the nineteen-sixties, so that many Gothics produced and consumed in the sixties and seventies featured depictions of the black mass that drew from Wheatley’s original. Like Summers, Wheatley’s mass emphasised licentious sexual practice and, significantly, featured a voyeur or voyeurs watching the performance. Where James only wished Summers’ mass would end, Wheatley and his followers presented the mass as requiring interruption before it reaches a climax. This version of the mass recurs in most of Wheatley’s black magic novels, but it also appears in paperback romances, such as Susan Howatch’s 1973 The Devil on Lammas Night; it is reimagined in the literate and genuinely eerie short stories of Robert Aickman, which are just now thankfully coming back into print; it appears twice in Mervyn Peake’s Gormenghast books. Nor was the black mass confined to the written Gothic, appearing in films of the period too; The Kiss of the Vampire (1963), The Witches (1966), Satan’s Skin, aka Blood on Satan’s Claw (1970), The Wicker Man (1973), and The Satanic Rites of Dracula (1974) all feature celebrations of the Sabbat, as, of course do the filmed adaptations of Wheatley’s novels, The Devil Rides Out (1967) and To the Devil a Daughter (1975). More than just a key trope, the black mass was a procedure characteristic of the English Gothic of the sixties; narratives were structured so as to lead towards its performance. All of the texts mentioned above repeat narrative and trope, but more importantly, they loosely repeat experience, both for readers and the characters depicted. While Summers’ black mass apparently made for tiresome viewing, textual representations of the black mass typically embrace the pageant and sensuality of the Catholic mass it perverts, involving music, incense and spectacle. Often animalistic sex, bestiality, infanticide or human sacrifice are staged, and are intended to fascinate rather than bore. Although far from canonical in a literary sense, by 1969 Wheatley was an institution. He had sold 27 million books worldwide and around 70 percent of those had been within the British market. All of his 55 books were in print. A new Wheatley in hardcover would typically sell 30,000 copies, and paperback sales of his back catalogue stood at more than a million books a year. While Wheatley wrote thrillers in a range of different subgenres, at the end of the sixties it was his ‘black magic’ stories that were far and away the most popular. While moderately successful when first published, they developed their most substantial audience in the sixties. When The Satanist was published in paperback in 1966, it sold more than 100,000 copies in the first ten days. By 1973, five of these eight black magic titles had sold more than a million copies. The first of these was The Devil Rides Out which, although originally published in 1934, by 1973, helped by the Hammer film of 1967, had sold more than one and a half million copies, making it the most successful of the group (“Pooter”; Hedman and Alexandersson 20, 73). Wheatley’s black magic stories provide a good example of the way that texts persist and accumulate influence in a genre field, gaining genre-specific canonicity. Wheatley’s apparent influence on Gothic texts and films that followed, coupled with the sheer number of his books sold, indicate that he occupied a central position in the field, and that his approach to the genre became, for a time, a defining one. Wheatley’s black magic stories apparently developed a new readership in the sixties. The black mass perhaps became legible as a salacious, nightmarish version of some imaginary hippy gathering. While Wheatley’s Satanists are villainous, there is a vaguely progressive air about them; they listen to unconventional music, dance in the nude, participate in unconventional sexual practice, and glut themselves on various intoxicants. This, after all, was the age of Hair, Oh! Calcutta! and Oz magazine, “an era of personal liberation, in the view of some critics, one of moral anarchy” (Morgan 149). Without suggesting that the Satanists represent hippies there is a contextual relevancy available to later readers that would have been missing in the thirties. The sexual zeitgeist would have allowed later readers to pornographically and pleasurably imagine the liberated sexuality of the era without having to approve of it. Wheatley’s work has since become deeply, embarrassingly unfashionable. The books are racist, sexist, homophobic and committed to a basically fascistic vision of an imperial England, all of which will repel most casual readers. Nor do his works provide an especially good venue for academic criticism; all surface, they do not reward the labour of careful, deep reading. The Devil Rides Out narrates the story of a group of friends locked in a battle with the wicked Satanist Mocata, “a pot-bellied, bald headed person of about sixty, with large, protuberant, fishy eyes, limp hands, and a most unattractive lisp” (11), based, apparently, on the notorious occultist Aleister Crowley (Ellis 145-6). Mocata hopes to start a conflict on the scale of the Great War by performing the appropriate devilish rituals. Led by the aged yet spry Duke de Richleau and garrulous American Rex van Ryn, the friends combat Mocata in three substantial set pieces, including their attempt to disrupt the black mass as it is performed in a secluded field in Wiltshire. The Devil Rides Out is a ripping story. Wheatley’s narrative is urgent, and his simple prose suggests that the book is meant to be read quickly. Likewise, Wheatley’s protagonists do not experience in any real way the crises and collapses that so frequently trouble characters who struggle against the forces of darkness in Gothic narratives. Even when de Richlieu’s courage fails as he observes the Wiltshire Sabbat, this failure is temporary; Rex simply treats him as if he has been physically wounded, and the Duke soon rallies. The Devil Rides Out is remarkably free of trauma and its sequelæ. The morbid psychological states which often interest the twentieth century Gothic are excluded here in favour of the kind of emotional fortitude found in adventure stories. The effect is remarkable. Wheatley retains a cheerful tone even as he depicts the appalling, and potentially repellent representations become entertainments. Wheatley describes in remarkable detail the actions that his protagonists witness from their hidden vantage point. If the Gothic reader looks forward to gleeful blasphemy, then this is amply provided, in the sort of sardonic style that Lewis’ The Monk manages so well. A cross is half stomped into matchwood and inverted in the ground, the Christian host is profaned in a way too dreadful to be narrated, and the Duke informs us that the satanic priests are eating “a stillborn baby or perhaps some unfortunate child that they have stolen and murdered”. Rex is chilled by the sound of a human skull rattling around in their cauldron (117-20). The mass offers a special quality of experience, distinct from the everyday texture of life represented in the text. Ostensibly waiting for their chance to liberate their friend Simon from the action, the Duke and Rex are voyeurs, and readers participate in this voyeurism too. The narrative focus shifts from Rex and de Richlieu’s observation of the mass, to the wayward medium Tanith’s independent, bespelled arrival at the ritual site, before returning to the two men. This arrangement allows Wheatley to extend his description of the gathering, reiterating the same events from different characters’ perspectives. This would be unusual if the text were simply a thriller, and relied on the ongoing release of new information to maintain narrative interest. Instead, readers have the opportunity to “view” the salacious activity of the Satanists a second time. This repetition delays the climactic action of the scene, where the Duke and Rex rescue Simon by driving a car into the midst of the ritual. Moreover, the repetition suggests that the “thrill” on offer is not necessarily related to plot —it offers us nothing new —but instead to simply seeing the rite performed. Tanith, although conveyed to the mass by some dark power, is delayed and she too becomes a part of the mass’ audience. She saw the Satanists… tumbling upon each other in the disgusting nudity of their ritual dance. Old Madame D’Urfé, huge-buttocked and swollen, prancing by some satanic power with all the vigour of a young girl who had only just reached maturity; the Babu, dark-skinned, fleshy, hideous; the American woman, scraggy, lean-flanked and hag-like with empty, hanging breasts; the Eurasian, waving the severed stump of his arm in the air as he gavotted beside the unwieldy figure of the Irish bard, whose paunch stood out like the grotesque belly of a Chinese god. (132) The reader will remember that Madame D’Urfé is French, and that the cultists are dancing before the Goat of Mendes, who masquerades as Malagasy, earlier described by de Richlieu as “a ‘bad black’ if ever I saw one” (11). The human body is obsessively and grotesquely racialized; Wheatley is simultaneously at his most politically vile and aesthetically Goya-like. The physically grotesque meshes with the crudely sexual and racist. The Irishman is typed as a “bard” and somehow acquires a second racial classification, the Indian is horrible seemingly because of his race, and Madame D’Urfé is repulsive because her sexuality is framed as inappropriate to her age. The dancing crone is defined in terms of a younger, presumably sexually appealing, woman; even as she is denigrated, the reader is presented with a contrary image. As the sexuality of the Satanists is excoriated, titillation is offered. Readers may take whatever pleasure they like from the representations while simultaneously condemning them, or even affecting revulsion. A binary opposition is set up between de Richlieu’s company, who are cultured and moneyed, and the Satanists, who might masquerade as civilised, but reveal their savagery at the Sabbat. Their race becomes a further symptom of their lack of civilised qualities. The Duke complains to Rex that “there is little difference between this modern Satanism and Voodoo… We might almost be witnessing some heathen ceremony in an African jungle!” (115). The Satanists become “a trampling mass of bestial animal figures” dancing to music where, “Instead of melody, it was a harsh, discordant jumble of notes and broken chords which beat into the head with a horrible nerve-racking intensity and set the teeth continually on edge” (121). Music and melody are cultural constructions as much as they are mathematical ones. The breakdown of music suggests a breakdown of culture, more specifically, of Western cultural norms. The Satanists feast, with no “knives, forks, spoons or glasses”, but instead drink straight from bottles and eat using their hands (118). This is hardly transgression on the scale of devouring an infant, but emphasises that Satanism is understood to represent the antithesis of civilization, specifically, of a conservative Englishness. Bad table manners are always a sign of wickedness. This sort of reading is useful in that it describes the prejudices and politics of the text. It allows us to see the black mass as meaningful and places it within a wider discursive tradition making sense of a grotesque dance that combines a variety of almost arbitrary transgressive actions, staged in a Wiltshire field. This style of reading seems to confirm the approach to genre text that Fredric Jameson has espoused (117-9), which understands the text as reinforcing a hegemonic worldview within its readership. This is the kind of reading the academy often works to produce; it recognises the mass as standing for something more than the simple fact of its performance, and develops a coherent account of what the mass represents. The labour of reading discerns the work the text does out in the world. Yet despite the good sense and political necessity of this approach, my suggestion is that these observations are secondary to the primary function of the text because they cannot account for the reading experience offered by the Sabbat and the rest of the text. Regardless of text’s prejudices, The Devil Rides Out is not a book about race. It is a book about Satanists. As Jo Walton has observed, competent genre readers effortlessly grasp this kind of distinction, prioritising certain readings and elements of the text over others (33-5). Failing to account for the reading strategy presumed by author and audience risks overemphasising what is less significant in a text while missing more important elements. Crucially, a reading that emphasises the political implications of the Sabbat attributes meaning to the ritual; yet the ritual’s ability to hold meaning is not what is most important about it. By attributing meaning to the Sabbat, we miss the fact of the Sabbat itself; it has become a metaphor rather than a thing unto itself, a demonstration of racist politics rather than one of the central necessities of a black magic story. Seligman, Weller, Puett and Simon claim that ritual is usually read as having a social purpose or a cultural meaning, but that these readings presume that ritual is interested in presenting the world truthfully, as it is. Seligman and his co-authors take exception to this, arguing that ritual does not represent society or culture as they are and that ritual is “a subjunctive—the creation of an order as if it were truly the case” (20). Rather than simply reflecting history, society and culture, ritual responds to the disappointment of the real; the farmer performs a rite to “ensure” the bounty of the harvest not because the rite symbolises the true order of things, but as a consolation because sometimes the harvest fails. Interestingly, the Duke’s analysis of the Satanists’ motivations closely accords with Seligman et al.’s understanding of the need for ritual to console our anxieties and disappointments. For the cultists, the mass is “a release of all their pent-up emotions, and suppressed complexes, engendered by brooding over imagined injustice, lust for power, bitter hatred of rivals in love or some other type of success or good fortune” (121). The Satanists perform the mass as a response to the disappointment of the participant’s lives; they are ugly, uncivil outsiders and according to the Duke, “probably epileptics… nearly all… abnormal” (121). The mass allows them to feel, at least for a limited time, as if they are genuinely powerful, people who ought to be feared rather than despised, able to command the interest and favour of their infernal lord, to receive sexual attention despite their uncomeliness. Seligman et al. go on to argue ritual “must be understood as inherently nondiscursive—semantic content is far secondary to subjunctive creation.” Ritual “cannot be analysed as a coherent system of beliefs” (26). If this is so, we cannot expect the black mass to necessarily say anything coherent about Satanism, let alone racism. In fact, The Devil Rides Out tends not to focus on the meaning of the black mass, but on its performance. The perceivable facts of the mass are given, often in instructional detail, but any sense of what they might stand for remains unexplicated in the text. Indeed, taken individually, it is hard to make sense or meaning out of each of the Sabbat’s components. Why must a skull rattle around a cauldron? Why must a child be killed and eaten? If communion forms the most significant part of the Christian mass, we could presume that the desecration of the host might be the most meaningful part of the rite, but given the extensive description accorded the mass as a whole, the parody of communion is dealt with surprisingly quickly, receiving only three sentences. The Duke describes the act as “the most appalling sacrilege”, but it is left at that as the celebrants stomp the host into the ground (120). The action itself is emphasised over anything it might mean. Most of Wheatley’s readers will, I think, be untroubled by this. As Pierre Bourdieu noted, “the regularities inherent in an arbitrary condition… tend to appear as necessary, even natural, since they are the basis of the schemes of perception and appreciation through which they are apprehended” (53-4). Rather than stretching towards an interpretation of the Sabbat, readers simply accept it a necessary condition of a “black magic story”. While the genre and its tropes are constructed, they tend to appear as “natural” to readers. The Satanists perform the black mass because that is what Satanists do. The representation does not even have to be compelling in literary terms; it simply has to be a “proper” black mass. Richard Schechner argues that, when we are concerned with ritual, “Propriety”, that is, seeing the ritual properly executed, “is more important than artistry in the Euro-American sense” (178). Rather than describing the meaning of the ritual, Wheatley prefers to linger over the Satanist’s actions, their gluttonous feasting and dancing, their nudity. Again, these are actions that hold sensual qualities for their performers that exceed the simply discursive. Through their ritual behaviour they enter into atavistic and ecstatic states beyond everyday human consciousness. They are “hardly human… Their brains are diseased and their mentality is that of the hags and the warlocks of the middle ages…” and are “governed apparently by a desire to throw themselves back into a state of bestiality…” (117-8). They finally reach a state of “maniacal exaltation” and participate in an “intoxicated nightmare” (135). While the mass is being celebrated, the Satanists become an undifferentiated mass, their everyday identities and individuality subsumed into the subjunctive world created by the ritual. Simon, a willing participant, becomes lost amongst them, his individual identity given over to the collective, subjunctive state created by the group. Rex and the Duke are outside of this subjunctive world, expressing revulsion, but voyeuristically looking on; they retain their individual identities. Tanith is caught between the role played by Simon, and the one played by the Duke and Rex, as she risks shifting from observer to participant, her journey to the Sabbat being driven on by “evil powers” (135). These three relationships to the Sabbat suggest some of the strategies available to its readers. Like Rex and the Duke, we seem to observe the black mass as voyeurs, and still have the option of disapproving of it, but like Simon, the act of continuing to read means that we are participating in the representation of this perversity. Having committed to reading a “black magic story”, the reader’s procession towards the black mass is inevitable, as with Tanith’s procession towards it. Yet, just as Tanith is compelled towards it, readers are allowed to experience the Sabbat without necessarily having to see themselves as wanting to experience it. This facilitates a ludic, undiscursive reading experience; readers are not encouraged to seriously reflect on what the Sabbat means or why it might be a source of vicarious pleasure. They do not have to take responsibility for it. As much as the Satanists create a subjunctive world for their own ends, readers are creating a similar world for themselves to participate in. The mass—an incoherent jumble of sex and violence—becomes an imaginative refuge from the everyday world which is too regulated, chaste and well-behaved. Despite having substantial precedent in folklore and Gothic literature (see Medway), the black mass as it is represented in The Devil Rides Out is largely an invention. The rituals performed by occultists like Crowley were never understood by their participants as being black masses, and it was not until the foundation of the Church of Satan in San Francisco in the later nineteen-sixties that it seems the black mass was performed with the regularity or uniformity characteristic of ritual. Instead, its celebration was limited to eccentrics and dabblers like Summers. Thus, as an imaginary ritual, the black mass can be whatever its writers and readers need it to be, providing the opportunity to stage those actions and experiences required by the kind of text in which it appears. Because it is the product of the requirements of the text, it becomes a venue in which those things crucial to the text are staged; forbidden sexual congress, macabre ceremony, violence, the appearance of intoxicating and noisome scents, weird violet lights, blue candle flames and the goat itself. As we observe the Sabbat, the subjunctive of the ritual aligns with the subjunctive of the text itself; the same ‘as if’ is experienced by both the represented worshippers and the readers. The black mass offers an analogue for the black magic story, providing, almost in digest form, the images and experiences associated with the genre at the time. Seligman et al. distinguish between modes that they term the sincere and the ritualistic. Sincerity describes an approach to reading the world that emphasises the individual subject, authenticity, and the need to get at “real” thought and feeling. Ritual, on the other hand, prefers community, convention and performance. The “sincere mode of behavior seeks to replace the ‘mere convention’ of ritual with a genuine and thoughtful state of internal conviction” (103). Where the sincere is meaningful, the ritualistic is practically oriented. In The Devil Rides Out, the black mass, a largely unreal practice, must be regarded as insincere. More important than any “meaning” we might extract from the rite is the simple fact of participation. The individuality and agency of the participants is apparently diminished in the mass, and their regular sense of themselves is recovered only as the Duke and Rex desperately drive the Duke’s Hispano into the ritual so as to halt it. The car’s lights dispel the subjunctive darkness and reduce the unified group to a gathering of confused individuals, breaking the spell of naughtily enabling darkness. Just as the meaningful aspect of the mass is de-emphasised for ritual participants, for readers, self and discursive ability are de-emphasised in favour of an immersive, involving reading experience; we keep reading the mass without pausing to really consider the mass itself. It would reduce our pleasure in and engagement with the text to do so; the mass would be revealed as obnoxious, unpleasant and nonsensical. When we read the black mass we tend to put our day-to-day values, both moral and aesthetic, to one side, bracketing our sincere individuality in favour of participation in the text. If there is little point in trying to interpret Wheatley’s black mass due to its weakly discursive nature, then this raises questions of how to approach the text. Simply, the “work” of interpretation seems unnecessary; Wheatley’s black mass asks to be regarded as a form of play. Simply, The Devil Rides Out is a venue for a particular kind of readerly play, apart from the more substantial, sincere concerns that occupy most literary criticism. As Huizinga argued that, “Play is distinct from ‘ordinary’ life both as to locality and duration… [A significant] characteristic of play [is] its secludedness, its limitedness” (9). Likewise, by seeing the mass as a kind of play, we can understand why, despite the provocative and transgressive acts it represents, it is not especially harrowing as a reading experience. Play “lies outside the antithesis of wisdom and folly, and equally outside those of truth and falsehood, good and evil…. The valuations of vice and virtue do not apply...” (Huizinga 6). The mass might well offer barbarism and infanticide, but it does not offer these to its readers “seriously”. The subjunctive created by the black mass for its participants on the page is approximately equivalent to the subjunctive Wheatley’s text proposes to his readers. The Sabbat offers a tawdry, intoxicated vision, full of strange performances, weird lights, queer music and druggy incenses, a darkened carnival apart from the real that is, despite its apparent transgressive qualities and wretchedness, “only playing”. References Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Trans. Richard Nice. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990. Ellis, Bill. Raising the Devil: Satanism, New Religions, and the Media. Lexington: The UP of Kentucky, 2000. Hedman, Iwan, and Jan Alexandersson. Four Decades with Dennis Wheatley. DAST Dossier 1. Köping 1973. Huyssen, Andreas. After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1986. Jameson, Fredric. The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act. London: Routledge, 1989. Huizinga, J. Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play-Element in Culture. International Library of Sociology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1949. Medway, Gareth J. The Lure of the Sinister: The Unnatural History of Satanism. New York: New York UP, 2001. “Pooter.” The Times 19 August 1969: 19. Punter, David. The Literature of Terror: A History of Gothic Fictions from 1765 to the Present Day. London: Longman, 1980. Schechner, Richard. Performance Theory. Revised and Expanded ed. New York: Routledge, 1988. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. The Coherence of Gothic Conventions. 1980. New York: Methuen, 1986. Seligman, Adam B, Robert P. Weller, Michael J. Puett and Bennett Simon. Ritual and Its Consequences: An Essay on the Limits of Sincerity. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Thompson, G.R. Introduction. “Romanticism and the Gothic Imagination.” The Gothic Imagination: Essays in Dark Romanticism. Ed. G.R. Thompson. Pullman: Washington State UP, 1974. 1-10. Wheatley, Dennis. The Devil Rides Out. 1934. London: Mandarin, 1996.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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