Dissertations / Theses on the topic '1917-'

This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale.
Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen.  Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.

The thesis investigates how political actors remade key aspects of Europe’s economic landscape after World Wars I and II. The first and the second case deal with the borders of the Polish state; the third case investigates German reparations after World War I; the fourth case looks at the internal processes of the American administration in dealing with Germany’s reconstruction after World War II. The thesis argues that actors remade Europe’s economy by using cognitive artefacts, such as cartographic maps, statistical tables or accounting procedures. Because cognitive artefacts are explicit where written and spoken statements are vague, they complement and expand the textual and verbal record. One of the consequences is that we gain a different perspective of the performance of political actors, which leads to a re-evaluation of diplomacy after World War I. It has received a largely negative appraisal so far. That seems rather disproportionate if due consideration is given to cognitive artefacts. Moreover, the analysis of cognitive artefacts shows that the results actors achieved, were not solely outcomes of rationality or policy discourse. Actors used maps, statistical tables etc to develop jointly ad hoc ways of reasoning that were synthetic, open-ended and considerably nuanced. Therefore, the thesis proposes cognitive artefacts as an analytical framework for political agency. By producing, circulating, rejecting and modifying them in an iterative process, actors identify and structure their individual and their joint agency. As actors go through this process, their cooperation as well their noncooperation take shape. In using cognitive artefacts, actors are at the same time aligning and legitimising their agency. That involves persuasion, coercion and deceit, but not necessarily shared views.

This thesis examines the content of The Bombshell during the period 1917 and 1919 in order to explore how the culture of the workforce, predominantly women workers, was represented during a period of both war and peace. This will be performed by examining themes, which appear in The Bombshell, of gender and sport, humour and gossip, and literature and poetry. These themes will be scrutinised in order to provide a deeper historical context of the workforce of Thos. Firth & Sons.

Le but de ce travail est de restituer l'image de l'intelligentsia anglaise à la recherche de son identité au moment où la fièvre russe avec la vogue de Diaghilev, le culte de Dostoïevski et celui de Tchekhov sévit à son maximum d'intensité. C'est, en effet, dans ce contexte que l’élite intellectuelle anglaise se choisit pour dénomination l'emprunt intelligentsia. La fièvre russe, phénomène d'intoxication psychologique, aura eu pour support idéologique le mythe de l'âme russe, cliché de la pensée occidentale. Au lendemain de la convention anglo-russe de 1907, le mythe devient l'outil d'une propagande destinée a rallier une opinion publique hostile au rapprochement. Ainsi s'explique le rôle du mythe dans une campagne de séduction menée par voie de presse. Avec le resserrement de l'entente en alliance (1914-17), l'église et l'état font œuvre commune, usant du slogan de l'âme exaltée par les gens de lettres. De l'âme esthétisée des ballets russes à l'âme sacralisée chez Dostoïevski, puis banalisée chez Tchekhov, le mythe répond aux nécessités d'un temps de crise. Phénomène socio-culturel d'une Angleterre en transition, agent d'une nouvelle conscience de soi, la fièvre russe aura catalysé la mutation de l'intelligentsia et donne naissance à une nouvelle esthétique
The aim of this work is to capture the image of the English intelligentsia in its quest for an identity at the time when the Russian craze reached the height of its intensity with the vogue for Diaghilev, and the cults of Dostoevsky and Chekhov. It was in this particular context that the English intellectual elite chose to adopt for itself the Russian term intelligentsia. The Russian craze, a phenomenon of collective hysteria, was fuelled by the myth of the Russian soul, a cliched phrase of western thought. Following the anglo-russian agreement of 1907, this myth became a propaganda instrument intended to rally public opinion hostile to rapprochement. This explains the part played by the myth in the campaign of enticement led by the press. With the strengthening of the entente into an alliance (1914-17), church and state joined forces, using the slogan of the soul propagated by men of letters. From the aesthetic soul of the Russian ballet, the soul made sacred by Dostoevsky, then trivialized by Chekhov, the myth responded to the needs of an age in crisis. The Russian craze, symptomatic of an England in transition, proved the catalyst for change in the English intelligentsia as the agent of a new self-awareness and the promoter of new aesthetics

L'idéologie marxiste d'origine ne fournit pas un cadre doctrinal net, à validité permanente, aux relations économiques de la nouvelle société socialiste avec le reste du monde. Le code de conduite de l'Etat soviétique en la matière s'articulera autour de trois composantes majeures : la personnalité au pouvoir, sa vision du monde extérieur et la situation interne du pays. La corrélation entre ces composantes varie. Partant des références à l'idéologie marxiste, les dirigeants conçoivent de façon différente leur realpolitik face aux problèmes imprevus que posent les relations économiques extérieures. Le substrat idéologique et économique des écrits de Marx, Rosa Luxemburg et Boukharine, dégage dans la première partie, est toujours matiné ou dominé par un indispensable pragmatisme. Pour Lénine, stratège de la révolution mondiale, l'approche pragmatique est essentiellement orientée vers l'affermissement de son pays ; pour Trotsky, l'orientation demeure internationaliste. Mais ces différences ne prendront jamais le caractère violemment antagoniste qui va se manifester entre la conception de Trotsky et la politique effectivement mise en oeuvre par Staline. Trotsky en fera les frais. Au fur et à mesure que Staline affermit son pouvoir monolithique, l'opposition devient de plus en plus flagrante entre sa stratégie et celle de Boukharine. L'une et l'autre visent pourtant le même objectif : la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays. Les écrits de Varga, conseiller de Staline, fournissent une excellente grille de lecture pour l'ensemble de l'époque. Lorsque Staline cessera d'écouter Varga, la politique au lendemain de la deuxième Guerre mondiale se dessinera : opposition des blocs qui - en ce qui concerne les relations économiques extérieures - débouchera sur le COMECON
The original marxist ideology does not provide a clear universally valid basis for economic relations of a new socialist society with the rest of the world. In this respect the behaviour pattern of the Soviet State will be formulated around three major components : the personality in power, his vision of the external world, and the country's internal situation. The correlation between these three components varies. While all make references to marxist ideology, the various leaders based their realpolitik on different interpretations of the unexpected problems posed by external economic relations. The ideological and economic substratum set in the writings of Marx, Rosa Luxemburg and Bukharin, analysed in the first part of the dissertation always found itself modified or even superceded by an unavoidable pragmatism. For Lenin, strategist of world revolution, the pragmatic approach was basically orientated towards the strengthening of his country. Trotsky's orientation was more internationalist, but these differences with Lenin would never take the violently antagonistic form which later manifested itself between Trotsky's conceptions and Stalin's actual policies. Trotsky was to pay for this. With the growth of Stalin's monolithic power, the differences between his strategy and that of Bukharin became ever more flagrant. This despite the fact that both pursued the same aim: to build socialism in one country. The writings of Varga, Stalin's adviser, provide an excellent point of reference for this whole period. When Stalin ceased to listen to Varga, there emerged his policy in the aftermath of the Second War: the concept of opposing blocs, which, in its external economic aspects, led to the creation of COMECON

This thesis examines the development and implementation of media control in France during the First World War. First it describes the evolution of the press control system between 1914 and 1916 and outlines its bureaucratic framework. The study then analyses the extent to which censorship of the press was useful in helping the French government achieve its aims during the particularly turbulent years of 1917 and 1918. The chapters are set out chronologically and contain sections that examine the role of censorship on a case by case basis. The last two years of the war have been chosen for special examination in this thesis because in 1917 and 1918 France’s war effort was increasingly strained simultaneously by both internal and external events. In 1917 France was threatened with rising war weariness, coinciding with the failed Nivelle Offensive, mutinies at the front and international calls for a negotiated peace settlement. In 1918, as Clemenceau began to rally the nation, France faced its most crucial enemy attack since the Marne in 1914. Most of the thesis focuses on censorship of newspapers in Paris. These papers not only had far larger ciculations than their provincial counterparts but often were read in the provinces more than were local papers. Finally by following a few papers specifically through these two years, it is possible to see the evolution of the way in which papers on the left, right and centre were monitored by the government. This thesis argues that France’s censorship system, while not perfect was effective in achieving the aims set out as its goals in 1914 by the War Ministry: to keep military secrets from the enemy and to help maintain public order.

Il rapporto del giovane Heidegger con Duns Scoto viene analizzato con particolare riferimento alla tesi del 1916 "La dottrina delle categorie e del significato in Duns Scoto". Il pensatore scolastico viene indicato come fonte di primaria importanza per lo sviluppo dell'ontologia heideggeriana matura attraverso alcuni elementi chiave: l'univocità del concetto di essere, la razionalità di principio dell'individuo, la ricerca di un linguaggio descrittivo adatto alla filosofia. Carl Braig risulta uno degli autori il cui contributo determinò maggiormente in Heidegger l'interesse per i problemi dell'ontologia scotista.
The young Heidegger’s relationship to Duns Scotus is analysed with particular reference to the thesis on “Duns Scotus’s Doctrine of Categories and Meaning” (1916). The scholastic thinker is shown to be a source of primary importance for Heidegger’s mature ontology by the means of some key features: the univocity of the concept of Being, the basic intelligibility of the individual, the search for a descriptive language suitable for philosophy. Carl Braig turns out to be one of the authors who contributed the most to determine Heidegger’s interest in the problems of scotist ontology.

Il rapporto del giovane Heidegger con Duns Scoto viene analizzato con particolare riferimento alla tesi del 1916 "La dottrina delle categorie e del significato in Duns Scoto". Il pensatore scolastico viene indicato come fonte di primaria importanza per lo sviluppo dell'ontologia heideggeriana matura attraverso alcuni elementi chiave: l'univocità del concetto di essere, la razionalità di principio dell'individuo, la ricerca di un linguaggio descrittivo adatto alla filosofia. Carl Braig risulta uno degli autori il cui contributo determinò maggiormente in Heidegger l'interesse per i problemi dell'ontologia scotista.
The young Heidegger’s relationship to Duns Scotus is analysed with particular reference to the thesis on “Duns Scotus’s Doctrine of Categories and Meaning” (1916). The scholastic thinker is shown to be a source of primary importance for Heidegger’s mature ontology by the means of some key features: the univocity of the concept of Being, the basic intelligibility of the individual, the search for a descriptive language suitable for philosophy. Carl Braig turns out to be one of the authors who contributed the most to determine Heidegger’s interest in the problems of scotist ontology.

À partir d’une approche documentaire, éditoriale et historique du périodique musicologique est interrogée la participation des revues académiques à la construction d’une discipline.Composé de 122 titres américains, français et allemands du 20e siècle ainsi que de l’Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, de la Revue de Musicologie et du Musical Quarterly, le corpus est soumis à une double observation, macroscopique et microscopique, sur le temps long, ainsi qu’à une analyse des sommaires. Partant de l’idée que la musicologie est une forme d’écriture sur la musique, cette investigation a pour objectif d’éclairer les ambiguïtés et l’historicité du périodique savant sur la musique ainsi que de repérer la manière dont l’articulation entre science, écriture et musique agit sur la revue musicologique. Instrument rhétorique et de captation du lecteur, cette dernière régule, hiérarchise et contrôle un territoire disciplinaire qu’elle délimite. Espace de représentation, le périodique musicologique fabrique l’histoire et l’identité d’un collectif qu’il fédère et dont il constitue le support de communication. La capacité de la revue à accepter la différence et à relier, à laisser place aux polémiques et aux prises de position, ainsi qu’à faire circuler le discours en font un objet hétérogène en perpétuelle transformation que l’on envisage comme un objet culturel
Basing on a documentary, editorial and historical approach of the musicological periodical and considering musicology as a form of writing about music, we examine the contribution of journals to the construction of a discipline. Consisting of 122 american, french and german titles, as well as of three leading journals in musicology, the Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, the Revue de Musicologie and The Musical Quarterly, the corpus is submitted to a macroscopical and microscopical observation and to a content analysis. The aim of this investigation is to shed light on the ambiguities and the historicity of learned journals about music. As a rhetorical instrument, the periodical circumscribes a disciplinary territory. This medium of communication federates a collective of which it writes the story, elaborates the history and constructs the identity. By its faculty to accept differences, to link, to leave room to controversy as well as to put discourses into circulation, it can be viewed as a cultural and a heterogeneous object. The articulation between science, writing and music acts on the musicological periodical which is in perpetual transformation

Державотворчі процеси періоду 1917–1921 рр. є однією з найбільш досліджуваних і найбільш актуальних тем історії України. У період української державності 1917–1921 рр. земельне питання належало до найпекучіших проблем, що вимагали розв’язання, адже більшість населення становили селяни. Воно було зафіксовано як в низці політичних прокламацій, так і в законодавчих актах. Разом з тим важливість теми визначається і складністю історичних процесів 1917–1921 рр., переплетінням соціальної та національної революцій.

This dissertation is an examination of the operations of U.S. battleships in World War I. The study examines tactical cooperation between units of the U.S. Atlantic Fleet and the British Grand Fleet and relations between the two navies; the efficiency of U.S. battleships in terms of both personnel and material; and the strategic ideas of U.S. naval leaders governing the use of capital ships. The manuscript is based primarily on records of the Department of the Navy in the National Archives and Admiralty records at the Public Record Office. Also important are the private papers of principal naval leaders, located at the Library of Congress and the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, U.K. The published memoirs of several of the participants are also utilized. The first chapter examines Anglo-American naval relations and traces diplomatic events leading to the U.S. Navy Department's decision to dispatch dreadnought battleships to European waters. The following two chapters discuss the amalgamation of Battleship Division Nine into the British Grand Fleet. Chapter IV examines the gunnery efficiency of U.S. battleships serving with the Grand Fleet. Chapter V reviews Anglo-American planning for a possible German battle cruiser raid against the Atlantic convoys. Chapter VI deals with the movement of Battleship Division Six to Berehaven, Ireland. Chapter VII discusses the use of pre-dreadnought battleships as training ships, convoy escorts, and troop transports. The study concludes that U.S. battleships made a subsidiary, but important contribution toward victory at sea. The addition of U.S. battleships allowed the Allies to protect Scandinavian commerce and the supply lines from the United States from German surface raiders while also maintaining superiority in the North Sea.

Syftet med föreliggande doktorsavhandling i teknikhistoria är att öka kunskapen om varför, men framförallt hur och under vilka villkor den första elektrifieringen av en statsägd järnväg genomfördes i Sverige. Arbetet med Riksgränsbanans elektrifiering pågick 1908-1917 och var på många sätt ett unikt pionjärprojekt. Två stora tekniska system skulle där komma att sammankopplas med varandra; artonhundratalets mogna järnvägssystem med nittonhundratalets nya elkraftsystem. Riksgränsbanan, den omkring 130 km långa nordligaste delen av Malmbanan mellan Kiruna och Riksgränsen, var världens dittills nordligaste järnväg att elektrifieras och det subarktiska klimatet ställde stora krav på utförandet av tekniska komponenter. Den geografiska lokaliseringen innebar dessutom att de långa avstånden till beslutsfattare inom statsförvaltning och företag måste hanteras. Därutöver genomfördes projektet i en tidsperiod präglad av protektionism, nationalism och internationella konflikter, yttre faktorer som alla också påverkade projektets utformning och genomförande. Att det var Riksgränsbanan som blev den första statliga järnvägslinje att elektrifieras i Sverige berodde på att staten 1907 gått in som hälftenägare i gruvbolaget LKAB och att nya avtal fastställde en ökad brytning och transport av järnmalm, från 1,5 miljoner ton årligen 1908 till 3,85 miljoner ton 1918. Denna mängd kunde inte transporteras inom befintligt system med ångdrift utan omfattande investeringar, vilket innebar att en systemomvandling till elektrisk drift ansågs vara ett bättre alternativ. I maj 1910 beslutade riksdagen anslå 21,5 miljoner kr till projektet som skulle drivas av Järnvägsstyrelsens byrå för elektrisk drift i samverkan med företagen Siemens och ASEA. Kontraktsskrivningen ställde hårda krav på företagen gällande prestanda och utförande och Järnvägsstyrelsen kunde när som helst, senast två år efter övertagandet av driften av banan, besluta att upphäva kontraktet och kräva att företagen återställde anläggningen till ursprungligt skick.Det var en mängd tekniska subsystem och komponenter som skulle färdigställas och sättas samman för att det tekniska primärsystemet ”den elektrifierade Riksgränsbanan” skulle fungera. Speciellt färdigställandet av loken och isolatorerna till ledningssystemet omgärdades av problem som kom att försena projektets färdigställande. Problemen var både organisatoriska och tekniska till sin natur men kunde efterhand åtgärdas genom att det utarbetades bättre rutiner vid korrespondens och annan kontakt mellan aktörerna samt genom att det togs större hänsyn till lokala klimatologiska förhållanden i samband med teknikutveckling. I sin roll som byrådirektör för byrån för elektrisk drift skulle Ivan Öfverholm visa sig vara en stark representant för beställaren och han spelade en central roll för projektets genomförande. Öfverholm kan i detta sammanhang kategoriseras som en offentlig systembyggare som med fast hand styrde projektet. Ibland innebar detta att Öfverholm hamnade i direkt konflikt med företagens representanter men ofta fungerade han också som medlare i de konflikter som ideligen uppstod mellan Byråns och företagens lokala representanter vid anläggningen. Den tvååriga garantitiden inleddes den 1 oktober 1915 och i slutet av 1917 hade nästan samtliga kvarstående arbeten vid anläggningen fullföljts och SJ kunde ta över anläggningen. Slutomdömet om Riksgränsbanans elektrifiering var överlag positivt och 1919 beslutade riksdagen att elektrifiera resterande del av Malmbanan, vilket var genomfört från Narvik till Luleå sommaren 1923. Det banbrytande arbetet i den norrländska ödemarken med att elektrifiera Sveriges nordligaste järnväg var därmed avslutat.

Godkänd; 2012; 20120221 (roiwik); DISPUTATION Ämnesområde: Teknikhistoria/History of Technology Opponent: Dr Mats Fridlund, Institutionen för filosofi, lingvistik och vetenskapsteori, Göteborgs universitet Ordförande: Biträdande professor Kristina Söderholm, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, Luleå tekniska universitet Tid: Fredag den 20 april 2012, kl 10.15 Plats: A1547, Luleå tekniska universitet

The Military Intelligence Division (MID) was the U.S. Army's intelligence agency that reported to the Chief of Staff within the War Department. During the years 1917- 1927, the MID routinely conducted surveillance of Mexico, including: espionage, mail censorship, radio intercepts, intelligence gathering, and development of plans for the invasion of Mexico. This study utilizes a tripartite model to evaluate the production and analysis of military "intelligence" by the MID in Mexico during the period 1917-1927. First, the organization and development of the Military Intelligence Division from its origins in 1885 through the year 1927 is explored with sections on institutional history and objects of investigation. Second, a quantitative analysis of intelligence documents identifies the focus and priorities of the MID in Mexico. Third, a textual analysis of intelligence documents makes use of a cross-cultural framework to demonstrate the prevailing attitudes, perspectives and world views of the MID toward the Mexican state and its peoples. The thesis question as to whether the U.S. Military Intelligence Division created an accurate and complete picture of "reality" of Mexico is answered in the negative. The MID perspective was colored by cultural bias, ignorance, and misunderstanding. Ultimately, the MID failed to grasp the reality of Mexico because it failed to ask the right questions. It seriously misunderstood the nature of Mexico and its peoples, especially in its relationship with the United States .. The particular model developed for this study lends itself to the possibility of further research in the area of international history and cross-cultural studies. The use of multiple analysis techniques provides a more comprehensive picture of the various factors involved that influence historical events.

Cette étude propose une analyse du théâtre de Francisco Villaespesa (1877-1936) sous l’angle de l’histoire culturelle, c’est-à-dire une analyse qui prête une attention particulière aux conditions de production, de diffusion et de réception de ses oeuvres. Autour de 1900, Francisco Villaespesa apparaît comme un transmetteur culturel, qui a largement participé à l’introduction du symbolisme européen en Espagne. Pourtant, à partir de 1910, le discours du poète, qui avait rejeté en bloc l’ordre bourgeois, évolue : il décide de sortir de sa tour d’ivoire et de partir à la conquête du public, participant ainsi à l’adaptation du modernisme aux classes dominantes. C’est à ce moment qu’il écrit du théâtre, un théâtre emblématique des contradictions du modernisme espagnol. Ses oeuvres dramatiques s’apparentent au théâtre symboliste européen (et notamment à ses deux maîtres, Gabriele D’Annunzio et Maurice Maeterlinck), dans la mesure où le dramaturge en reprend nombre de thèmes, de modes d’expression et de problématiques. Pourtant, à bien des égards, son théâtre apparaît comme un échec de la rénovation de la scène espagnole : Villaespesa s’adapte aux goûts et à l’idéologie des classes dominantes ― celles qui assistent aux représentations de ses pièces ― et reprend des modèles hérités de la tradition théâtrale nationale, pour servir une idéologie clairement conservatrice. L’analyse de la diffusion de ses pièces ― par le biais du livre et de la scène ― et de leur réception ― par le public et par les critiques de théâtre ― permet de mettre au jour le rôle déterminant des facteurs matériels, d’une part, et sociaux, d’autre part, dans cette évolution conservatrice du modernisme espagnol dans les années 1910
In this study of Francisco Villaespesa's theatre (1877-1936), directed towards cultural history, the analysis mainly focuses on the way his works have been issued, circulated and welcomed. Around 1900, Francisco Villaespesa was regarded as a writer who passed on culture, being largely involved in introducing European symbolism in Spain. However, from 1910 on, the discourse of the poet ― who had previously turned down the whole bourgeoisie ― started developing, in so far as he decided to get out of his ivory tower and to conquer the public at large, thus contributing to adapting modernism for upper classes. At that very moment, he started writing theatre plays, emphasizing the contradictions of Spanish modernism. His dramatic plays show similarities with the symbolic theatre in Europe – notably its two great masters, Gabriele D'Annunzio and Maurice Maeterlinck – since the playwright reproduced quite a great number of themes, writing styles and problematics. Yet, there is no doubt his drama has revealed a great failure in renovating the Spanish stage: Villaespesa adapted to the longings and ideology of the upper classes – those who attended the performances of his plays – and repeated the models which were inherited from the national drama tradition, with a view to fueling a straightforward conservative ideology. Analysing the circulation of his plays – through books and on stage – and their reception – by the public and the theatre critics – enables to point out the essential role played, on the one hand, by material factors, and on the other hand, by social ones, in that conservative evolution of the Spanish modernism in the 1910s

En Russie, à la fin de la période impériale, comment les connaissances et les opinions sur le droit étaient-elles produites et circulaient-elles ? Des années 1890 à 1917, les tenants de la culture juridique officielle et leurs adversaires libéraux jugèrent de plus en plus nécessaire de diffuser la culture juridique dans la population. Les uns et les autres empruntèrent les mêmes voies d'action : former les juristes et affirmer leur rôle professionnel ; vulgariser le droit. Dans sa version libérale, l'éducation juridique populaire prospéra durant la révolution de 1905, à travers une vaste « pédagogie des libertés ». Mais les résultats furent décevants, ce dont témoigne une étude de cas sur l'usage du droit nouveau de quitter l'orthodoxie. Ces difficultés menèrent les juristes libéraux à insister sur le rôle des professionnels, sans succès. La révolution « libérale » de 1917 réactualisa les formes antérieures d'éducation juridique populaire, mais en vain.

The general intent of this dissertation is to investigate the correlation between urban industrialism and the failure of individuals, particularly women, to achieve personal fulfillment and autonomy. Specifically, it analyzes a selection of Lawrence's novels, the settings of which are most often an oppressive and alienating society; the main characters, and how they perceive themselves, each other and their environment; and the conflict between the desire to reject and the pressure to conform to moral convention and economic necessity. My first chapter establishes the socio-historical context in which Lawrence wrote these novels, and discusses alienation, not as a sociological or psychological theory, but as a symptom of contemporary urban experience, the subtle yet concrete effects of which I contend with in the chapters following. Alienation, then, as I define it, is a pervasive phenomenon within the novels, and an experience, therefore, unique in many respects to Lawrence's characters. At the same time, however, it, and the characters themselves, are familiar, for they represent a common social experience as well. The body of this work analyzes the specific nature of that experience, which I see as being of two basic varieties or states: social alienation—the sense of being a foreigner amongst one's contemporaries—and personal or psychological estrangement—the sense of being identified exclusively in terms of social roles, morals, and conventions. My dissertation attempts as well to discuss and to determine the plausibility of those alternatives Lawrence offers as solutions to the problems of estrangement, aborted relationships and repression, alternatives which become an integral and important part of his novels because of the way they inform the characters and reflect the enigma and contradictions of urban social experience. Because Lawrence changed after WW I, largely in fact as a result of that war, from a novelist concerned with the suffering, the often frustrated goals, the complexities of individuals to one primarily concentrating on the reformation or the mystical transcendence of society, my work will examine only those novels written before and during the war (that is: from 1912 to 1917), novels which are as well, I think, his finest, most complex works: The Trespasser, Sons and Lovers, The Rainbow, and Women in Love.
Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate

This thesis analyzes the culture of coercive voluntarism in Georgia during the First World War using studies of legislation and vigilance, the press, and the Georgia Council of Defense. Each of the themes studied demonstrates how organizations attempted to coerce support of the US war effort in Georgia. The study focuses on Georgia as a single state rather than simply as part of the South, as most other studies have done. The purpose is to challenge studies that have emphasized resistance only, which presents an incomplete picture of Georgia’s domestic scene during the war. In fact, many elements within Georgia—at the state, local, and citizen level—actively supported the war, often with the same level of intention, if not the same results, as did other areas of the country. Georgia attempted to comply with federal imperatives while preserving its rights as a state.

Dans les années vingt, au moment de l’institutionnalisation du cinéma classique hollywoodien, discours critiques et pratiques publicitaires maintiennent actif un plaisir spectatoriel lié à la présence sensationnelle de réel dans le film. La notion de « réalisme » que ces discours utilisent est un concept fragmenté qui vise d’une part à asseoir la légitimité du cinéma sur le sérieux des arts réalistes, et d’autre part à mettre l’accent sur les liens que le film entretient avec la réalité, dans son tournage, sa fabrication en studio, ou les techniques de l’illusion réaliste. Ces discours révèlent donc tout ce qu’il y a de réel dans le travail de la fiction des films. Il y a donc derrière ces discours un projet réaliste de construction d’un regard spectatoriel anti-illusionniste et actif qui est invité à analyser le film comme une illusion artificielle. Ces discours sont étendus dans le quotidien des spectateurs par des pratiques publicitaires qui visent à créer un espace de réception ludique où réel et romanesque s’interpénètrent dans le ballyhoo aux accents forains, les décorations des entrées de salles de cinéma, et les prologues joués sur scène avant (ou pendant) le film. Ce regard réaliste que ces discours et pratiques développent nous permet d’analyser la réception des films muets hollywoodiens comme un moment ludique et participatif. En visant au réveil des sens et à l’acuité du regard chez le spectateur, ces discours et pratiques permettent de poser la question d’un réalisme hollywoodien dont l’objectif serait un jeu actif, conscient et critique avec l’illusion cinématographique
In the 1920s, as Hollywood cinema is undergoing industrial institutionalization, critical and advertising discourses maintain active a spectatorial pleasure derived from the sensational presence of reality in fiction films. The notion of « realism » used in those discourses is a « cluster concept » aiming on the one hand to derive cinema’s legitimacy from the serious purpose of realistic arts, and on the other to emphasize the relationship between film and the reality of on location or studio shooting, of the manufacturing of films, and of the tricks behind the realistic illusion. Those discourses therefore reveal all that is real in how fiction works in films and support a realistic project to construct an active and non-illusionistic spectatorial gaze that is invited to analyze film as an artifical illusion. These discourses are extended to spectators’ daily life through advertising practices that aim to create a playful space of reception where reality and romance merge in circus-inspired ballyhoo, in lobby decorations, and in on-stage prologues before, or during, the film. This realistic gaze developped by such discourses and practices allows us to analyze the reception of Hollywood silent films as a playful and participative moment. Aiming to awaken spectators’ senses and sharpen their attention, such discourses and practices allow us to raise the question of a Hollywood realism that would aim to create an active, conscious and critical game with the filmic illusion

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia.
La Revolución Mexicana fue iniciada por Francisco I. Madero en 1910 en busca de un cambio político. Posteriormente sus continuadores le imprimieron un rumbo hacia una transformación social. La revolución es una de las etapas más trascendentales de la Historia de México y marca el panorama general de la vida de este país en el transcurso del siglo XX. Hablar de la Revolución Mexicana no es sólo referirse a la lucha armada que derrocó a Porfirio Díaz, sino que comprende además el sistema constitucional jurídico e institucional emanado de esta lucha y, obviamente, abarca también el proceso de creación de una realidad distinta capaz de responder a las demandas políticas, sociales, económicas y culturales del pueblo mexicano.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, 1992.
Comprend des extraits de "Ilir" d'Anna Nerkagui. En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 293-298. Index.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Paris--EHESSS, 1997. Titre de soutenance : Jeunes à l'abandon : l'assistance sociale à la bespritzornost' dans la Russie soviétique des années vingt (1918-1931).
Bibliogr. p. 339-362. Glossaire.

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O objetivo da presente tese é o de compreender como se processou a constituição de um imaginário anticomunista paraibano entre 1917 e 1937, observando as suas regularidades e singularidades ao longo de sua dinâmica histórica. Partindo do pressuposto de que essa tradição política não foi criada pelas elites políticas e intelectuais dos anos seguintes a 1935, investigamos que a mesma remete a uma lógica autoritária do período posterior a 1917, pois consideramos esse ano como um marco importante na elaboração e disseminação de representações que tomavam como referencial um elemento muito repetido, que era o perigo de uma revolução mundial como conseqüência do que ocorrera na URSS. Especificamente, traçamos os seguintes objetivos: analisar as questões teóricas e conceituais que dizem respeito à história política e ao anticomunismo para assentarmos o lugar da nossa escrita da história; problematizar o papel desempenhado pela Igreja Católica enquanto matriz agenciadora de representações e ações sobre o comunismo e os comunistas na Paraíba, entre o início do século XX e o ano de 1935; pesquisar as matrizes anticomunistas instrumentalizadas pelas elites políticas paraibanas, efetivadas pelo então poder político do Estado, no período de 1917 a 1935; e entender como foi gestada a “primeira grande „onda‟ anticomunista” na Paraíba entre os anos de 1935 e 1937, percebendo-a como decorrente de argumentos que vinham sendo instituídos na Paraíba pela Igreja Católica e pelo Estado desde a Revolução de 1917. Teoricamente, trabalhamos no campo da nova história política e sua interface com a história cultural, cujas principais referências foram Chartier (1990) e Le Goff (1994). Metodologicamente, tomamos como lições os estudos sobre a concepção de documento-monumento de Le Goff (1992) e sobre a noção de rastro elaborada por Ricouer (1997). Quanto às fontes, procuramos confrontar cartas pastorais, encíclicas, atas do poder legislativo, legislação estadual, relatórios de polícia e, principalmente, os jornais A União e A Imprensa, órgãos ligados, respectivamente, ao poder estadual, e à arquidiocese paraibana.

The republican government in China joined the Allies and declared war on Germany on 14 August1917. Many previous researches have focused mainly on what sort of assistance the Chinese government provided during the Great War, but few involved the process of how the leadership in China reached to the decision of joining the Allies. The purpose of this thesis, therefore, is to investigate the reasons why the Chinese republican government would be willing to engage in a war involving various great powers in the world. In order to analyze the issue from both the perspectives of the republican government and the Allies, this research paper relies not only on Chinese official documents, but also on diplomatic correspondence from British and the U.S government. In addition, Chinese local newspapers, personal letters and memoirs of Chinese politicians and intellectuals are also examined so that local opinions in China would also be mentioned. In general, this research finds national interest of the republican government may not be the only explanation to China’s participation in the war, other factors such as the urgent need for China to expel German interest, invitation from the U.S government and Japan’s consent also played a vital role. The decision to declare war on Germany was not a move the Chinese republican government could make without consulting the western powers since the issue was highly sensitive and might easily inflict damage on the interest of both sides. The key to China’s participation in the war thus lies in the diplomatic negotiation and compromise between China and the Allied powers.
published_or_final_version
Chinese Historical Studies
Master
Master of Arts