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Journal articles on the topic '1914-1918 Nationalism'
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1
Houlihan, Patrick J. "Local Catholicism as Transnational War Experience: Everyday Religious Practice in Occupied Northern France, 1914–1918." Central European History 45, no. 2 (June 2012): 233–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938912000040.
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The Great War is not a historical episode that easily lends itself to studying the subtleties of religious belief systems. Believers on opposite sides claimed that they were engaged in a just war of defense against aggression. They argued that God was on their side, and they prayed for victory of their nation—even if that meant the destruction of their fellow believers who were now considered the enemy. Despite Catholic claims to internationalism and universalism, the overwhelming majority of Catholic bishops and prominent clerics in the public sphere devoted themselves to national causes. Clerical nationalism seemed to overwhelm Christian fellowship, and the clerical nationalist paradigm often served as scholarly shorthand for the experience of religion during the war, especially for long-term studies of Christianity and war. The implacable hostility between French and German Catholic bishops became a convenient symbol of European national enmity in an age of total war.
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Ziemann, Benjamin. "Youth in the fatherless land: war pedagogy, nationalism, and authority, 1914–1918." First World War Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2012): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2012.652451.
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Stelmakh, Sergiy. "Georg Simmel’s nationalism and transnational rationalism." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200212.
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The purpose of the article is to determine the change of worldview paradigm from “nationalism” to “transnational rationalism”, which was embodied in the concept of the “Ideal Europe”, on the example of journalism and scientific works of the German philosopher and sociologist Georg Simmel during the First World War (1914–1918). Research methods: idiographic, system-structural, rational reconstruction of the text. Main results. G. Simmel was between two polar camps, which in the conditions of heightened perception of social reality led him to an individual tragedy and demonstrated the difficulty of choosing between two worldview paradigms – “nationalism” and “patriotism”. G. Simmel didn’t escape the general admiration of German intellectuals for the “ideas of 1914” at the initial stage of the war. He supported propaganda slogans in journalism, hoping that the war could unite the German people to a “political nation”, overcome the dichotomy of individual freedom and universalism. Shattered hopes of supporting the international intellectual environment to explain Germany’s position in the war, censorship harassment and accusations of anti-German activities contributed to his more moderate position. Analyzing the problems of the “crisis of culture” and German national consciousness, G. Simmel advocated the synthesis of “nationalism” and “transnationalism”, which he formed in the concept of the “ideal Europe” as a spiritual supranational community. Scientific novelty: for the first time in national historiography, a comprehensive analysis of the works of G. Simmel of the war period is carried out. Type of article: analytical and descriptive.
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Harinck, George. "De kerk als alternatief voor de natie : Een visie op de vroege oecumenische beweging." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 43, no. 93 (December 1, 2020): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2020.93.004.hari.
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Abstract The ecumenical movement started at the time of the First World War and was molded by the nationalism that ignited this war. In 1914-1918 it became clear that the nations had become a hindrance for the churches. At first, internationalism seemed the answer to this problem, but in the 1920s and 1930s it turned out that internationalism still was too abstract, and nationalism was still too dominant. In the early 1920s W.A. Visser ’t Hooft was active in the international Christian student movement, where he learned the relevance of Christianity as an alternative for nationalism, and in the 1930s he explicitly chose for the church as an alternative for the nation. In order to make the church relevant over against nationalism and rising totalitarianism the national, liturgical and confessional differences between churches had to be overcome to enable the church to speak with one voice. This aim was not realized yet at the time of the Second World War, but the ecumenical movement encouraged churches to formulate its own identity and develop its own mission amidst nationalism and totalitarianism.
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Houlihan, P. J. "Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914-1918." German History 29, no. 2 (September 29, 2010): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq096.
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Kay, Carolyn. "Youth in the Fatherless Land. War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918." Social History 37, no. 2 (May 2012): 236–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2012.670771.
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Theodorescu, Răzvan. "What exactly did Romanian post-war nationalism mean?" Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849183t.
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In the last century nationalism as a spiritual element - according to the 1919 state?ment of the historian, archaeologist and philosopher Vasile P?rvan - was a blessed plant grown on Romanian soil during the ?48 revolution, the ?59 union under Prince Cuza, the ?77 war of independence and the preparation of such a national project as the Union with the Romanian Kingdom of several Romanian-speaking provinces dominated by two em?pires - the Austrian and the Russian - epitomized by Transylvania which came finally to the motherland on the 1st of December 1918, the same day when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was born. In the nationalism project, the Union Transylvania was a political priority. But we must add immediately that in the events of 1914-1916 in the neighbourhood of Romania a symbol of the national struggle became what Nicolae Iorga, in a famous lecture of 1915, called ?the heroic and martyr Serbia?.
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Stark, Gary D. "Andrew Donson, Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918." European History Quarterly 42, no. 2 (April 2012): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691412440082g.
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Musch, Sebastian. "Paul Cohen-Portheim: questions of nationalism, messianism and nostalgia in a prison camp in England, 1914–1918." Intellectual History Review 28, no. 4 (November 27, 2017): 555–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2017.1372085.
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Ganaway, Bryan. "Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914-1918 (review)." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 4, no. 1 (2011): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2011.0016.
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TOYOYAMA, AKI. "Visual Politics of Japanese Majolica Tiles in Colonial South Asia." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2020): 2050010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541320500102.
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This paper examines the political, socio-economic, and cultural aspects of Japanese decorative tiles or the so-called majolica tiles widely diffused in colonial South Asia in the early twentieth century. A tile became a popular building material in European countries by the first half of the nineteenth century, and European tiles spread over the world with the expansion of colonialism. Japan in the making of a modern nation established domestic manufacturing of tiles mainly after British models, and the industry’s rapid development was helped by the First World War (1914–1918) and the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923). The Japanese tile industry successfully entered into foreign markets, among which India was the largest and most important market that resulted in developing a variety of new Indian or Hindu designs associated with the rise of nationalism and mode of consumption. Not only within India, tiles, however, also played a crucial role in formulating cosmopolitan identities of migrant mercantile networks exemplified by the Chettiar architecture in South and Southeast Asia. However, in the late 1930s, cosmopolitanism shared by different communities in colonial urban settings became overwhelmed by nationalisms as seen in Sri Lanka where Japanese majolica tiles were differently used as a means to express religiously-regulated nationalisms in the Chettiar and Sinhalese Buddhist architecture. Thus, the analysis reveals visual politics of different religious nationalisms symbolized by Japanese majolica tiles in the interwar period that still structure the present visualscapes.
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Provence, Michael. "OTTOMAN MODERNITY, COLONIALISM, AND INSURGENCY IN THE INTERWAR ARAB EAST." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000031.
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AbstractThe foundations of both Arab and Turkish nationalism lay in the late Ottoman mass education and conscription project and in the region-wide struggle against colonial rule in the 1920s and 1930s. The anticolonial insurgencies of the 1920s and 1930s have passed into history as the formative expressions of new nations: the Turkish War of Independence, the Iraqi revolt of 1920, the Syrian Battle of Maysalun, the Great Syrian Revolt, and the Palestinian uprisings of 1920, 1929, and 1936. But all insurgents of the 1920s had been Ottoman subjects, and many and probably most had been among the nearly three million men mobilized into the Ottoman army between 1914 and 1918. The Ottoman State, like all 19th-century European powers, had made mass education and conscription a centerpiece of policy in the decades before the Great War.
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Story, Eric. "The Indigenous Casualties of War: Disability, Death, and the Racialized Politics of Pensions, 1914–39." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 2 (June 2021): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.2019-0057.
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The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their “Indian” identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such.
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Pyzłowska, Beata. "Ernsta Jüngera obraz wojny." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 15 (December 12, 2017): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/3924.
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War described by Ernst Jünger World War I (1914–1918) was one of two wars in Europe which Germany sought. One of the participants of the war was a German soldier and writer Ernst Jünger, who described his experiences in Storm of Steel (In Stahlgewittern). His diaries are a valuable source of knowledge of the Great War. Sincere confessions of a German soldier who during the war was promoted through the ranks is also a story of a daily life on the front of both Jünger and the subordinates of the German Emperor – Wilhelm II. The diary holds a special place among books about war due to their origins – written by a German fluent in French and passionate about French literature and culture. Jünger’s dairy was translated into Polish by a soldier Janusz Gaładyk and given the title Książe piechoty. Through such a title, Gaładyk paid his respects to the German comrade. The book has a didactic character because it shows the multidimensionality of the atmosphere in the German army.Key words: France; Germany; nationalism; patriotism; I World War;
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Mroczkowski, Krzysztof. "Ostatni krzyżowcy – brytyjskie działania militarne w sandżaku Jerozolimy w 1917 r. i ich wybrane aspekty propagandowe." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 15, no. 2 (2020): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.2.5.
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Today the Great War of 1914–1918 is seen – mainly – as a politically and militarily traumatic experience on a universal scale, which gave rise to great changes in the 20th century. Less often it is perceived as an individual, traumatizing or civic experience. We are not able - as confirmed not only by historians or sociologists but also psychologists – to "comprehend" the overall view of the reality of that time. We try to recreate it for better or worse based on various historical sources, and these largely reflected the personal attitude to events or its propaganda view. They were also prepared – in a larger or smaller way – by journalists, censors, politicians and military personnel. In the years preceding the outbreak of the Great War, many civilization achievements of the era were tested and introduced on a mass scale, such as modern media or fine arts in the services of power, nationalism skilfully controlled through the media. The turn of the twentieth century was an era of the mass press, and thus, faster transmission of transmitted information. This was conducive to the conduct of effective political propaganda – all the more necessary in the face of the Great War. It also took various forms. Often used were the explicitly associated symbols remaining at the interface between the military and religion. This became particularly evident during the Palestinian Campaign of Sir General Edmund Allenby.
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Blei, Daniela. "Andrew Donson. Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010. 344 pp. Cloth $49.95." History of Education Quarterly 50, no. 4 (November 2010): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2010.00298.x.
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Crouthamel, J. "Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914-1918. By Andrew Donson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010. ix plus 329 pp.)." Journal of Social History 45, no. 2 (September 28, 2011): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shr065.
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Kennedy, Katharine D. "Andrew Donson . Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918 . (Harvard Historical Studies, number 169.) Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2010. Pp. xii, 329. $49.95." American Historical Review 116, no. 5 (December 2011): 1587. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.5.1587.
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Reulecke, Jürgen. "Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany, 1914–1918. By Andrew Donson. Harvard Historical Studies, volume 169. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010. Pp. xiv+329. $49.95." Journal of Modern History 84, no. 1 (March 2012): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/663182.
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Bock, Michel. "L’évêque Scollard et la question canadienne-française. Le diocèse de Sault-Sainte-Marie au coeur du conflit franco-irlandais (1904-1934)." Cahiers Charlevoix 10 (April 5, 2017): 13–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1039290ar.
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Michel Bock porte son regard sur le conflit franco-irlandais qui a divisé les catholiques du diocèse de Sault-Sainte-Marie, dans le nord de l’Ontario, pendant le règne de l’évêque David Scollard (1904-1934). En situant le conflit dans le contexte des événements qui déclenchèrent la crise du Règlement 17 (1912-1927) et dans celui de la Première Guerre mondiale (1914-1918), il analyse le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les nombreux affrontements entre coreligionnaires canadiens-français et irlando-canadiens entourant les nominations paroissiales et le bilinguisme scolaire dans la mutation du champ intellectuel franco-ontarien. En effet, la double intervention du Saint-Siège dans la crise des écoles bilingues, par les encycliques Commisso Divinitus (1916) et Litteris Apostolicis (1918), conduisit l’élite nationaliste de l’Ontario français non seulement à abandonner l’ardeur belliqueuse et l’intransigeance qui caractérisaient son combat contre les « Irlandais » depuis le début du siècle, mais aussi à remettre en cause, du moins publiquement, le fondement même du nationalisme canadien-français traditionaliste, soit l’union, jugée inviolable jusqu’alors, des questions nationale et religieuse. La thèse de la langue « gardienne » de la foi étant devenue insoutenable aux yeux de la hiérarchie romaine, dont la compréhension du nationalisme était pour l’essentiel inspirée du contexte européen, l’élite franco-ontarienne sentit la nécessité de faire preuve d’une plus grande modération idéologique et stratégique dans ses tractations avec l’évêque Scollard.
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O’Donnell, Stephen. "The “Slovakization” of 19th-Century Migrants from Upper Hungary to the United States: A Case Study in the Politics of Language Use." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 840–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.50.
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AbstractUse of the Slovak literary language was central to the Slovak nationalist political movement in the Kingdom of Hungary before 1918. Yet beyond a Slovak nationalist intelligentsia of just 1,000 or so individuals, this idea had little purchase among the claimed nation of two million Slovak-speakers living in “Upper Hungary”—who Slovak nationalists typically understood as lacking sufficient “national consciousness” to support their political aims. As mass, transatlantic migration led to nearly half a million Slovak-speakers leaving Upper Hungary for the United States between 1870 and 1914, these linked issues of language use and “national consciousness” were carried over to the migrant colony. Rather than being a widely held sentiment among migrants from Upper Hungary, this article shows how Slovak national consciousness was generated within the Slovak American community in the final decades of the 19th century. This case study shows how a small group of nationalist leaders consciously promoted literary Slovak as the “print language” of the migrant colony to instill the idea of a common, Slovak nationhood among migrants living on the other side of the Atlantic—a project that helped in turn to create a Slovak national homeland in central Europe after the First World War.
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Roseman, Mark. "Youth in the Fatherless Land: War Pedagogy, Nationalism, and Authority in Germany 1914–1918. By Andrew Donson. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press.2010. Pp. xii + 329. Cloth $49.95. ISBN 978-0-674-04983-3." Central European History 44, no. 2 (May 23, 2011): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000124.
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Van Eenoo, Romain. "De Vlaamse afdeling van de Belgische Persbond en Wereldoorlog I (1887-1918)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 4 (December 17, 2015): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i4.12080.
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De Vlaamse afdeling van de Belgische Pers-bond kwam in Gent tot stand in 1888. Ze verenigde journalisten van alle politieke strekkingen met uitzondering van Vlaams-nationalistische. De verdediging van enkele specifieke belangen die deels ruimer en deels beperkter dan syndicale belangen waren, bleef het voornaamste bindmiddel. Op het politieke terrein bleef ze strikt neutraal. Onder het Duitse bezettingsregime van 1914-1918 bleef het merendeel van de journalisten actief, ondanks de censuur, wat na de oorlog tot spanningen leidde.________The Flemish Section of the Belgian Press Association and the First World War (1887-1918)The Flemish section of the Belgian Press Association came into being in Ghent in 1888. It united journalists from all political tendencies, expect Flemish nationalist. The defence of a few specific interests that were in some ways broader and in some ways narrower than union interests remained the primary link between members. On the political field, the Flemish section remained strictly neutral. Under the German occupation regime of 1914-1918 the majority of journalists remained active despite censorship, which led to tensions after the war.
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Shmorgun, O. "First World War: Origins and Consequences (World-Historical Context)." Problems of World History, no. 8 (March 14, 2019): 10–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-8-1.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of changing socio-economic leadership at the end of the nineteenth century. It is shown that Britain`s lag behind its rivals in foreign markets is associated withthe transition to an extensive algorithm for the existence of the largest empire in the world, the homeland of the industrial revolution, its reorientation to financially usurious mechanisms forobtaining super-profits, an indicator of the beginning of the stadial-civilizational decline of the classical bourgeois formation. It is shown that Germany, which in our time continues to be consideredthe main culprit for World War I, during this period, receives competitive advantages, first of all, by forcing an innovative component of its development, due to the election of a fundamentally different,relative to the Anglo-Saxon, model of the postсapitalist type of social order. It is important that on the basis of similar principles of the new social system in the twentieth century, a number of developedcountries of the East and West have made an economic miracle. It has been proved that the sources of antagonism between the most powerful geopolitical players that led to the Great War are due not so much to the so-called colonial redistribution of the world, but to the collision of two incompatible strategies for the further existence of mankind. Moreover, the doom of the Russian Empire for such an approach was related precisely to the fact that once again lost the historical chance of its own modernization, it was in the world military conflict that was inevitable, because of the domination in the state of a compradoriously oriented "lazy class" (T .Veblen), elected the status of a satellite of the United Kingdom and France, which at that time was the main outpost of the rotting monopoly financial and invading imperialism of a qualitatively new global type, which eventually became the main cause of both worlds wars, and then the cold and present "hybrid" wars (the current Putin regime is derived from the modern global "postmodern system" of postmodern neocolonialism). The hypothesis that the cause of the First and Second World Wars was the only aggressive nationalism is refuted, which in fact, in the form of Nazism became a non-constructive reaction to the globally-permissive parasitism that caused the First World War and the "communist experiment", generated by the civil war caused by the catastrophe of the unprecedented in terms of the scale of the war of 1914-1918.
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Jolivet, Simon. "L’Irlande, le Québec et les nationalismes, 1914-1918 (première partie)." Bulletin d'histoire politique 14, no. 2 (2006): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1054440ar.
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Jolivet, Simon. "L’Irlande, le Québec et les nationalismes, 1914-1918 (deuxième partie)." Bulletin d'histoire politique 14, no. 3 (2006): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1054470ar.
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Liber, George. "Ukrainian Nationalism and the 1918 Law on National - Personal Autonomy." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 1 (1987): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408043.
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Traditionally in Eastern Europe, one national group constituted a majority in the countryside but a minority in the urban areas. Thus, while the cities of Eastern Europe possessed a disproportionate share of an area's political and socio-economic resources, for the most part they were ethnically alien to the peasantry. This was not a problem until the nineteenth century, which by 1914 turned Eastern Europe into a cauldron of inter-ethnic and anti-Semitic tensions. In the subsequent struggle for power, the national movements of both the urban and rural areas claimed the cities as well as the surrounding countryside. Inasmuch as these movements did not possess a common set of interests, whatever the proposed solution — whether territorial autonomy, irredentism, independence, expansion, or the maintenance of the status quo — hardly any provision was made for minority rights.
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Sisson, Elaine. "Sisters in Arms: Ireland, Gender and Militarisation, 1914–1918." Modernist Cultures 13, no. 3 (August 2018): 340–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2018.0216.
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Remembering the 1914–18 War has a complex and contentious history in Ireland. Recent scholarship has re-examined the complexity of the Irish experience during this period, both by addressing the place of Irishmen in the Allied Forces and by retrieving the contribution of women towards the formation of the Irish Free State. However, the reinstatement of the female experience within the nationalist narrative has overlooked other female experiences of wartime in Ireland which were significantly different from those of their British counterparts. This essay examines an aspect of the ‘Home Front’ in Ireland when women's involvement in war industries, particularly in the Dublin munitions factories, are seen as crucial to the European war effort. Though the revolutionary, armed female volunteer is recognisably a figure of modernity, the female munitions worker, operating within the technological machinery of warfare, is also one. This essay explores the mobilization of women within the Irish war industries and suggests that there is still much work to be done in uncovering the extent of Irishwomen's contribution to the military war effort. Considering the complexities and contradictions of these parallel frameworks for modern Irish womanhood, this essay addresses how the Irish case adds important new dimensions to our understanding of the war's wide-ranging impacts on concepts of gender and the public roles of women that continue to resonate as the twentieth century unfolds.
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Howell, Philip. "The Dog Fancy at War: Breeds, Breeding, and Britishness, 1914-1918." Society & Animals 21, no. 6 (2013): 546–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341258.
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Abstract This essay examines the impact of the Great War on the breeding and showing of pedigree dogs (the “dog fancy”) in Britain. Hostility toward Germany led first to a decline in the popularity of breeds such as the dachshund, with both human and canine “aliens” targeted by nationalist fervor. Second, the institutions of dog breeding and showing came under threat from accusations of inappropriate luxury, frivolity, and the wasting of food in wartime, amounting to the charge of a want of patriotism on the part of breeders. Third, the paper shows how the “dog fancy” responded to this “agitation against dogs,” turning on mongrels, stray dogs, and “useless” and unpatriotic humans, exposing deep divisions within the dog breeding community. By looking at the politics of the “dog fancy” in wartime, this paper extends the discussion of animals and national identity, arguing that while dogs could be used to articulate patriotic sentiments, their conditional citizenship meant that they were uniquely vulnerable at a time of national crisis.
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Bafoil, François. "Durkheim, Weber au miroir de la guerre de 1914-1918. Les avatars du nationalisme." Raisons politiques 63, no. 3 (2016): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.063.0135.
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Ellis, John S. "The Degenerate and the Martyr: Nationalist Propaganda and the Contestation of Irishness, 1914–1918." Éire-Ireland 35, no. 3-4 (2000): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2000.0023.
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Rohringer, Thomas. "Trust and National Belonging: Welfare for Disabled Veterans in Bohemia (1914–1918)." Administory 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2018-0034.
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Abstract This contribution examines the role of trust in disabled veteran welfare in Bohemia during the First World War. It places this concern for disabled veterans’ trust in a wider political context as trust emerged as a specific concern in Cisleithanian political discourses on administrative reform around 1900. In the context of welfare for disabled veterans in Cisleithania, trust gained novel importance. Medical and occupational experts deemed it imperative to gain disabled veterans’ trust to maintain their role as experts and developed specific strategies of emotionally engaging with disabled soldiers to gain their trust. Karl Eger, a military official, emerged as an influential actor in Bohemian welfare for disabled veterans. He propagated a welfare administration based on local welfare boards, which would supposedly possess disabled veterans’ trust. His idea of trust was, however, based on concepts of national communities and he implemented it to re-organize disabled veteran welfare based on nationality.
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Grandhomme, Francis. "1914-1918, un avant-conflit en Indochine ? Effort de guerre français et revendications nationales." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 256, no. 4 (2014): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.256.0019.
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Audet-Vallée, Kevin. "« Devant l’Étranger menaçant, il n’y a plus de partis, il y a la Patrie » : l’idéologie de l’Action française face au défi de l’Union sacrée (1914-1918)." Cahiers d'histoire 33, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029359ar.
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L’Action française fut un mouvement idéologique et intellectuel marquant de l’histoire politique de la Troisième République. Elle défendait, au moyen d’une rhétorique nationaliste et antirépublicaine, l’idée d’une restauration de la monarchie en France sur les ruines d’une démocratie qu’elle estimait viciée et délétère. Durant la Grande Guerre, elle mit cependant en veilleuse son combat royaliste et se recentra sur son patriotisme. Cette volte-face n’a cependant été que très peu abordée de front dans l’historiographie du mouvement. Le présent article vise à y remédier par l’examen du parcours politique de l’Action française à partir de l’analyse des chroniques à saveur politique publiées dans son quotidien entre 1914 et 1918. Malgré son adhésion de principe à la trêve politique que fut l’Union sacrée, l’Action française ne délaissa pas pour autant son procès idéologique du régime républicain et la valorisation de son projet royaliste.
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Audet-Vallée, Kevin. "Faites un roi, ou faites la guerre : les organisations de l’Action française pendant la Grande Guerre (1914-1918)." Cahiers d'histoire 31, no. 1 (August 15, 2012): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1011675ar.
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Peu approfondie dans l’historiographie de l’Action française, la période de la Grande Guerre n’en reste pas moins déterminante dans l’histoire de ce mouvement néoroyaliste et nationaliste français dont le parcours va de l’affaire Dreyfus au régime de Vichy. Tandis que ses maîtres à penser appelèrent leurs troupes à se rallier sans condition à « l’Union sacrée » du monde politique en faveur de la défense nationale, les militants du mouvement s’exilèrent en masse vers les tranchées. L’Action française, qui dans l’avant-guerre était structurée en un ensemble d’organisations présentes partout en France sous la forme de sections, se retrouva donc dépourvue entre 1914 et 1918 de sa force militante publique. Néanmoins, grâce aux efforts de quelques-uns de ses animateurs restés à « l’arrière front » et maintenant les activités du quotidien qu’il publiait, les idées du mouvement néoroyaliste avaient atteint à la fin de la guerre une notoriété inédite.
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BOSWORTH, R. J. B. "THE ITALIAN NOVECENTO AND ITS HISTORIANS." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005169.
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The politics of Italian national identity. Edited by Gino Bedani and Bruce Haddock. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000. Pp. vii+296. ISBN 0-7083-1622-0. £40.00.Fascist modernities: Italy, 1922–1945. By Ruth Ben-Ghiat. Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001. Pp. x+317. ISBN 0-520-22363-2. £28.50.Le spie del regime. By Mauro Canali. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004. Pp. 863. ISBN 88-15-09801-1. €70.00.I campi del Duce: l'internamento civile nell'Italia fascista (1940–1943). By Carlo Spartaco Capogreco. Turin: Einaudi, 2004. Pp. xi+319. ISBN 88-06-16781-2. €16.00.The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno: essays in comparative history. Edited by Enrico Dal Lago and Rick Halpern. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. 256. ISBN 0-333-73971-X. £28.50.Disastro! Disasters in Italy since 1860: culture, politics, society. Edited by John Dickie, John Foot, and Frank M. Snowden, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. ix+342. ISBN 0-312-23960-2. £32.50.Remaking Italy in the twentieth century. By Roy Palmer Domenico. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. Pp. xiv+181. ISBN 0-8476-9637-5. £16.95.Twentieth century Italy: a social history. By Jonathan Dunnage. Harlow: Pearson, 2002. Pp. xi+271. ISBN 0-582-29278-6. £16.99.Milan since the miracle: city, culture and identity. By John Foot. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Pp. xiv+240. ISBN 1-85973-550-9. £14.99.Squadristi: protagonisti e tecniche della violenza fascista, 1919–1922. By Mimmo Franzinelli. Milan: Mondadori, 2003. Pp. 464. ISBN 88-04-51233-4. €19.00.For love and country: the Italian Resistance. By Patrick Gallo. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2003. Pp. viii+362. ISBN 0-7618-2496-0. $55.00.The struggle for modernity: nationalism, futurism and Fascism. By Emilio Gentile. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Pp. xix+203. ISBN 0-275-97692-0. $69.95.Italy and its discontents. By Paul Ginsborg. Harmondsworth: Allen Lane, 2001. Pp. xv+521. ISBN 0-713-99537-8. £25.00.Silvio Berlusconi: television, power and patrimony. By Paul Ginsborg. London: Verso, 2004. Pp. xvi+189. ISBN 1-84467-000-7. £16.00.Fascists. By Michael Mann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. x+429. ISBN 0-521-53855-6. £15.99.Mussolini: the last 600 days of Il Duce. By Ray Moseley. Dallas: Taylor Trade publishing, 2004. Pp. vii+432. ISBN 1-58979-095-2. $34.95.Lo stato fascista e la sua classe politica, 1922–1943. By Didier Musiedlak. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001. Pp. 585. ISBN 88-15-09381-8. €32.00.Italy's social revolution: charity and welfare from Liberalism to Fascism. By Maria Sophia Quine. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Pp. xv+429. ISBN 0-333-63261-3. £55.00.La seduzione totalitaria: guerra, modernità, violenza politica (1914–1918). By Angelo Ventrone. Rome: Donzelli, 2003. Pp. xvi+288. ISBN 88-7989-840-X. €24.00.With its winning of an American Academy Award, the film Life is beautiful (1997), brought its director and leading actor, Roberto Benigni, global fame. Benigni's zaniness and self-mockery seemed to embody everything that has convinced foreigners that Italians are, above all, brava gente (nice people). Sometimes, this conclusion can have a supercilious air – niceness can easily be reduced to levity or fecklessness. In those university courses that seek to comprehend the terrible tragedies of twentieth-century Europe, Italians seldom play a leading role. German, Russian, Polish, Yugoslav, and even British and French history are each riven with death and disaster or, alternatively, with heroism and achievement. In such austere company, brava gente can seem out of place.
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Bellavance, Marcel. "La guerre dans la définition et le développement du nationalisme canadien-français, 1914-1918 et 1939-1945." Bulletin d'histoire politique 3, no. 3-4 (1995): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1063478ar.
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WATSON, ALEXANDER. "Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000059.
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AbstractThis article examines the officers who led the Habsburg Army during the First World War. It highlights the complexity of their identities, demonstrating that this went well beyond the a-national – nationalist dichotomy in much historiography. It also argues that these officers' identities had a profound impact on how their army functioned in the field. The article first studies the senior command in 1914–16, showing how its wartime learning processes were shaped by transnational attitudes. These officers had belonged in peace to an international military professional network. When disaster befell their army at the outset of the First World War, it was natural for them to seek lessons from foreign armies, at first from their major enemies, the Russians, and later their German allies. The second half of the article explores the changing loyalties of the reserve officers tasked with frontline command in the later war years. It contends that the officer corps' focus on maintaining social and educational standards resulted in an influx of middle-class junior leaders whose conditional commitment to the Empire and limited language skills greatly influenced the Habsburg Army's record of longevity but mediocre combat performance.
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Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923." Central European History 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.
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That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.
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Marti, Steve. "Frenemy Aliens. The National and Transnational Considerations of Independent Contingents in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, 1914-1918." Itinerario 38, no. 3 (December 2014): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000564.
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The Allied expedition to Salonika was a controversial campaign of the First World War that diverted French and British resources away from the Western Front. To sustain this expedition without depleting existing forces, the Colonial Office approached the High Commissioners of Australia, Canada, and New Zealand and requested that each dominion consider raising a Serbian military contingent for service in Salonika. In the decades preceding the outbreak of war, South Slavs had settled in each of the dominions and the War Office hoped to exploit nationalist aspirations for a pan-Slavic state and mobilise South Slavs in the dominions. In raising these contingents, dominion governments weighed between fulfilling a demand of the Imperial war effort and jeopardising domestic stability by empowering a culturally-distinct minority that was the object of public paranoia. This article will examine how the legal status of South Slavs changed in the three dominions as a result of these recruiting efforts along with the conditions under which South Slavs were able to volunteer for service in Salonika. A comparative approach reveals how Southern Slavs were defined and how they defined themselves as they navigated the categories of enemy aliens, friendly allies, and subjects of the British Empire.
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Ayerbe, Luis Fernando. "Expansionismo das Grandes Potencias e Questão Nacional. A Revolução Mexicana na era dos Impérios." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 11, no. 1 (April 30, 2017): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v11i1.24687.
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ResumoO objetivo do artigo é analisar, a partir de uma breve descrição das disputas políticas e das mudanças de governo que marcaram o processo da Revolução Mexicana entre 1911 e 1917, o entrelaçamento entre dinâmicas locais e internacionais, em que se destaca a projeção de interesses das principais potências da época, cuja agenda no México incorpora determinantes impostas pela guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar da temática proposta, serão contemplados dois níveis de análise: 1) contextualização histórica da chamada “Era dos Impérios”, entre o último quartel do século XIX e o final da Primeira Guerra, situando as posturas de Estados Unidos e Alemanha com relação ao México; 2) dimensionamento da Revolução Mexicana no debate de esquerda da época sobre a caracterização e impacto do imperialismo nas relações internacionais e nas dinâmicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordagens nacionalistas cuja influência em processos políticos posteriores na América Latina nos parece significativa, apesar do reconhecimento pouco destacado como fonte de pesquisa sobre o período.Palavras-chaves: Imperialismo – Questão nacional – Revolução Mexicana – Pensamento social latino-americano Expansionismo de las grandes potencias y cuestión nacional. La revolución mexicana en la era de los imperiosResumenEl objetivo del artículo es analizar, a partir de una breve descripción de las disputas políticas y los cambios de gobierno que marcaron el proceso de la Revolución Mexicana entre 1911 y 1917, el entramado entre las dinámicas locales e internacionales, en que se destaca la proyección de intereses de las principales potencias de la época, cuya agenda en México incorpora determinantes impuestos por la guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar de la temática propuesta, serán contemplados dos niveles de análisis: 1) contextualización histórica de la llamada “Era de los Imperios”, entre el último cuartel del siglo XIX y el final de la Primera Guerra, situando las posturas de Estados Unidos y Alemania con relación a México; 2) dimensionamiento de la Revolución Mexicana en el debate de izquierda de la época sobre la caracterización e impacto del imperialismo en las relaciones internacionales y en las dinámicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordajes nacionalistas cuya influencia en procesos políticos posteriores en América Latina nos parece significativo, aunque de reconocimiento poco destacado como fuente de investigación sobre ese período.Palabras-clave: Imperialismo – Cuestión nacional – Revolución Mexicana – Pensamiento social latino-americano Great powers expansionism and national question. The Mexican revolution in the age of empiresAbstractThe objective of the article is to analyze, from a brief description of the political disputes and the changes of government that marked the process of the Mexican Revolution between 1911 and 1917, the network between local and international dynamics, emphasizing the projection of interests of the major powers at the time, whose agenda in Mexico incorporates determinants imposed by world war 1914-1918.To discuss the proposed theme they will be referred to two levels of analysis: 1) historical contextualization of the “Age of Empires” between the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the end of the First World War, bringing the positions of the US and Germany with regard to Mexico; 2) sizing of the Mexican Revolution in the debate on the left at the time on the characterization and impact of imperialism in international relations and in the revolutionary dynamics of late capitalism countries, taking back nationalists approaches whose influence on later political processes in Latin America seems significant, despite the lack of recognition as a source of research on the period.Keywords: Imperialism – National question – Mexican revolution – Latin American social thought
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Verhoeyen, Etienne. "Een Duits netwerk bij de voorbereiding van de Militärverwaltung in België (1939-1940)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no. 4 (January 26, 2011): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12342.
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Nadat Hitler in oktober 1939 beslist had een aanval in het Westen te ondernemen, werden in Keulen twee studiegroepen opgericht, die het toekomstig bezettingsregime van België en Nederland moesten voorbereiden. Er was een studiecommissie die geleid werd door de toekomstige leider van het Duits Militair Bestuur in België, Regierungspräsident Reeder, en daarnaast bestond een geheime studiegroep die de Sondergruppe Student werd genoemd. Deze bijdrage belicht het voorbereidend werk van de leden van deze studiegroep op het gebied van handel, industrie, recht, Volkstum en cultuur in België. De groep legde een grote belangstelling voor de Flamenfrage aan de dag en trok daarbij lessen uit de ervaringen met de bezetting van België tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Ofschoon er van diverse zijden in Duitsland werd op aangestuurd, hebben zowel de 'commissie Reeder' als de Sondergruppe de wederinvoering van de bestuurlijke scheiding van het Vlaams en Franstalig landsgedeelte, één van de 'verworvenheden' van het Vlaams activisme uit 1914-18, beslist afgewezen. De bijdrage laat ook de tegenstellingen zien die in Duitsland bestonden op het gebied van de beïnvloeding (ten voordele van Duitsland) in de te bezetten gebieden.
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A German network in the preparation of the Militärverwaltung (Army administration) in Belgium (1939-1940)After Hitler had decided in October 1939 to carry out an attack on the West, two study groups were set up in Cologne in order to prepare the future occupational regime of Belgium and the Netherlands. The future leader of the German Army Administration in Belgium, President of the Government Reeder chaired the study group, and in addition there was a secret study group called the Sondergruppe Student (Special Student Group).This contribution illuminates the preparatory work of the members of this study group in the area of trade, industry, law, Volkstum (nationality) and culture in Belgium. The group demonstrated a lot of interest in the Flamenfrage (Flemish question) and in doing so drew lessons from the experience of the occupation of Belgium during the First World War.Although people from various quarters in Germany aimed for the reintroduction of the governmental separation between the Flemish and French speaking parts of the country, one of the 'achievements' of Flemish activism from the period of 1914-1918, both the 'Reeder committee' and the 'Sondergruppe' definitely dismissed it. This contribution also demonstrates the contradictions present in Germany in the area of influencing the territories to be occupied (in favour of Germany).
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Silber, Marcos. "Poland? But which? Jewish Political Attitudes toward the Polish State in Formation during World War I." Przegląd Humanistyczny 63, no. 1 (464) (September 17, 2019): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4973.
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What kind of country are we talking about when we speak of Poland from the perspective of the organized Jewish political leadership in Poland? What should the scope and characteristics of the new Polish state in their view be? What kind of relations should Poland have with neighbouring states, as well as within, among its various populations and societies? The paper explores the changing answers given by different political Jewish leadership in a period of liminality – the interval between two stages and two distinct situations: the imperial order (Austrian and Russian) and the Polish national state. It examines Galicia and the Congress Poland from 1914 to 1918 when the territory was disputed among different empires and nations and its fate was far from clear. The article claims that the different visions of Poland presented by the Jewish leadership were grounded in two assumptions. The first was that the Jews as an integral part of society were legitimately entitled to express their own vision of the future state, the second – that the Jews, as an integral part of society, were entitled to equality on all levels of social life. That is the reason, the article claims, behind the demands for a fair distribution of the state’s resources regardless the mother tongue, religion, or ethno-national identification. The efforts the leaders of the Polish Jewry made to include the Jews as a minority group equal to others in the Polish state took place in the framework of the ethno-national ethos as the constitutive principle of state-building. The changing political circumstances and the growing hegemonic discourse based on the nation and nationality brought, claims the article, to the raising of a new Jewish national leadership during World War I. This leadership became convinced that, in the light of the discriminatory policies and growing anti-Jewish violence, only a mechanism of minority rights could guarantee Jewish existence in Poland.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, no. 2-3 (2009): 357–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003639.
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Des Alwi, Friends and exiles; A memoir of the nutmeg isles and the Indonesian nationalist movement. (Chris F. van Fraassen) James A. Anderson, The rebel den of Nùng Trí Cao; Loyalty and identity along the Sino-Vietnamese frontier. (Emmanuel Poisson) Reggie Baay, De njai; Het concubinaat in Nederlands-Indië. (Maya Sutedja-Liem) John Barker (ed.), The anthropology of morality in Melanesia and beyond. (Jaap Timmer) Kees Buijs, Powers of blessing from the wilderness and from heaven; Structure and transformations in the religion of the Toraja in the Mamasa area of South Sulawesi. (Robert Wessing) Jamie S. Davidson, From rebellion to riots; Collective violence on Indonesian Borneo. (Victor T. King) Kees van Dijk, The Netherlands Indies and the Great War, 1914-1918. (Jaap Anten) Linda España-Maram, Creating masculinity in Los Angeles’ Little Manila; Working-class Filipinos and popular culture, 1920s-1950s. (John D. Blanco) Renate Carstens, Durch Asien im Horizont des Goethekreises; Neue Facetten im Wirken Goethes. (Edwin Wieringa) James T. Collins, Bahasa Sanskerta dan Bahasa Melayu. (Arlo Griffiths) Victoria M. Clara van Groenendael, Jaranan; The horse dance and trance in East Java. (Dick van der Meij) Paul M. Handley, The king never smiles; A biography of Thailand’s Bhumibol Adulyadej. (Jeroen Rikkerink) Holger Jebens, Kago und kastom; Zum Verhältnis von kultureller Fremd- und Selbstwahrnehmung in West New Britain (Papua-Neuguinea). (Menno Hekker) Lee Hock Guan and Leo Suryadinata (eds), Language, nation and development in Southeast Asia. (Renata M. Lesner-Szwarc) Ross H. McLeod and Andrew MacIntyre (eds), Indonesia; Democracy and the promise of good governance. AND Patrick Ziegenhain, The Indonesian parliament and democratization. (Henk Schulte Nordholt) Laurent Sagart, Roger M. Blench, and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds), The peopling of East Asia; Putting together archaeology, linguistics and genetics. (Alexander Adelaar) Saw Swee Hock, The population of Malaysia. (Gavin Jones) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Fridus Steijlen (producers), Don’t forget to remember me; A day in the life of Indonesia. (Jean Gelman Taylor) Karel Steenbrink, Catholics in Indonesia; A documented history. Volume I, A modest recovery 1808-1900; Volume 2 (with the cooperation of Paule Maas), The spectacular growth of a self-confident minority 1903-1942. (Chris de Jong) Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern (eds), Exchange and sacrifice. (Toon van Meijl) Hans Straver (samenst.), Wonder en geweld; De Molukken in de verbeelding van vertellers en schrijvers. (G.J. Schutte) Dendy Sugono et al. (eds), Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia Pusat Bahasa; Edisi keempat. (Hein Steinhauer) Jacqueline Vel, Uma politics; An ethnography of democratization in West Sumba, Indonesia, 1986-2006. (Chris Lundry) C.W. Watson, Of self and injustice; Autobiography and repression in modern Indonesia. (Roxana Waterson)
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Francis, Mark. "Davidstern und Doppeladler: Zionismus und Jüdischer Nationalismus in Österreich, 1882-1918. Adolf GaisbauerThe Jews of Vienna, 1867-1914: Assimilation and Identity. Marsha L. RozenblitJews, Antisemitism, and Culture in Vienna. Ivar Oxaal , Michael Pollak , Gerhard Botz." Journal of Modern History 63, no. 3 (September 1991): 601–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244376.
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Van Velthoven, Harry. "'Amis ennemis'? 2 Communautaire spanningen in de socialistische partij 1919-1940. Verdeeldheid. Compromis. Crisis. Eerste deel: 1918-1935." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 27–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i1.12007.
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Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.________‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part One: 1918-1935After the First World War and the introduction of simple universal male suffrage, the Socialist Party was almost as large as the Catholic Party. Elections sharpened the regional and ideological asymmetry. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders; the Socialists acquired a similar position in Wallonia. Coalition gov-ernments were a necessity at the national level. In the Chamber, both the Socialists and the Christian Democratic wing of the Catholics had a strong base of power, but entering in the government turned out to be much more difficult. Governments remained dominated by the conservative wing of the Catholic Party and by the Liberal Party, with support from the king and high finance. Once the Socialist minimum program had been accepted out of fear of a social revolution in the years 1918-1921, the Socialists were only tolerated in government during crises or in case there was no other possibility (1925-1927, 1935-1940). This explains an increasing frustration among Walloon Socialists. At the same time, Flemish Socialists’ anticlericalism hindered their cooperation with Christian Democrats and members of the Flemish Movement, as in Antwerp, and that also held true for the forming of national governments.In the Belgian Workers’ Party (BWP), balance had changed. Power now lay spread among four actors: the federations, the party administration, the parliamentary faction, and sometimes, government ministers. Unity was sometimes hard to find. In 1919 Flemish socialism became much stronger. In Flanders it took 25 seats (18 more than in 1914) and, with 25.5% of the vote, was the second-largest party. In addition, the centre of gravity moved from Ghent to Antwerp, which with six seats became the fourth-largest federation in the BWP. Camille Huysmans’s appeal as the figurehead strengthened its profile with regard to the Flemish Movement. At first, Huysmans had to defend the treatment of the Flemish Question as a matter of individual conscience for party members, even against the Ghent and Kortrijk federations, which had abandoned the foremost pre-war demand of the Flemish Movement, the transformation of the University of Ghent into a Dutch-language institution. As 1930, the centenary of Belgium, approached, the Flemish Movement became stronger once again and an electoral breakthrough by a Flemish nationalist party was feared. An overall solution to the Flemish problem was pressing, also in the BWP. Internal divisions needed to be bridged in order to give full attention to socioeconomic questions, in light of the financial crisis. The unity of Belgium and of the party came first and foremost. In 1929 this led to the ‘Compromis des Belges’ (Compromise of the Belgians) and a few months later to the lesser-known but more radical position of the party, the ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’. Building on the pre-war vision of the existence of two peoples within Belgium, this point of view was imbued with the right of each people to cultural autonomy, based on the principle of regional monolingualism, at the expense of linguistic minorities. For Flemish socialists this came down to a full transformation of Flanders into a Dutch-speaking society, beginning with education and the University of Ghent. The majority of Walloon socialists went along with this, though not without some reluctance. In return, they demanded the elimination of any form of required bilingualism in Belgium, which they saw as a form of Flemish colonialism. In Wallonia and in national institutions (the army, the central administration), monolingual Walloons had a right to be recruited and have a career without a knowledge of Dutch, just as knowledge of Dutch as a second national language was not supposed to be imposed in Wallonia. The significance of this internal compromise has received insufficient attention in the historiography. The same observation applies to the finding that both national workers’ movements – the BWP from the ranks of the opposition – forced the introduction of the principle of territoriality in 1930-1932: an interim phase C of Miroslav Hroch’s model.
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Vaisvalavičiene, Kristina. "CROSSING THE BORDERS OF THE TRADITIONAL CULTURE IN LITHUANIAN AND LATVIAN CHILDREN PERIODICALS (1866–1940)." Via Latgalica, no. 6 (December 31, 2014): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2014.6.1665.
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The period between the end of 19th century – the first half of the 20th century had been very important for Lithuanians and Latvians as a time, when the rights of the national language and culture had been strengthened and fortified. The rich sociocultural context, which appears in the children’s periodicals of that time, allows to evaluate the efforts of the nation in order to define and keep the borders of traditional culture. The investigation of children’s periodicals also helps to reconstruct the field of national literature of that time. The aim of the paper is to investigate, what changes of the traditional culture appear in the Lithuanian and Latvian children’s periodicals, published before 1940. Some aspects of the nation’s location in the time and space are being stressed, such as: marking of the nation’s culture and territory borders, institutionalization of the national calendar and construction of the historical memory. The investigation is based on the comparative analysis of the main Lithuanian and Latvian children’s periodicals, which were published before 1940: Lithuanian – “Šaltinėlis” (‘a little spring’, 1906–1914; 1928–1940), “Žiburėlis” (‘a little torch’, 1920–1944), “Žvaigždutė” (‘a little star’, 1923–1940), “Kregždutė” (‘a little swallow’, 1934–1940), “Vyturys” (‘a lark’ 1931, 1935–1940); Latvian – “Bērnu Pastnieks” (‘children’s postman’, 1866–1869), “Jaunības Draugs” (‘the friend of the youth’, 1901–1904), “Jaunības Tekas” (‘the paths of the youth’, 1910–1915; 1920–1930), “Bitīte” (‘a little bee’, 1912–1916), “Latvijas Jaunatne” (‘the youth of Latvia’, 1924–1940), “Cīrulītis” (‘a little lark’, 1923–1940), “Jaunais Cīrulītis” (‘the new little lark’, 1926–1934). Due to the confessional and some historical similarities between Lithuanians and Latgalians, there are also two Catholic Latgalian magazines –“Sauleite” (‘the little sun’, 1926–1940) and “Katōļu Dzeive” (‘the life of Catholics’, 1926–1940) – analyzed, despite the fact, that they were aimed at both children and youth. The theoretical background of the research is based on the works of sociologists and anthropologists of culture (Benedict Anderson, Anthony D. Smith, Orvar Löfgren), as well as on some theories of media (Denis McQuail, Herbert Marshall McLuhan). The binary opposition of the the self and the other (Löfgren 1991: 105, Smith 1994: 20–22) is being used as a border marker of the traditional culture in the texts of children’s periodicals. The borders of traditional culture in the children’s periodicals change depending on the fact, who and when is talking in the name of the nation – priests, teachers, supporters of the different ideological or confessional camps. As a result of the individually made or institutionary censored editorial selection of textual material, the national culture is being institutionalized and subordinated for the realization of different purposes. The language of the ethnic group is the first thing the national press institutionalizes, and that helps the community to imagine itself (Anderson 1999). The symbolic value of the language is absent in such Latvian children’s magazines as “Bērnu Pastnieks” and “Bitīte”, which were edited by the priests of German origin and were published only for the purpose of religious education. The language, as well as nation’s territorial location, had mostly been emphasized in the Lithuanian children’s periodicals. The declarative tendency of self-defining (names of periodicals, maps, lists of the readers’, collective photos of the children, explanations about nationality and the state) indicates the existing mechanism of the nation’s territory and culture defense. The defensive politics in Lithuania was established as a result of the traumatic experience of the long-lasting repressive actions (Lithuanian press ban (1864–1904), the occupation of Vilnius district by Polish nationalists (1919–1939) etc.). The Latvian language as the national symbol was presented in the Latvian children’s magazines “Jaunības Draugs”, “Jaunības Tekas” and “Cīrulītis”, but its symbolic capital was being increased by the actualization of traditional culture (folklore), native literature and national historic memory (the biographies of distinguished Latvians, nation’s relations with antiquity, nobles or saints). The periodicity and cyclic recurrence of the periodicals had institutionalized the time and the rhythm of the readers’ life. In the context of nation’s efforts of self- determination in time and space, the changes of the traditional culture borders are best seen in the traditions of commemoration of the dead. The interpretations of the commemoration of the dead depend on, what is being emphasized – the end of the individual person’s life or the death in the context of nations history. The discourse of death and the commemoration of the dead have been actualized mostly in the issues of children’s periodicals, published during the period between October and December. This period according to folkloristic Baltic tradition was called as a period of souls and was celebrated with the rituals of soul-feeding and gratitude to the souls of forefathers. The Christian liturgical day of the Commemoration of All the Faithful Departed (in Catholic tradition) or the Day of all Souls (in the Protestant tradition) were not directly included in the calendar of children’s periodicals until 1918. But there were a lot of published texts, actualizing the theme of orphans as well as a lot of traditional genres, which were characteristic to that period of the year, e. g., tales about orphans and beggars, mythological stories about roaming souls etc. In the independent Latvia the traditional mood of the period in Latvian children’s periodicals was covered by the celebration of proclamation of the state (November 18) and the commemoration of the perished in the battles for independence. In Lithuanian and Latgalian periodicals of that time (“Šaltinėlis”, “Žvaigždutė”, “Kregždutė”, “Sauleite”) the Catholic liturgical celebration of Commemoration of All the Faithful Departed was institutionalized (the very name of it appeared in the titles of publications, children were asked to pray for the souls of the dead relatives, etc.), which helped to keep the traditional themes and genres. The necessity to construct historical memory of the children and to educate them in patriotic mood widened the meaning of the commemoration day (children were asked to pray for national heroes and to look after graves of buried soldiers). The tendency to organize official ceremonial commemoration of the dead had influenced traditions in the private field – in the middle of the 30s the children are encouraged not only to pray for the souls of their dead relatives, but also to look after their graves and to take part in the mass celebrations – all that indicated the nations efforts to inscribe history of individuals in the history of the nation. The representation and explanation of the national traditions and rituals in the children’s periodicals not only constructed the national identity of the young readers, but also strengthened their place in the national community and supplemented the understanding of the nation’s whole, its history and future. Children in the periodicals of the time were shown as ones, who inherit and pass on the traditions to the future generations.
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Mazer, Cary M., Ellen Donkin, Brian Singleton, Kevin Byrne, John P. Welle, Leslie Midkiff DeBauche, David A. Gerstner, Sudhir Mahadevan, and Matthew Solomon. "Reviews: Shakespeare and the Victorians, Victorian Shakespeare, Volume I: Theatre, Drama and Performance., Women's Theatre Writing in Victorian Britain, Theatre, Politics, and Markets in Fin-De Siécle Paris: Staging Modernity, Staging Politics and Gender: French Women's Drama, 1880–1923, Blackface Cuba, 1840–1895, Shoot! The Notebooks of Serafino Gubbio, Cinematograph Operator, the Big Show: British Cinema Culture in the Great War, 1914–1918, Moving Pictures: American Art and Early Film, 1880–1910, Humanist and Emotional Beginnings of a Nationalist Indian Cinema in Bombay: With Kracauer in the Footsteps of Phalke, the Collected Films 1895–1908." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 35, no. 1 (May 2008): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/nctf.35.1.7.
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Ibáñez Aristondo, Angélique. "Seduction, Aggression, and Frenchness in LA VIE PARISIENNE (1914–1918)." French Cultural Studies, August 6, 2021, 095715582110323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09571558211032362.
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The article retraces how the notion of cultural singularity in sexuality was constructed and weaponized in the most popular French illustrated periodical of the First World War. It argues that La Vie Parisienne’s sublimation of romantic love, sex, and Frenchness worked as a cultural tactic that, while helping the readership cope with a devastating historical disruption, undermined at the same time claims for social change. The close analysis of works by illustrator Chéri Hérouard uncovers how nationalism and anxieties of sexual dispossession contributed to integrate a fraught notion of women’s sexual consent to a broader claim of cultural superiority. This article provides a critical approach to popular and visual representations of heterosexual and non-conjugal norms of desire, seduction, and sexuality in wartime France. It also offers a historical example of how the racialization and nationalisation of gender relations, discussed as ‘Gallic singularity’ in recent scholarship, trivialises masculine aggression and produces the ambivalence long associated with the notion of women’s sexual consent in France.
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"Youth in the fatherless land: war pedagogy, nationalism, and authority in Germany, 1914-1918." Choice Reviews Online 47, no. 11 (July 1, 2010): 47–6488. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.47-6488.
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