Academic literature on the topic '1890-1980 Technique'

One of the techniques for making photographic negatives most used in the history of photography were gelatin glass plates. This technique was used not only in the artistic field but also and mainly in the scientific field. The main period when glass plate negatives were used in astronomy was between 1890–1980. There are over 7 million of these negatives all over the word and they carry valuable historical scientific data. However, during the long-term storage of this material, deterioration of the emulsion (picture) layer and/or the support (glass) layer has occurred. In this paper we report on our preliminary results from an analysis of the yellowing of the emulsion layer and of gold micro-spots. Both phenomena worsen the readability of the information in the photograph, and it is necessary to prevent their formation, which is why we need to know as much as possible about their origin.

In order to consider this topic, it was first necessary to discuss certain problems of terminology and periodisation relating to musical modernism in general. It is already familiar the extent to which the terms "new music", "modernist", "contemporary" and "avant-garde" music have been used interchangeably, as synonyms. For this reason, it was first important to outline the period of musical modernism as almost generally accepted, which is regarded as an epoch comprising three different periods: (I) period of early modernism (1890?1918), announced by a break with later romanticism and a turn towards French Impressionism, Austro-German Expressionism and Russian "folkloric Expressionism"; (II) period of "classical modernism"(1919?1945) that witnessed a diffusion of neo-classicism and serialism; (III) period of "high modernism" (1946?1972) characterized by highly experimental compositional techniques such as integral serialism and aleatoricism. In relation to this, avant-garde movements are seen as radically innovative and subversive tendencies within this modernist epoch, and while certain postmodernist ideas can be recognized as early as the 1950s, postmodernism as a movement hadn?t gained its full potency until the 1970s. Since then, it has assumed different forms of existence as well as having assimilated a continued form of ?modernist project?. The second part of the article proposes a periodisation of Serbian musical modernism, which is divided into four stages. The first stage (1908?1945) was a period where elements of Impressionism and German expressionism were creatively introduced into the works of several leading composers (Petar Konjovic, Stevan Hristic, Miloje Milojevic, Josip Slavenski, Marko Tajcevic). The second stage (1929?1945) was marked by a group of composers who studied in Prague and assimilated certain progressive compositional techniques such as free tonality, atonality dodecaphony, microtonality and athematicism (Mihovil Logar, Predrag Milosevic, Dragutin Colic, Ljubica Maric, Vojislav Vuckovic, Milan Ristic). The third stage (1951?1970) followed immediately after the era of Socialist Realism, which involved the rediscovery of the pre- World War II Western modernism and prepared the ground for contemporary avant-garde developments almost non-existent before 1961 (Milan Ristic, Dusan Radic, Dejan Despic Vladan Radovanovic, Enriko Josif, Stanojlo Rajicic, Vasilije Mokranjac Aleksandar Obradovic, Ljubica Maric, Rajko Maksimovic). The fourth stage (1956?1980) was the period during which the post-World War II avant-garde developments found their home amongst Serbian composers, some of them conceived almost simultaneously with but independent of the current progressive development in the rest of the world (Vladan Radovanovic Aleksandar Obradovic, Petar Ozgijan, Petar Bergamo, Srdjan Hofman, the group Opus 4).

Purpose The present study seeks to answer the following research question: what is the profile of the academic production related to the interorganizational networks in the period between 2006 and 2016? Thus, this study aims to characterize the academic production about the subject interorganizational networks available in national journals with Concept “A” (Qualis Capes), in the period between 2006 and 2016. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses national journals with Concept “A” of the Qualis classification (2016) for journal selection. In total, 12 “A” concept journals were identified. However, it was decided to analyze ten of them. The procedures suggested by Crossan and Apaydin (2010) for conducting bibliometric studies were adopted. It has been identified that 77 articles were published in eight journals. The R 3.3.2 and R Studio 1.0.136 software were used. The IGRAPH 0.5.5-2 extension (package) was used to analyze graphs and co-authorship networks (Csárdi and Nepusz, 2006). This extension is able to manipulate networks with millions of vertices and edges and provides a series of functions to analyze the properties of social networks, such as subnetworks, intermediation, centrality, among other characteristics (Csárdi and Nepusz, 2006). Correspondence analysis (CA) was also performed. CA is a multivariate exploratory technique that converts a data matrix into a graphical representation, so that rows and columns are represented by points in a graph (Greenacre and Hastie, 1987). This extension is dedicated to the multivariate analysis of data and allows the manipulation of different types of variables (quantitative or categorical). In the present research, multiple CA (MCA) was applied – indicated when the elements are described as categorical variables (Lê et al., 2008). The characteristics considered for carrying out MCA were the “main term”, “research approach”, “type of research”, “constructs” and “research strategies”. By using the FactoMineR 1.34 extension, the hierarchical clustering on principal components (HCPC) function was used (Husson et al., 2007; Lê et al., 2008). This function allows creating clusters from the characteristics of the articles analyzed and highlights the justifications for the groupings created. The function allows forming as many clusters the researcher wishes, being of its attribution to analyze a division that best represents the characteristics of the data (Husson, Josse, and Pagès, 2010). Husson et al. (2010) suggest that an analysis should be performed from the hierarchical tree, thus the number of clusters can be defined considering the overall appearance (or shape) of the tree formed. At last, a word cloud was created using the Wordcloud 2.5 extension (Fellows, 2013). The noticed advantage of using this extension is that it does not separate the terms that form a keyword when generating the cloud. It has been used for the keywords of the 77 articles analyzed; however, it has been decided to keep those that presented frequency greater than or equal to two. By avoiding occasional terms, a more intelligible cloud was obtained. Findings The present study was not able to verify if the journals analyzed by Andrighi et al. (2011) have influenced others to publish on the subject, as suggested by the Bradford’s Law. The standard “success breeds success”, suggested by the Bradford’s Law, was not confirmed. The so-called nuclear zone (Brookes, 1969; Novaretti et al., 2015) is composed of the journals Brazilian Administration Review (BAR), Revista de Administração Contemporânea (RAC), Revista de Administração Pública (RAP) and Revista Brasileira de Gestão de Negócios (RBGN). The journal RAC stands out for having been the one that has increased its annual average of publication in relation to the theme, when compared with the findings of Andrighi et al. (2011). The journals BAR and RBGN stand out because they are in the nuclear zone, even though they were not considered in the work of Andrighi et al. (2011). It should be noted that all the analyzed journals have in common the fact of addressing the themes of management and administration and, more specifically, making room for the “competitiveness” and “cooperation” constructs. These constructs are related to the theme of networks and were the most recurrent in the articles analyzed. “Cooperation” (29), “competitiveness” (27), “knowledge” (12), “learning” (6) and “trust” (3) were the “constructs” used to compose the 77 articles analyzed. In turn, “network” (49), “alliance” (18) and “cluster” (9) were the “main term” most used in the articles. This implies that the topic of cooperation is more linked to a vision of strategy. As occurred in the research of Andrighi et al. (2011), the term “network” is the most recurrent; in addition, the growth of space obtained by the term “alliance” stands out. The terms “network” and “alliance” were the most used by the articles, being predominant in 87 per cent of the research. In the present research, the predominance of the term “network” may have occurred because its concept is broader and it is used in the literature in different ways, even in contradictory ways (Andrighi et al., 2011; Schommer, 2001). In turn, the term “alliance” may have been recurrent because it has a wide dispersion of published issues, such as governance structure, cooperation, knowledge transfer and trust (Lima and Campos Filho, 2009). By using the HCPC function of the FactoMineR extension, the articles were grouped according to their characteristics, and then three clusters were formed. By analyzing the generated results, it is assumed that the division into three clusters was the one that best represented the data. Cluster 1 is characterized by descriptive, quantitative, half documentary and half survey research studies, being “cluster” the main term. Cluster 2 is characterized by exploratory case studies with qualitative–quantitative analyzes. Cluster 3 is characterized by theoretical tests. The Zipf’s law points out that a small group of words occurs many times; however, when considering the most recurrent words Networks (9), Strategic Alliances (8), Cooperation (8), Interorganizational Networks (8) and Alliances (6) show that they were present in only about 10 per cent of the works. Lotka’s Law, which states that few authors publish much and many authors publish little, was not confirmed. The authors who presented the highest number of publications, T. Diana L. v. A. de Macedo-Soares (6); Jorge Renato Verschoore (6); Alsones Balestrin (5); Douglas Wegner (4); Humberto Elias Garcia Lopes (4), participated in less than 10 per cent of the works. Thus, the authorship was characterized by many researchers publishing few works, what can be an effect of the behavior of these authors, who prefer to publish in network. The centrality of the relations between the authors was analyzed and, in addition, the intermediation points of the network were identified. The present study also analyzed all the references used by the 77 articles that compose the study. The main author of each of the references used was identified. Among the 30 identified authors, Yin and Hair Jr. stand out for books related to fundamentals and research methodologies. Borgatti and Eisenhardt developed research on the topic of interorganizational networks and also created works for methodological foundations. Powell was the most frequently mentioned author (28) and had more different works referenced (9). Powell stands out for the production of articles published in periodicals, not books. Porter’s situation is the opposite. Most of the quotations made to the author come from his books, especially the work “Competitive strategy” (Porter, 1980). All authors identified are foreigners, with the exception of Balestrin. Marshall, Polanyi, Granovetter and Williamson are authors of works considered seminal, being them, respectively, “Principles of economics” (Marshall, 1890), “Personal knowledge: towards a post critical philosophy” (Polanyi, 1958) and “The strength of weak ties” (Granovetter, 1973) and “Markets and hierarchies, analysis and antitrust implications” (Williamson, 1975). Research limitations/implications Like all research, it has limitations. The first one derives from the selection criteria of the periodicals to be analyzed. The cut referring to the journals of greater impact excludes most of the national articles. These studies may contain important contributions to the knowledge of the national publication profile. In addition, the choice to analyze the journals disregards other types of work, such as books, scientific events, dissertations and thesis and reports. The choice of articles published in journals is based on the fact that these are a “certified knowledge”, as the studies are peer-reviewed, and in the case of the Qualis “A” stratum, a review of exogenous quality is supposed on this production. Despite its flaws, this system can be considered reliable to evaluate scientific knowledge (Bedeian, 2004; Shugan, 2007). The analysis of the most recent articles may have been hampered by a temporal issue. In addition, the choice of keywords, a necessary step, leaves out other studies. Another limitation refers to the fact that the articles have been analyzed and classified by the authors, which presupposes the use of their value judgments, at least to some extent. Other limitations refer to the bibliometric techniques employed. The main authors referenced in the studies were demonstrated, that is, those authors who have been used as a theoretical reference for studies of interorganizational networks. However, the circumstances under which these citations occurred were not analyzed. For example, an author may be quoted to use the contribution of his/her study, to be criticized or just to be another reference in the text. The lack of this analysis can be considered a fragility of the study. Practical implications This text was started talking about the dispersion of the studies on networks in the country. Previous work has been used, theoretically and empirically demonstrating this fact. Zipf’s Law applied to bibliometrics, as described by Guedes and Borschiver (2005), Novaretti et al. (2015) and Pao (1978), was not confirmed in this study, which seems to be an indicative fact that the research on this theme in Brazil presents fragmentation as an intrinsic characteristic. That is, it must remain fragmented, as this would be its own way to evolve. This is evident especially when comparing the study of Andrighi et al. (2011) and its results. With several but continuous temporal cut-outs, and the same keywords, the maintenance of this dispersion is evident. This is also a contribution of this study. Social implications The study contributed to updating the research profile, mainly after the triennium 2013-2015 of Qualis Capes’ evaluations. It also added to the mapping of recent Brazilian academic production related to interorganizational networks, completing studies by Alves et al. (2013), Andrighi et al. (2011), Balestrin et al. (2010), Cunha and Carrieri (2003) and Mascena et al. (2013). Thus, it is believed that the research reached the proposed objectives, despite its limitations. Originality/value The present research is also justified by helping to understand the subject being useful for researchers, educators and students, in general, in the task of demonstrating gaps and opportunities of future researches and collaborating with the elaboration of a research agenda (Baumgartner and Pieters, 2003). The work has updated bibliometrics on the subject and allows comparisons with previous bibliometric studies (Alves et al., 2013; Andrighi et al., 2011; Balestrin et al., 2010; Cunha and Carrieri, 2003; Ferreira et al., 2014; Lima and Campos Filho, 2009; Mascena et al., 2013). It is believed that the present study differs from the others because of the analysis performed, the way the data were treated, with techniques that are rarely used simultaneously, going beyond the descriptive statistics.

Introduction A snapshot, not unlike countless photographs likely to be found in any number of family albums, shows two figures sitting on a park bench: an elderly and amiable looking man grins beneath the rim of a golf cap; a young boy of twelve smiles wide for the camera — a rather banal scene, captured on film. And yet, this seemingly innocent and unexceptional photograph was the site of a remarkable and wide ranging discourse — encompassing American conservatism, celebrity politics, and the end of the Cold War — as the image circulated around the globe during the weeklong state funeral of Ronald Wilson Reagan, 40th president of the United States. Taken in 1997 by the young boy’s grandfather, Ukrainian immigrant Yakov Ravin, during a chance encounter with the former president, the snapshot is believed to be the last public photograph of Ronald Reagan. Published on the occasion of the president’s death, the photograph made “instant celebrities” of the boy, now a twenty-year-old college student, Rostik Denenburg and his grand dad. Throughout the week of Reagan’s funeral, the two joined a chorus of dignitaries, politicians, pundits, and “ordinary” Americans praising Ronald Reagan: “The Great Communicator,” the man who defeated Communism, the popular president who restored America’s confidence, strength, and prosperity. Yes, it was mourning in America again. And the whole world was watching. Not since Princess Diana’s sudden (and unexpected) death, have we witnessed an electronic hagiography of such global proportions. Unlike Diana’s funeral, however, Reagan’s farewell played out in distinctly partisan terms. As James Ridgeway (2004) noted, the Reagan state funeral was “not only face-saving for the current administration, but also perhaps a mask for the American military debacle in Iraq. Not to mention a gesture of America’s might in the ‘war on terror.’” With non-stop media coverage, the weeklong ceremonies provided a sorely needed shot in the arm to the Bush re-election campaign. Still, whilst the funeral proceedings and the attendant media coverage were undeniably excessive in their deification of the former president, the historical white wash was not nearly so vulgar as the antiseptic send off Richard Nixon received back in 1994. That is to say, the piety of the Nixon funeral was at once startling and galling to many who reviled the man (Lapham). By contrast, given Ronald Reagan’s disarming public persona, his uniquely cordial relationship with the national press corps, and most notably, his handler’s mastery of media management techniques, the Reagan idolatry was neither surprising nor unexpected. In this brief essay, I want to consider Reagan’s funeral, and his legacy, in relation to what cultural critics, referring to the production of celebrity, have described as “fame games” (Turner, Bonner & Marshall). Specifically, I draw on the concept of “flashpoints” — moments of media excess surrounding a particular personage — in consideration of the Reagan funeral. Throughout, I demonstrate how Reagan’s death and the attendant media coverage epitomize this distinctive feature of contemporary culture. Furthermore, I observe Reagan’s innovative approaches to electoral politics in the age of television. Here, I suggest that Reagan’s appropriation of the strategies and techniques associated with advertising, marketing and public relations were decisive, not merely in terms of his electoral success, but also in securing his lasting fame. I conclude with some thoughts on the implications of Reagan’s legacy on historical memory, contemporary politics, and what neoconservatives, the heirs of the Reagan Revolution, gleefully describe as the New American Century. The Magic Hour On the morning of 12 June 2004, the last day of the state funeral, world leaders eulogized Reagan, the statesmen, at the National Cathedral in Washington, D.C. Among the A-List political stars invited to speak were Margaret Thatcher, former president George H. W. Bush and, to borrow Arundhati Roi’s useful phrase, “Bush the Lesser.” Reagan’s one-time Cold War adversary, Mikhail Gorbachev, as well as former Democratic presidents, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were also on hand, but did not have speaking parts. Former Reagan administration officials, Supreme Court justices, and congressional representatives from both sides of the aisle rounded out a guest list that read like a who’s who of the American political class. All told, Reagan’s weeklong sendoff was a state funeral at its most elaborate. It had it all—the flag draped coffin, the grieving widow, the riderless horse, and the procession of mourners winding their way through the Rotunda of the US Capitol. In this last regard, Reagan joined an elite group of seven presidents, including four who died by assassination — Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley and John F. Kennedy — to be honored by having his remains lie in state in the Rotunda. But just as the deceased president was product of the studio system, so too, the script for the Gipper’s swan song come straight out of Hollywood. Later that day, the Reagan entourage made one last transcontinental flight back to the presidential library in Simi Valley, California for a private funeral service at sunset. In Hollywood parlance, the “magic hour” refers to the quality of light at dusk. It is an ideal, but ephemeral time favored by cinematographers, when the sunlight takes on a golden glow lending grandeur, nostalgia, and oftentimes, a sense of closure to a scene. This was Ronald Reagan’s final moment in the sun: a fitting end for an actor of the silver screen, as well as for the president who mastered televisual politics. In a culture so thoroughly saturated with the image, even the death of a minor celebrity is an occasion to replay film clips, interviews, paparazzi photos and the like. Moreover, these “flashpoints” grow in intensity and frequency as promotional culture, technological innovation, and the proliferation of new media outlets shape contemporary media culture. They are both cause and consequence of these moments of media excess. And, as Turner, Bonner and Marshall observe, “That is their point. It is their disproportionate nature that makes them so important: the scale of their visibility, their overwhelmingly excessive demonstration of the power of the relationship between mass-mediated celebrities and the consumers of popular culture” (3-4). B-Movie actor, corporate spokesman, state governor and, finally, US president, Ronald Reagan left an extraordinary photographic record. Small wonder, then, that Reagan’s death was a “flashpoint” of the highest order: an orgy of images, a media spectacle waiting to happen. After all, Reagan appeared in over 50 films during his career in Hollywood. Publicity stills and clips from Reagan’s film career, including Knute Rockne, All American, the biopic that earned Reagan his nickname “the Gipper”, King’s Row, and Bedtime for Bonzo provided a surreal, yet welcome respite from television’s obsessive (some might say morbidly so) live coverage of Reagan’s remains making their way across country. Likewise, archival footage of Reagan’s political career — most notably, images of the 1981 assassination attempt; his quip “not to make age an issue” during the 1984 presidential debate; and his 1987 speech at the Brandenburg Gate demanding that Soviet President Gorbachev, “tear down this wall” — provided the raw materials for press coverage that thoroughly dominated the global mediascape. None of which is to suggest, however, that the sheer volume of Reagan’s photographic record is sufficient to account for the endless replay and reinterpretation of Reagan’s life story. If we are to fully comprehend Reagan’s fame, we must acknowledge his seminal engagement with promotional culture, “a professional articulation between the news and entertainment media and the sources of publicity and promotion” (Turner, Bonner & Marshall 5) in advancing an extraordinary political career. Hitting His Mark In a televised address supporting Barry Goldwater’s nomination for the presidency delivered at the 1964 Republican Convention, Ronald Reagan firmly established his conservative credentials and, in so doing, launched one of the most remarkable and influential careers in American politics. Political scientist Gerard J. De Groot makes a compelling case that the strategy Reagan and his handlers developed in the 1966 California gubernatorial campaign would eventually win him the presidency. The centerpiece of this strategy was to depict the former actor as a political outsider. Crafting a persona he described as “citizen politician,” Reagan’s great appeal and enormous success lie in his uncanny ability to project an image founded on traditional American values of hard work, common sense and self-determination. Over the course of his political career, Reagan’s studied optimism and “no-nonsense” approach to public policy would resonate with an electorate weary of career politicians. Charming, persuasive, and seemingly “authentic,” Reagan ran gubernatorial and subsequent presidential campaigns that were distinctive in that they employed sophisticated public relations and marketing techniques heretofore unknown in the realm of electoral politics. The 1966 Reagan gubernatorial campaign took the then unprecedented step of employing an advertising firm, Los Angeles-based Spencer-Roberts, in shaping the candidate’s image. Leveraging their candidate’s ease before the camera, the Reagan team crafted a campaign founded upon a sophisticated grasp of the television industry, TV news routines, and the medium’s growing importance to electoral politics. For instance, in the days before the 1966 Republican primary, the Reagan team produced a five-minute film using images culled from his campaign appearances. Unlike his opponent, whose television spots were long-winded, amateurish and poorly scheduled pieces that interrupted popular programs, like Johnny Carson’s Tonight Show, Reagan’s short film aired in the early evening, between program segments (De Groot). Thus, while his opponent’s television spot alienated viewers, the Reagan team demonstrated a formidable appreciation not only for televisual style, but also, crucially, a sophisticated understanding of the nuances of television scheduling, audience preferences and viewing habits. Over the course of his political career, Reagan refined his media driven, media directed campaign strategy. An analysis of his 1980 presidential campaign reveals three dimensions of Reagan’s increasingly sophisticated media management strategy (Covington et al.). First, the Reagan campaign carefully controlled their candidate’s accessibility to the press. Reagan’s penchant for potentially damaging off-the-cuff remarks and factual errors led his advisors to limit journalists’ interactions with the candidate. Second, the character of Reagan’s public appearances, including photo opportunities and especially press conferences, grew more formal. Reagan’s interactions with the press corps were highly structured affairs designed to control which reporters were permitted to ask questions and to help the candidate anticipate questions and prepare responses in advance. Finally, the Reagan campaign sought to keep the candidate “on message.” That is to say, press releases, photo opportunities and campaign appearances focused on a single, consistent message. This approach, known as the Issue of the Day (IOD) media management strategy proved indispensable to advancing the administration’s goals and achieving its objectives. Not only was the IOD strategy remarkably effective in influencing press coverage of the Reagan White House, this coverage promoted an overwhelmingly positive image of the president. As the weeklong funeral amply demonstrated, Reagan was, and remains, one of the most popular presidents in modern American history. Reagan’s popular (and populist) appeal is instructive inasmuch as it illuminates the crucial distinction between “celebrity and its premodern antecedent, fame” observed by historian Charles L. Ponce de Leone (13). Whereas fame was traditionally bestowed upon those whose heroism and extraordinary achievements distinguished them from common people, celebrity is a defining feature of modernity, inasmuch as celebrity is “a direct outgrowth of developments that most of us regard as progressive: the spread of the market economy and the rise of democratic, individualistic values” (Ponce de Leone 14). On one hand, then, Reagan’s celebrity reflects his individualism, his resolute faith in the primacy of the market, and his defense of “traditional” (i.e. democratic) American values. On the other hand, by emphasizing his heroic, almost supernatural achievements, most notably his vanquishing of the “Evil Empire,” the Reagan mythology serves to lift him “far above the common rung of humanity” raising him to “the realm of the divine” (Ponce de Leone 14). Indeed, prior to his death, the Reagan faithful successfully lobbied Congress to create secular shrines to the standard bearer of American conservatism. For instance, in 1998, President Clinton signed a bill that officially rechristened one of the US capitol’s airports to Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport. More recently, conservatives working under the aegis of the Ronald Reagan Legacy Project have called for the creation of even more visible totems to the Reagan Revolution, including replacing Franklin D. Roosevelt’s profile on the dime with Reagan’s image and, more dramatically, inscribing Reagan in stone, alongside Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and Teddy Roosevelt at Mount Rushmore (Gordon). Therefore, Reagan’s enduring fame rests not only on the considerable symbolic capital associated with his visual record, but also, increasingly, upon material manifestations of American political culture. The High Stakes of Media Politics What are we to make of Reagan’s fame and its implications for America? To begin with, we must acknowledge Reagan’s enduring influence on modern electoral politics. Clearly, Reagan’s “citizen politician” was a media construct — the masterful orchestration of ideological content across the institutional structures of news, public relations and marketing. While some may suggest that Reagan’s success was an anomaly, a historical aberration, a host of politicians, and not a few celebrities — Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Arnold Schwarzenegger among them — emulate Reagan’s style and employ the media management strategies he pioneered. Furthermore, we need to recognize that the Reagan mythology that is so thoroughly bound up in his approach to media/politics does more to obscure, rather than illuminate the historical record. For instance, in her (video taped) remarks at the funeral service, Margaret Thatcher made the extraordinary claim — a central tenet of the Reagan Revolution — that Ronnie won the cold war “without firing a shot.” Such claims went unchallenged, at least in the establishment press, despite Reagan’s well-documented penchant for waging costly and protracted proxy wars in Afghanistan, Africa, and Central America. Similarly, the Reagan hagiography failed to acknowledge the decisive role Gorbachev and his policies of “reform” and “openness” — Perestroika and Glasnost — played in the ending of the Cold War. Indeed, Reagan’s media managed populism flies in the face of what radical historian Howard Zinn might describe as a “people’s history” of the 1980s. That is to say, a broad cross-section of America — labor, racial and ethnic minorities, environmentalists and anti-nuclear activists among them — rallied in vehement opposition to Reagan’s foreign and domestic policies. And yet, throughout the weeklong funeral, the divisiveness of the Reagan era went largely unnoted. In the Reagan mythology, then, popular demonstrations against an unprecedented military build up, the administration’s failure to acknowledge, let alone intervene in the AIDS epidemic, and the growing disparity between rich and poor that marked his tenure in office were, to borrow a phrase, relegated to the dustbin of history. In light of the upcoming US presidential election, we ought to weigh how Reagan’s celebrity squares with the historical record; and, equally important, how his legacy both shapes and reflects the realities we confront today. Whether we consider economic and tax policy, social services, electoral politics, international relations or the domestic culture wars, Reagan’s policies and practices continue to determine the state of the union and inform the content and character of American political discourse. Increasingly, American electoral politics turns on the pithy soundbite, the carefully orchestrated pseudo-event, and a campaign team’s unwavering ability to stay on message. Nowhere is this more evident than in Ronald Reagan’s unmistakable influence upon the current (and illegitimate) occupant of the White House. References Covington, Cary R., Kroeger, K., Richardson, G., and J. David Woodward. “Shaping a Candidate’s Image in the Press: Ronald Reagan and the 1980 Presidential Election.” Political Research Quarterly 46.4 (1993): 783-98. De Groot, Gerard J. “‘A Goddamed Electable Person’: The 1966 California Gubernatorial Campaign of Ronald Reagan.” History 82.267 (1997): 429-48. Gordon, Colin. “Replace FDR on the Dime with Reagan?” History News Network 15 December, 2003. http://hnn.us/articles/1853.html>. Lapham, Lewis H. “Morte de Nixon – Death of Richard Nixon – Editorial.” Harper’s Magazine (July 1994). http://www.harpers.org/MorteDeNixon.html>. Ponce de Leon, Charles L. Self-Exposure: Human-Interest Journalism and the Emergence of Celebrity in America, 1890-1940. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 2002. Ridgeway, James. “Bush Takes a Ride in Reagan’s Wake.” Village Voice (10 June 2004). http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0423/mondo5.php>. Turner, Graeme, Frances Bonner, and P. David Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Zinn, Howard. The Peoples’ History of the United States: 1492-Present. New York: Harper Perennial, 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Howley, Kevin. "Always Famous: Or, The Electoral Half-Life of Ronald Reagan." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/17-howley.php>. APA Style Howley, K. (Nov. 2004) "Always Famous: Or, The Electoral Half-Life of Ronald Reagan," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/17-howley.php>.

On a longtemps vu l’histoire et l’anthropologie comme deux disciplines très distinctes n’ayant pas grand-chose en partage. Jusqu’au début du XXe siècle, l’histoire fut essentiellement celle des « civilisés », des Européens et donc des colonisateurs. Si les colonisés n’étaient pas complètement absents du tableau, ils étaient, au mieux, des participants mineurs. L’anthropologie, pour sa part, s’est instituée en ayant pour objet la compréhension des populations lointaines, les « petites sociétés », autochtones et colonisées, ces populations vues comme hors du temps et de l’histoire. Cette situation était le produit d’une division traditionnelle (Harkin 2010 : 114) – et coloniale (Naepels 2010 : 878) – du travail entre histoire et anthropologie. Celle-ci se prolongeait dans le choix des méthodes : les historiens travaillaient en archives alors que les anthropologues s’intéressaient aux témoignages oraux et donc, s’adonnaient à l’enquête de terrain. Les deux disciplines divergeaient également quant à la temporalité : « Pour l’histoire, (…) le temps est une sorte de matière première. Les actes s’inscrivent dans le temps, modifient les choses tout autant qu’ils les répètent. (…) Pour l’anthropologue, s’il n’y prend garde, le temps passe en arrière-plan, au profit d’une saisie des phénomènes en synchronie » (Bensa 2010 : 42). Ces distinctions ne sont plus aujourd’hui essentielles, en particulier pour « l’anthropologie historique », champ de recherche dont se revendiquent tant les historiens que les anthropologues, mais il n’en fut pas de tout temps ainsi. Après s’être d’abord intéressés à l’histoire des civilisations dans une perspective évolutionniste et spéculative, au tournant du siècle dernier, les pères de l’anthropologie, tant en France (Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss), aux États-Unis (Franz Boas), qu’en Angleterre (Bronislaw Malinowski, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown), prendront fermement leur distance avec cette histoire. Les questions de méthode, comme le développement de l’observation participante, et l’essor de concepts qui devinrent centraux à la discipline tels que « culture » et « fonction » furent déterminants pour sortir de l’idéologie évolutionniste en privilégiant la synchronie plutôt que la diachronie et les généalogies. On se détourna alors des faits uniques pour se concentrer sur ceux qui se répètent (Bensa 2010 : 43). On s’intéressa moins à l’accidentel, à l’individuel pour s’attacher au régulier, au social et au culturel. Sans être nécessairement antihistoriques, ces précepteurs furent largement ahistoriques (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 172), une exception ayant été Franz Boas – et certains de ses étudiants, tels Robert Lowie ou Melville J. Herskovits – avec son intérêt pour les contacts culturels et les particularismes historiques. Du côté de l’histoire, on priorisait la politique, l’événement et les grands hommes, ce qui donnait lieu à des récits plutôt factuels et athéoriques (Krech 1991 : 349) basés sur les événements « vrais » et uniques qui se démarquaient de la vie « ordinaire ». Les premiers essais pour réformer l’histoire eurent lieu en France, du côté des historiens qui seront associés aux « Annales », un nom qui réfère à la fois à une revue scientifique fondée en 1929 par Marc Bloch et Lucien Febvre et à une École d’historiens français qui renouvela la façon de penser et d’écrire l’histoire, en particulier après la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Krech 1991; Schöttler 2010). L’anthropologie et la sociologie naissantes suscitèrent alors l’intérêt chez ce groupe d’historiens à cause de la variété de leurs domaines d’enquête, mais également par leur capacité à enrichir une histoire qui n’est plus conçue comme un tableau ou un simple inventaire. Les fondateurs de la nouvelle École française des Annales décrivent leur approche comme une « histoire totale », expression qui renvoie à l’idée de totalité développée par les durkheimiens, mais également à l’idée de synthèse du philosophe et historien Henry Berr (Schöttler 2010: 34-37). L’histoire fut dès lors envisagée comme une science sociale à part entière, s’intéressant aux tendances sociales qui orientent les singularités. L’ouvrage fondateur de Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges (1983 [1924]), pose les jalons de ce dépassement du conjoncturel. Il utilise notamment la comparaison avec d’autres formes d’expériences humaines décrites notamment dans Le Rameau d’Or (1998 [1924; 1890 pour l’édition originale en anglais]) de James G. Frazer et explore le folklore européen pour dévoiler les arcanes religieux du pouvoir royal en France et en Angleterre (Bensa 2010; Goody 1997). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des « mentalités », notion qui se rapproche de celle de « représentation collective » chère à Durkheim et Mauss (sur ce rapprochement entre les deux notions et la critique qui en a été faite, voir Lloyd 1994). Les travaux de la deuxième génération des historiens des Annales, marqués par la publication de l’ouvrage de Fernand Braudel La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II en 1949 et de son arrivée en 1956 à la direction de la revue, peuvent encore une fois mieux se comprendre dans l’horizon du dialogue avec l’anthropologie, d’une part, et avec les area studiesqui se développèrent aux États-Unis après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, de l’autre (Braudel 1958). Le projet est de rapporter « la spécificité des acteurs singuliers, des dates et des événements à des considérations plus vastes sur la transformation lente des mœurs et des représentations. Le travail ne consiste pas seulement à capter au projet de l’histoire des rubriques chères à l’anthropologie, mais aussi à caractériser une époque [et une région] par sa façon de percevoir et de penser le monde » (Bensa 2010 : 46). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des structures, des conjonctures et des mentalités (Schöttler 2010 : 38). Les travaux de cette deuxième génération des Annales s’inscrivent dans un vif débat avec l’anthropologie structuraliste de Claude Lévi-Strauss. Si tant Braudel que Lévi-Strauss voulaient considérer les choses de façon globale, Lévi-Strauss situait la globalité dans un temps des sociétés des origines, comme si tout s’était joué au départ et comme si l’histoire n’en serait qu’un développement insignifiant. Pour sa part, Braudel, qui s’intéressait à l’histoire sérielle et à la longue durée, situait plutôt la globalité dans un passé qui sert à comprendre le présent et, jusqu’à un certain point, à prévoir ce qui peut se passer dans le futur. Ce qui constitue le fond de leur opposition est que l’un s’intéresse à l’histoire immobile alors que l’autre s’intéresse à l’histoire de longue durée, soit l’histoire quasi immobile selon laquelle, derrière les apparences de la reproduction à l’identique, se produisent toujours des changements, même très minimes. Dans les deux cas, l’ « événementiel » ou ce qui se passe à la « surface » sont à l’opposé de leur intérêt pour la structure et la profondeur, même si ces dernières ne sont pas saisies de la même façon. Pour Braudel, la structure est pleinement dans l’histoire ; elle est réalité concrète et observable qui se décèle notamment dans les réseaux de relations, de marchandises et de capitaux qui se déploient dans l’espace et qui commandent les autres faits dans la longue durée (Dosse 1986 : 89). Les travaux de Braudel et son concept d’ « économie-monde » inspireront plusieurs anthropologues dont un Marshall Sahlins et un Jonathan Friedman à partir du tournant des années 1980. Pour Lévi-Strauss, la structure profonde, celle qui correspond aux enceintes mentales humaines, « ne s’assimile pas à la structure empirique, mais aux modèles construits à partir de celle-ci » (Dosse 1986 : 85). Elle est donc hors de l’histoire. Comme le rappelait François Hartog (2014 [2004] : 287), Lévi-Strauss a souvent dit « rien ne m’intéresse plus que l’histoire. Et depuis fort longtemps! » (1988 : 168; voir d’ailleurs notamment Lévi-Strauss 1958, 1983), tout en ajoutant « l’histoire mène à tout, mais à condition d’en sortir » (Lévi-Strauss 1962 : 348) ! Parallèlement à l’entreprise déhistoricisante de Lévi-Strauss, d’autres anthropologues insistent au contraire à la même époque sur l’importance de réinsérer les institutions étudiées dans le mouvement du temps. Ainsi, Edward E. Evans-Pritchard, dans sa célèbre conférence Marett de 1950 qui sera publiée en 1962 sous le titre « Anthropology and history », dénonce le fait que les généralisations en anthropologie autour des structures sociales, de la religion, de la parenté soient devenues tellement généralisées qu’elles perdent toute valeur. Il insiste sur la nécessité de faire ressortir le caractère unique de toute formation sociale. C’est pour cette raison qu’il souligne l’importance de l’histoire pour l’anthropologie, non pas comme succession d’événements, mais comme liens entre eux dans un contexte où on s’intéresse aux mouvements de masse et aux grands changements sociaux. En invitant notamment les anthropologues à faire un usage critique des sources documentaires et à une prise en considération des traditions orales pour comprendre le passé et donc la nature des institutions étudiées, Evans-Pritchard (1962 : 189) en appelle à une combinaison des points de vue historique et fonctionnaliste. Il faut s’intéresser à l’histoire pour éclairer le présent et comment les institutions en sont venues à être ce qu’elles sont. Les deux disciplines auraient donc été pour lui indissociables (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 191). Au milieu du XXe siècle, d’autres anthropologues s’intéressaient aux changements sociaux et à une conception dynamique des situations sociales étudiées, ce qui entraîna un intérêt pour l’histoire, tels que ceux de l’École de Manchester, Max Gluckman (1940) en tête. En France, inspiré notamment par ce dernier, Georges Balandier (1951) insista sur la nécessité de penser dans une perspective historique les situations sociales rencontrées par les anthropologues, ce qui inaugura l’étude des situations coloniales puis postcoloniales, mais aussi de l’urbanisation et du développement. Cette importance accordée à l’histoire se retrouva chez les anthropologues africanistes de la génération suivante tels que Jean Bazin, Michel Izard et Emmanuel Terray (Naepels 2010 : 876). Le dialogue entre anthropologie et histoire s’est développé vers la même époque aux États-Unis. Après le passage de l’Indian Claims Commission Act en 1946, qui établit une commission chargée d’examiner les revendications à l’encontre de l’État américain en vue de compensations financières pour des territoires perdus par les nations autochtones à la suite de la violation de traités fédéraux, on assista au développement d’un nouveau champ de recherche, l’ethnohistoire, qui se dota d’une revue en 1954, Ethnohistory. Ce nouveau champ fut surtout investi par des anthropologues qui se familiarisèrent avec les techniques de l’historiographie. La recherche, du moins à ses débuts, avait une orientation empirique et pragmatique puisque les chercheurs étaient amenés à témoigner au tribunal pour ou contre les revendications autochtones (Harkin 2010). Les ethnohistoriens apprirent d’ailleurs à ce moment à travailler pour et avec les autochtones. Les recherches visaient une compréhension plus juste et plus holiste de l’histoire des peuples autochtones et des changements dont ils firent l’expérience. Elles ne manquèrent cependant pas de provoquer un certain scepticisme parmi les anthropologues « de terrain » pour qui rien ne valait la réalité du contact et les sources orales et pour qui les archives, parce qu’étant celles du colonisateur, étaient truffées de mensonges et d’incompréhensions (Trigger 1982 : 5). Ce scepticisme s’estompa à mesure que l’on prit conscience de l’importance d’une compréhension du contexte historique et de l’histoire coloniale plus générale pour pouvoir faire sens des données ethnologiques et archéologiques. L’ethnohistoire a particulièrement fleuri en Amérique du Nord, mais très peu en Europe (Harkin 2010; Trigger 1982). On retrouve une tradition importante d’ethnohistoriens au Québec, qu’on pense aux Bruce Trigger, Toby Morantz, Rémi Savard, François Trudel, Sylvie Vincent. L’idée est de combiner des données d’archives et des données archéologiques avec l’abondante ethnographie. Il s’agit également de prendre au sérieux l’histoire ou la tradition orale et de confronter les analyses historiques à l’interprétation qu’ont les acteurs de l’histoire coloniale et de son impact sur leurs vies. La perspective se fit de plus en plus émique au fil du temps, une attention de plus en plus grande étant portée aux sujets. Le champ de recherche attira graduellement plus d’historiens. La fin des années 1960 fut le moment de la grande rencontre entre l’anthropologie et l’histoire avec la naissance, en France, de l’« anthropologie historique » ou « nouvelle histoire » et, aux États-Unis, de la « New Cutural History ». L’attention passa des structures et des processus aux cultures et aux expériences de vie des gens ordinaires. La troisième génération des Annales fut au cœur de ce rapprochement : tout en prenant ses distances avec la « religion structuraliste » (Burguière 1999), la fascination pour l’anthropologie était toujours présente, produisant un déplacement d’une histoire économique et démographique vers une histoire culturelle et ethnographique. Burguière (1999) décrivait cette histoire comme celle des comportements et des habitudes, marquant un retour au concept de « mentalité » de Bloch. Les inspirations pour élargir le champ des problèmes posés furent multiples, en particulier dans les champs de l’anthropologie de l’imaginaire et de l’idéologique, de la parenté et des mythes (pensons aux travaux de Louis Dumont et de Maurice Godelier, de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Françoise Héritier). Quant à la méthode, la description dense mise en avant par Clifford Geertz (1973), la microhistoire dans les traces de Carlo Ginzburg (1983) et l’histoire comparée des cultures sous l’influence de Jack Goody (1979 [1977]) permirent un retour de l’événement et du sujet, une attention aux détails qui rejoignit celle qu’y accordait l’ethnographie, une conception plus dynamique des rapports sociaux et une réinterrogation des généralisations sur le long terme (Bensa 2010 : 49 ; Schmitt 2008). Aux États-Unis, la « New Culturel History » qui s’inscrit dans les mêmes tendances inclut les travaux d’historiens comme Robert Darnon, Natalie Zemon Davis, Dominick La Capra (Iggers 1997; Krech 1991; Harkin 2010). L’association de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie est souvent vue comme ayant été pratiquée de manière exemplaire par Nathan Wachtel, historien au sens plein du terme, mais également formé à l’anthropologie, ayant suivi les séminaires de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Maurice Godelier (Poloni-Simard et Bernand 2014 : 7). Son ouvrage La Vision des vaincus : les Indiens du Pérou devant la Conquête espagnole 1530-1570 qui parut en 1971 est le résultat d’un va-et-vient entre passé et présent, la combinaison d’un travail en archives avec des matériaux peu exploités jusque-là, comme les archives des juges de l’Inquisition et les archives administratives coloniales, et de l’enquête de terrain ethnographique. Cet ouvrage met particulièrement en valeur la capacité d’agir des Autochtones dans leur rapport avec les institutions et la culture du colonisateur. Pour se faire, il appliqua la méthode régressive mise en avant par Marc Bloch, laquelle consiste à « lire l’histoire à rebours », c’est-à-dire à « aller du mieux au moins bien connu » (Bloch 1931 : XII). Du côté des anthropologues, l’anthropologie historique est un champ de recherche en effervescence depuis les années 1980 (voir Goody 1997 et Naepels 2010 pour une recension des principaux travaux). Ce renouveau prit son essor notamment en réponse aux critiques à propos de l’essentialisme, du culturalisme, du primitivisme et de l’ahistoricisme (voir Fabian 2006 [1983]; Thomas 1989; Douglas 1998) de la discipline anthropologique aux prises avec une « crise de la représentation » (Said 1989) dans un contexte plus large de décolonisation qui l’engagea dans un « tournant réflexif » (Geertz 1973; Clifford et Marcus 1986; Fisher et Marcus 1986). Certains se tournèrent vers l’histoire en quête de nouvelles avenues de recherche pour renouveler la connaissance acquise par l’ethnographie en s’intéressant, d’un point de vue historique, aux dynamiques sociales internes, aux régimes d’historicité et aux formes sociales de la mémoire propres aux groupes auprès desquels ils travaillaient (Naepels 2010 : 877). Les anthropologues océanistes participèrent grandement à ce renouveau en discutant de la nécessité et des possibilités d’une anthropologie historiquement située (Biersack 1991; Barofsky 2000; Merle et Naepels 2003) et par la publication de plusieurs monographies portant en particulier sur la période des premiers contacts entre sociétés autochtones et Européens et les débuts de la période coloniale (entre autres, Dening 1980; Sahlins 1981, 1985; Valeri 1985; Thomas 1990). L’ouvrage maintenant classique de Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History (1985), suscita des débats vigoureux qui marquèrent l’histoire de la discipline anthropologique à propos du relativisme en anthropologie, de l’anthropologie comme acteur historique, de l’autorité ethnographique, de la critique des sources archivistiques, des conflits d’interprétation et du traitement de la capacité d’agir des populations autochtones au moment des premiers contacts avec les Européens et, plus largement, dans l’histoire (pour une synthèse, voir Kuper 2000). Pour ce qui est de la situation coloniale, le 50e anniversaire de la publication du texte fondateur de Balandier de 1951, au début des années 2000, fut l’occasion de rétablir, approfondir et, dans certains cas, renouveler le dialogue non seulement entre anthropologues et historiens, mais également, entre chercheurs français et américains. Les nouvelles études coloniales qui sont en plein essor invitent à une analyse méticuleuse des situations coloniales d’un point de vue local de façon à en révéler les complexités concrètes. On y insiste aussi sur l’importance de questionner les dichotomies strictes et souvent artificielles entre colonisateur et colonisé, Occident et Orient, Nord et Sud. Une attention est aussi portée aux convergences d’un théâtre colonial à un autre, ce qui donne une nouvelle impulsion aux analyses comparatives des colonisations (Sibeud 2004: 94) ainsi qu’au besoin de varier les échelles d’analyse en établissant des distinctions entre les dimensions coloniale et impériale (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; Cooper et Stoler 1997; Singaravélou 2013; Stoler, McGranahn et Perdue 2007) et en insérant les histoires locales dans les processus de globalisation, notamment économique et financière, comme l’ont par exemple pratiqué les anthropologues Jean et John Comaroff (2010) sur leur terrain sud-africain. Ce « jeu d’échelles », représente un défi important puisqu’il force les analystes à constamment franchir les divisions persistantes entre aires culturelles (Sibeud 2004: 95). Ce renouveau a également stimulé une réflexion déjà amorcée sur l’usage des archives coloniales ainsi que sur le contexte de production et de conservation d’une archive (Naepels 2011; Stoler 2009), mais également sur les legs coloniaux dans les mondes actuels (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; De l’Estoile 2008; Stoler 2016)

L'observation des industries chimiques présentes en Maurienne, conduit à constater la primauté absolue d'activités fondées sur la filière "électrochimie", utilisant exclusivement une conversion énergétique de type hydroélectrique. L'étude vise a préciser les facteurs qui ont détermine une telle implantation industrielle en zone alpine, avec une densité maximale en maurienne. Après une première délimitation du domaine spatial et industriel, l'observation conduite sur une longue période, de 1890 à 0980, concerne l'évolution des techniques d'électrolyse et d'électrothermie, vécue dans trois unités locales, représentatives de ce type d'activités. La démarche tente de situer ces usines, en relation avec: - le tissu industriel propre à l'ensemble du domaine de l'électrochimie. - les procédés et équipements de production, crées et développés dans le cadre énergétique alpin, celui de la houille blanche. - les collectivités humaines locales associées directement ou non à ces activités. - le terroir d'accueil, durant près d'un siècle de coexistence. La recherche intègre une opération d'analyse, d'inventaire et de sauvegarde d'archives constituant une partie du patrimoine industriel de l'électrochimie alpine
The study of chemical industries in Maurienne shows the utter primacy of electrochemical industrial activities, exclusively using an hydroelectric energy conversion. The present thesis aims at analysing the factors which led these industries to settle in the alps with a maximum density in maurienne. After determining the spatial and industrial fields, the study carried out, over a long period (from 1890 to 1980), analyses the evolution of electrolysis and elec-trothermic techniques in three local factories, representative of this type of activities, taking into consideration the following criteria: - the industrial network linked to the electrochemical field. - the production processes and facilities created and developed within the alpine energetic framework, i. E. Hydroelectric power. - the local human and administrative organisations, directly or indirectly linked to the activities. - the host area and its people for about one century coexistence. The research includes an analysis, an inventory as welle as a safeguarding of records being part of the industrial heritage of the alpine electrochemistry

The Privacy Journal (2003), a print newsletter and Web site devoted to privacy matters, defines the present-day use of the word privacy as “the right of individuals to control the collection and use of personal information about themselves.” Similar definitions are provided by law specialists (Gavison, 1980; Warren & Brandies, 1890). The networked society changes the way in which privacy rights are defined, used and interpreted, because: a. The IT-enabled channels of communication change the rules of personal and commercial interaction; b. The participation in the networked society implies a diminishing of individual privacy rights. The fundamental principle of the networked society is information sharing and processing (Kling & Allen, 1996). Advances in computing technology—that represents the infrastructure of the networked society—make possible to collect, store, analyze, and retrieve personal information created in the process of participation. The manifestation and the protection of individual privacy rights represent the field of conflict between various disciplines and social events. The heterogeneous nature of this phenomenon is mirrored in this paper, which aims to present the complex nature of privacy rights in the context of the networked society. The study proposes a negotiating model of online privacy rights, and analyses the necessary conditions for the implementation of this model on the Internet. The new economy is redefined on the basis of information entrepreneurism (Kling & Allen, 1996; Zwick & Dholakia, 1999). This cultural paradigm emphasizes the use of data-intensive analysis techniques for designing and implementing effective marketing and management strategies. This has as a direct consequence the use of an information superpanopticon–a concept derived from Foucault’s panopticon, a system of perfect surveillance and control. Online privacy is a major concern for Internet users (Ackerman, Cranor, & Reagle, 1999). For the individual Internet user, the privacy threats fall into two main categories: a. Web tracking devices that collect information about the online behavior of the user (e.g., cookies); b. The misuse of the personal information provided by the online user in exchange of specific benefits: increased personalization, Web group membership, etc. The databases, intelligent agents and tracking devices are surrounding the Internet users with a Web of surveillance, which is often hidden and unknown to the users. The surveillance is initiated by the simple act of presence on the Internet. Specialized software applications, such as cookies are tracking the online behavior of Internet users, feeding the data into databases, which create and permanently update a profile of online consumers. These profiles are then used for segmenting the market and targeting the most profitable consumers. A company can use cookies for various valid reasons: security, personalization, marketing, customer service, etc., however, there is an important distinction between cookies, which are active only within a specific Web site, and the ones that can track the user’s activity across unrelated Web sites. Recently, some aggregator networks have deployed hidden ‘pixel beacon’ technology that allows ad-serving companies to connect unrelated sites and overcome the site-specific nature of traditional cookies (Mabley, 2000). Additionally, some companies are now connecting this aggregated data with offline demographic and credit card data. Eventually, these resulting databases can be used or sold as powerful marketing tools. Exercising control of information, after it was voluntarily released, presents another critical problem. The misuse of personal information covers many possible aspects, which can be defined as any use which is not explicitly defined in the company’s privacy disclaimer, or which is not approved by the informed customer. For example, in 2000, Toysurus.com was subject to intense debate and controversy, when it was discovered that shoppers’ personal information was transferred through an unmarked Internet channel to a data processing firm, for analysis and aggregation. This operation was not disclosed in the company’s privacy disclaimer, and therefore, online customers were not aware of it. Regulators and legislators have addressed the controversial privacy issue quite differently across the world (Nakra, 2001). The USA, the largest world’s financial and Internet market, has not yet adopted a national, standard-setting privacy law (Jarvis, 2001). U.S. privacy statutes have primarily focused so far on protecting consumers’ financial data, health information, and children’s personal information (Desai, Richards, & Desai, 2003; Frye, 2001). In comparison with the American official opinion that online privacy protection is a matter of voluntary self-regulation by market-driven companies, the Europeans consider that it is more effective to enforce specific legislation regarding this issue. The current European approach is based on three basic tenets: 1. Individuals have the right to access any data relating to them and have it kept accurate and up-to-date; 2. Data cannot be retained for longer than the purpose for which it was obtained, nor used or disclosed “in a matter incompatible with that purpose”, and must be kept only for “lawful purposes”; 3. Those who control data have “a special duty of care” in relation to the individuals whose data they keep. Data commissioners oversee these rights in each European country and require most “data controllers”—people who handle data—to register with them to track what information is being collected and where. They are charged also with investigating all complaints from citizens. These principles have been incorporated in the European Data Directive, which came into effect in 1998, and more recently, in the European Directive on Privacy and Electronic Communications, adopted in 2002. Despite these legislative efforts, it is not yet clear how effective are the measures implemented by EU States. The direct involvement of governmental institutions can be considered as a form of censorship that can undermine the freedom and the flexibility of the Internet domain.