Journal articles on the topic '1873-1947 Criticism and interpretation'

The article takes under consideration three versions of the ensemble (statistical) interpretation of quantum mechanics and discusses the interconnection of these interpretations with the philosophy of science. To emphasize the specifics of the problem of interpretation of quantum mechanics in the USSR, the Marxist ideology is taken into account. The present paper continues the author’s previous analysis of ensemble interpretations which emerged in the USA and USSR in the first half of the 20th century. The author emphasizes that the ensemble approach turned out to be a dead end for the development of the interpretation of quantum mechanics in Russia. The article also argues that in Soviet Russia, the classical Copenhagen (standard) approach to quantum mechanics was used. The Copenhagen approach was developed by Lev Landau in 1919–1931 and became the basis of the Landau-Lifshitz famous course on quantum mechanics, one of the classics of twentieth-century physics literature (the first edition was published in 1947). Although Vladimir A. Fock’s approach to the interpretation of quantum mechanics differs from the standard presentation by Lev Landau and Evgeny Lifshitz, Fock put forward a very important principle that complementarity is a “firmly established law of nature”. The fundamental writings of Lev Landau, Vladimir Fock and Igor Tamm, the authors of the mid-twentieth century, did a lot to defend the standard point of view such as the popular interpretations by Landau and Lifshitz. This approach can be traced back to Landau’s early writings and to Fock’s criticism of the ensemble approach.

Abstract Thomas Mann’s novel Doktor Faustus, first published 1947, tells the story of a fictional German musician, Adrian Leverkühn, paralleled with the rise and fall of Germany in the first half of the 20th century. In fact, the idea of Doktor Faustus predated Mann’s exile, and it had been already conceived as a work of lateness – a Faust, a Parsifal in prose. In the process of creating variations on lateness, Mann referred to the musical models of Beethoven, Wagner, Mahler, Schoenberg, and the music criticism of Theodor W. Adorno. As a product of Mann’s exile in Southern California, Doktor Faustus connects the concept of lateness with his experience of exile through music, as Edward Said would later point out in his reflections on “late style.” By engaging with pre-existing compositions and criticism, I will present Doktor Faustus as a novelistic rendering of musical lateness that not only engages with compositions such as Wagner’s Parsifal and Mahler’s Ninth Symphony but also sheds new light on the interpretation of lateness as an artistic and – above all – human experience.

This article discusses the scorched earth tragedy that occurred in Pangkalan Brandan during the Indonesian independence revolution. Pangkalan Brandan is an area that is included in the territory of the Sultanate of Langkat. Before being managed by a foreign company, the oil mines in this area were managed by the local community in a traditional way. However, after the discovery of new oil wells in Telaga Said and Telaga Tunggal by the Dutch East Indies company Koninklijke Nederlandsche Maatschappij tot Exploitatie van Petroleumbronnen in Nederlandsch Indie, the management of Brandan petroleum was managed in a modern way. This study uses the historical method in four writing steps, namely; heuristics, verification or criticism, interpretation, and historiography, based on library research related to the topic under study. At the end of the Dutch East Indies rule, the Brandan petroleum mine was burned by the Dutch due to the imminent arrival of Japanese troops. Then after being controlled by Indonesia, there was another scorching of the Pangkalan Brandan oil refinery carried out by fighters and the surrounding community. This terrible tragedy is still celebrated as the "Scorched Earth Pangakalan Brandan" event.

This article explores ideographs in the inaugural speeches of Heads of State/Government of Pakistan from the country’s founding in 1947 to 2018 – the time of the latest inaugural speeches in Pakistan’s political history. The data was collected from multiple sources, mostly official. A total of fifty-eight speeches were analyzed, which contained 124,363 words—averaging 2,144 words apiece. The study was qualitative in nature and employed McGee’s framework of Ideographic Criticism for data analysis. Setting ‘ideograph’ as a unit of analysis, the study carried out repeated close readings of the speeches. The analysis involved five steps: identification, translation (in case of Urdu speeches), categorization, contextualization and interpretation. Thus, in all 493 ideographs (both positive and negative) were identified in the speeches. While analysis of such a large number of ideographs was practically impossible, only 58 ideographs (47 positive and 11 negative), which had a frequency of 10 or above in both English and Urdu speeches taken together or in either of the languages, were analyzed diachronically. This study is the first attempt of its kind in the context of Pakistan and contributes at four levels: Theory, Method, Genre and Context.

K.H. Muhammad Yahya (commonly known as Abuya Sepuh or Abuya Mamad) is an Islamic scholar from Cimahi. He is a Da'i, Murshid Tariqah, and also a Judge in the Religious Courts. He was the founder of Pesantren Darussurur Cimahi, and extensively wrote Sundanese nadhom, and participated in spreading the Islamic da'wah in the City of Cimahi. He contributed to education, social, religion, and Islamic da’wah. This study aims at finding out the biography of K.H. Muhammad Yahya and his Da'wah Activities in Cimahi. The method used is a historical research method which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that, first, K.H. Muhammad Yahya was born in 1917 and died in 2009 in the Main Village, Cimahi. He is the son of K.H. Muhammad Azhari and Hj. Khadijah, his nasab through his father reached Maulana Syarif Hidayatullah. His educational genelogy was formed from the environment and education he got from various teachers, such as Habib Ali al-Attas (Jakarta), Habib Abdullah Bilfaqih (Malang), Muhaddist Assayid Alwi bin Abbas al-Malik (Mecca), K.H. M. Kurdi (Cibabat), K.H. M. Zarkasyi (Cibaduyut). Second, the da'wah activities K.H. Muhammad Yahya in Cimahi covers several aspects and media, namely da’wah through educational institutions with the establishment of pesantren Darussurur (1947-2009), da’wah through religious teachings (1947-2009), da’wah through Tariqah (TQN) (1960s), and da’wah through writing (1979-2009), in which he wrote and translated Arabic books composed in the form of Sundanese nadhom, such as Nadhom Shoibul Iman, Aqidatul awam, Lawang Setan, and many others.

This study aims to determine the Makassar Football Association, which is headquartered in Makassar, South Sulawesi province. The Makassar Football Association was founded on November 2, 1915 which at that time was still a football association called Makassar Voetbal Bond. Based on the historical background of his achievements, Makassar Voetbal Bond features male players in the elite ranks of Dutch East Indies football such as Sagi and Sangkala as reliable players who at that time were highly respected by Dutch players. The Makassar Football Association is known as the birthplace of young and talented football players. Talented young players include Ramang, Suardi Arlan, Nursalam and Maulwi Saelan. The player emerged and triumphed in the 1950-1970 era. Ramang is a football legend who came from PSM which at that time was still called Makassar Voetbal Bond. Ramang began strengthening the Makassar Football Association in 1947. This study uses a qualitative approach with historical methods through heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.

Penelitian ini bertujuan mengungkap konflik tentara dengan laskar dan jago di wilayah Karawang. Penelitian ini mempergunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sama seperti halnya di daerah lain, revolusi kemerdekaan di wilayah Karawang berlangsung dengan sengit. Dinamika perjuangan kemerdekaan di Karawang terasa lebih keras lagi setelah proklamasi kemerdekaan. Pada masa perjuangan Karawang merupakan “rumah” bagi tentara dan laskar perjuangan. Banyaknya kelompok laskar dan kelompok jago yang sering menghadirkan kerusuhan menimbulkan permasalahan tersendiri sebagaimana digambarkan pada artikel ini. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa konflik antara tentara, laskar, dan jago terjadi disebabkan adanya keyakinan yang besar terhadap janji-janji revolusi, perbedaan ideologis mengenai bagaimana perjuangan harus dimenangkan, faktor ketidakpercayaan yang mengakibatkan hubungan-hubungan yang tidak harmonis antarfaksi perjuangan di Karawang. This study aims to reveal the conflict of soldiers with paramilitary troops and warior in the area of Karawang. This study uses historical methods consisting of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Just as in other areas, the revolution of independence in the Karawang was fierce. The dynamics of the struggle for independence in Karawang was even harder after the proclamation of independence. Karawang is a "home" for the army and the paramilitary-troops struggle. The large number of paramilitary troops groups and groups of warior often caused riots that raise their own problems as illustrated in this article. The results show that the conflict between the army, the paramilitary troops and the warior occurred due to the great conviction of the promises of the revolution, the ideological differences about how the struggle should be won. The unbelieving factor resulted an unharmonious relationships between-fraction struggle in Karawang.

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip terhadap Pemerintah Republik Indonesia tahun 1947 di Kabupaten Majalengka. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat langkah penelitian, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sedangkan teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang sedang dikaji dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengungkap gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip di Kabupaten Majalengka tahun 1947. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian didapat beberapa simpulan: pertama, Haji Sarip melakukan gerakan protes terhadap Pemerintah RI dan desa karena kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah RI, yaitu kebijakannya India Rice (penjualan beras ke India dengan harga murah); kedua, Haji Sarip menganggap Pemerintah RI 1947 sudah gagal dan menyiakan-nyiakan hidup masyarakatnya sendiri, sehingga Haji Sarip akan mengubah tatanan pemerintahan dan menggantikannya dengan pemerintahan baru, yang berlandaskan sama rata sama rasa, sama warna, sama bangsa, dan benderanya putih hitam; ketiga, setelah Haji Sarip melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah dengan cara melakukan provokasi terhadap masyarakat Kabupaten Majalengka, masyarakat dan pemerintah tidak tinggal diam, melainkan masyarakat bersikap antipati terhadap Haji Sarip dan Pemerintah RI menindak Haji Sarip dengan tuduhan membangkang pemerintah, meresahkan masyarakat, menghina tentara dan menjalankan penipuan. AbstractThis study describes the movement of Haji Sarip protest against the Government of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947 at Majalengka. This research used historical method which consists of four steps of research: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques used in data collection trough literature review and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature relating to the issues being studied and interviewed witnesses or perpetrators of history. The purpose of this study is to reveal the protest movement Haji Sarip in Majalengka 1947. Based on the results obtained some conclusions: first, Haji Sarip protest movement against the Government and the village because of measures taken by the government of Indonesia, the Indian policy of Rice (rice sales to India with cheap price); second, Haji Sarip assume GOI 1947 has failed and wasted waste life of his own people, so that Hajj Sarip will change the system of government and replace it with a new government, which is based equally the same taste, same color, same nation, black and white flag; Third, after Haji Sarip resistance to the government by way of provocation against Majalengka community, society and the government is not standing still, but the people being antipathy towards Haji Sarip and the government crack down on charges Haji Sarip government's defiant, disturbing the public, insulting the army and run fraud.

Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana latar belakang dan perkembangan Pesantren DDI Pattojo. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui awal mula berdirinya Pesantren DDI Pattojo, sistem kurikulum, tenaga pengajar dan murid/santri, bagaimana dampak terhadap pendidikan, sosial dan ekonomi pada masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi tahapan sebagai berikut: heuristik yaitu pengumpulan data dengan cara observasi, wawancara, kajian literatur. Kritik yaitu dengan mengkritik, seleksi data dengan cara pengujian mengenai kebenaran dan ketetapan data yang telah dikumpulkan. Intrepretasi yaitu menafsirkan data sesuai kebenaran fakta. Historiografi yaitu menuliskan peristiwa sejarah menjadi cerita utuh. Dari hasil penelitian disimpulkan bahwa keberadaan Pesantren DDI Pattojo berdampak bagi pendidikan, sosial budaya masyarakat. Dengan keberadaan Pesantren DDI Pattojo kepercayaan-kepercayaan masyarakat sekitar seperti mabbacadoang mulai bergeser. Dalam bidang ekonomi, mengurangi biaya transportasi untuk santri yang berada di sekitarnya. Dalam bidang pendidikan, santri lebih mengenal lebih dalam tentang ajaran Islam.Kata kunci: Pesantren, DDI Pattojo, SoppengThe formulation of the problem in this research are how is the background and development DDI Pattojo Pesatren. This study aims to determine the beginning of the establishment of the DDI Pattojo Islamic Boarding School, the curriculum system, teaching staff and students / students, the impact on education, social and economy in society. This study uses the historical method which includes the following stages: heuristics, namely data collection by observation, interview, literature review. Criticism is by criticizing, data selection by testing the truth and determination of data that has been collected. Interpretation that is interpreting data according to the truth of facts. Historiography is writing historical events into whole stories. From the results of the study concluded that the existence of DDI Pattojo Islamic Boarding School had an impact on education, socio-cultural society. With the existence of the DDI Pattojo Pesantren, the beliefs of the surrounding communities such as mabbacadoang began to shift. In the economic field, reducing transportation costs for students living in the vicinity. In the field of education, students learn more deeply about the teachings of Islam.Keywords : Pesantren, DDI Pattoji, Soppeng.

Abstrak: Perjanjian Linggarjati merupakan Perjanjian yang muncul setelah Belanda melakukan serangan pasca diumumkan kemerdekaan Indonesia 17 Agustus 1945. Belanda yang tidak mengakui kemerdekaan Indonesia berusaha untuk merebut dan menegakkan wilayah kekuasaan di Indonesia. Permasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini yaitu untuk menguraikan Perjanjian Linggarjati. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bentuk perjuangan bangsa Indonesia melalui Perjanjian Linggarjati. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri dari tahapan heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwaalam perjanjian Linggarjati, wilayah Indonesia yang diakui oleh Belanda meliputi Jawa, Sumatera, dan Madura. Belanda juga membentuk negara boneka untuk mempersempit ruang gerak Republik Indonesia. Kesimpulannya, yaitu: Perjanjian Linggarjati membuat wilayah kekuasaan Republik Indonesia semakin sempit yang hanya sebatas Jawa, Sumatera, dan Madura. Untuk mempersempit ruang gerak Republik Indonesia, Belanda membentuk negara boneka. Perjanjian Linggarjati diakhiri dengan perjuangan bangsa Indonesian dalam merebut kemerdekaan secara de facto dan de jure atas seluruh wilayah Republik Indonesia yang dikuasai Belanda.Kata Kunci: Indonesia, Linggarjati, Perjanjian, Perjuangan Abstract: The Linggarjati Agreement is an agreement that emerged after the Dutch carried out the attack after the announcement of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945. The Dutch, who did not recognize Indonesian independence, tried to seize and enforce the territory of Indonesia. The problem raised in this study is to describe the Linggadjati Agreement. The purpose of this study is to determine the form of the Indonesian nation's struggle through the Linggarjati Agreement. The research method used in this research is the historical method which consists of heuristic stages, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that in the Linggarjati agreement, the Indonesian territories recognized by the Dutch included Java, Sumatra and Madura. The Netherlands also formed a puppet state to narrow the space for the Republic of Indonesia to move. The conclusion, namely: The Linggarjati Agreement made the territory of the Republic of Indonesia narrower, which was only limited to Java, Sumatra and Madura. To narrow the space for the Republic of Indonesia, the Netherlands formed a puppet state. The Linggarjati Agreement ended with the Indonesian nation's struggle to seize independence de facto and de jure over the entire territory of the Republic of Indonesia controlled by the Dutch.Keywords: Indonesia, Linggarjati, Agreement, Struggle

The history of economic thought remembers António Horta Osório for Schumpeter's reference to him in the History of Economic Analysis, in the context of a general appraisal of available works using mathematical instruments and language. This, however, does not do him justice, as he should also be praised for his pioneering interpretation of Pareto's general equilibrium. According to Stigler (1965), the definitive substitution of the cardinal utility hypothesis for the ordinal utility perspective was achieved by Johnson (1913) and Slutsky (1915). Weber (2001) discusses how far Pareto used cardinality, elects Slutsky (1915) as a pioneer of demand theory and prefers to reserve to R. G. Allen (1932–34), L. R. Klein and H. Rubin (1947–48), Samuelson (1947–48), R. C. Geary (1950–51), and Richard Stone (1954) the role of establishing ordinal utility in studying the utility function. This paper shows that Osório (1911) considered the subject of ordinalism before Johnson and Slutsky addressed the issue, as he had rejected the possibility of measuring utility and clearly stated that general equilibrium is not affected if cardinality is replaced by the ordinal conception for utility, according to Pareto's last formulation. Upon reading his book it becomes clear that not only was he perfectly aware of Edgeworth's contribution on the utility indifference curves, but also of Pareto's attempts to preserve general equilibrium from Fisher's criticism against cardinalism. Historians of economic thought have forgotten one of the early twentieth-century neoclassical economists. In this way the History of Economics has neglected an interesting proof of the consolidation of the Paretian ideas on ordinality, an issue that was an exciting and uncharted territory at that moment.

Changes in the Visual Form of Aaro Hellaakoski’s Poem ”Vieras” (”The Stranger”) The present article shows how genetic criticism (critique génétique) can enrich our understanding and interpretation of visual poetry by examining the manuscript, proofs and published versions of the poem ”Vieras” (” e Stranger”) from the typographically experimental collection Jää- peili (”Ice Mirror”, 1928) by the Finnish poet Aaro Hellaakoski (1893–1952). e collection is regarded as a forerunner of Finnish modernism, and particularly its experimental typography got successors only as late as in the 1960s. Besides omitting punctuation and upper case letters, Hellaakoski experiments with the auditory and visual dimensions of ”Vieras” by dividing metrical stanzas and line units into typographically separate groups. In his later selected poems Valitut runot (”Selected poems”, 1940) and Runot (” e Poems”, 1947), Hellaakoski stripped ”Vieras” from these experimental features. e examination of the manuscripts and proofs of ”Vieras” shows that Hellaakoski’s later revisions actually revert the poem to a form closer to its early, visually more traditional, manuscript versions. e article suggests, that it was probably the integrity of Jääpeili as a modernist collection that motivated Hellaakoski into the experimental typography and ortography of ”Vieras”. ese features became dispensable when the poem was released from the context of the collection.

The local historical event that occurred in Bandung Regency under R. E. Soeriapoetra during the revolution era was in a state of a refugee. This was due to attacks carried out by the Dutch who wanted to return to control Indonesia. In general, this study wants to answer the question about “How was Raden Toemoenggoeng Endoeng Soeriapoetra administered of his government amid the political crisis post-independence?”. This research aimed to analyze the local government under R.T.E. Soeriapoetra in Bandung Regency. To discuss the study, the researcher conducted a study using historicalmethods that include heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. Based on the results it can be explained that even though the administration under R.T.E. Soeriapoetra’s leadership was unstable, the local government still ran due to good communication and cooperation between the leaders, subordinates and the people. The undertaken program was only related to the government’s situation at that time such as making roads, repairing roads and supplying food, clothing for the fighters and also the people because at that time the process of government is in a state of a refugee. So that in his leadership as Regent of Bandung not many programs were made. He also served as Regent of Bandung in a short time which is only two years, starting from 1945-1947, because caught by the Dutch. He was also offered to become regent again under Pasundan State but he refused. He chose to be detained rather thanhaving to cooperate with the Dutch.

Abstrak: Kajian tentang Kota Lubuklinggau berdasarkan kronologis sejarah masih belum ada kajian yang komprehensif, sehingga terjadi kegagalan pemahaman generasi muda dalam memahami sejarah Kota Lubuklinggau. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan kota Lubuklinggau pada masa Kolonial Belanda, masa pendudukan Jepang, masa setelah proklamasi kemerdekaan serta masa agresi militer pertama dan kedua. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah metode sejarah, antara lain heuristik, kritik sumber, intepretasi dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Lubuklinggau Tahun 1929 menjadi dusun kedudukan marga Sindang Kelingi Ilir, kemudian dikembangkan menjadi ibukota Onder Afdeeling Moesie Oeloe masa kolonial Belanda Tahun. Pada masa Jepang Tahun 1942, Lubuklinggau menjadi ibukota Bunshu Musikami Rawas. Pada masa setelah kemerdekaan Tahun 1945, Lubuklinggau menjadi Kawedanaan Musi Ulu sekaligus menjadi ibukota Kabupaten Musi Ulu Rawas. Kemudian pada masa agresi militer Belanda I Tahun 1947 dan agresi militer Belanda II Tahun 1948, Lubuklinggau menjadi pusat pemerintahan Karesidenan Palembang sekaligus pusat pemerintahan militer Sub Teritorium Sumatera Selatan (SUBKOSS). Kata Kunci: Moesie Oeloe, Musi Ulu Rawas, LubuklinggauAbstract: The study of Lubuklinggau City is based on historical chronology, there is still no comprehensive study, so that there is a failure in understanding the young generation in understanding the history of Lubuklinggau City. Furthermore, this study aims to describe the city of Lubuklinggau during the Dutch colonial period, the Japanese occupation period, the period after the proclamation of independence and the period of the first and second military aggression. The research method used is the historical method, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that Lubuklinggau in 1929 became the hamlet of the Sindang Kelingi Ilir clan, then it was developed into the capital of Onder Afdeeling Moesie Oeloe during the Dutch colonial period. During the Japanese period in 1942, Lubuklinggau became the capital of the Bunshu Musikami Rawas. In the period after independence in 1945, Lubuklinggau became Kawedanaan Musi Ulu as well as the capital of Musi Ulu Rawas Regency. Then during the Dutch military aggression I in 1947 and Dutch military aggression II in 1948, Lubuklinggau became the center of the Palembang Residency government as well as the center of the South Sumatra SubTerritory (SUBKOSS) military government. Keywords: Moesie Oeloe, Musi Ulu Rawas, Lubuklinggau

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan Peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan dalam kurun waktu 1945 hingga 1948. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Adapun teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: (1) mengetahui latar belakang terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; (2) mengetahui proses terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; dan (3) mengetahui peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan (1945-1948). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Lasykar Hizbullah terbentuk pada 10 Januari 1945. Lasykar Hizbullah merupakan organisasi/sayap kepemudaan yang berada di bawah naungan Masyumi Karesidenan Priangan. Lasykar Hizbullah telah memberikan peran penting dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Mereka terlibat aktif dalam pertempuran-pertempuran melawan Belanda-Sekutu, seperti Bandung Lautan Api, Agresi Militer Belanda I, menyikapi Perjanjian Renville. Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada perkembangannya terbagi menjadi dua kelompok: pertama, pro-pemerintah dan bergabung dengan TNI-Divisi Siliwangi sebagai hasil dari adanya program fusi badan-badan perjuangan dengan TNI pada 1947; kedua, kontra-pemerintah dan menjelma menjadi Tentara Islam Indonesia pada 1948, benteng terdepan Negara Islam Indonesia bentukan Kartosuwiryo. AbstractThis study illustrates the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan in the period 1945 to 1948. In order to reconstruct the problem, this study uses history method which consists of four stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques of data collection used literature and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature related to the problems studied and interviewing the witnesses of history or historical actors as the respondents. This study aims to: (1) know the background of the Laskar Hizbullah formation in Priangan; (2) recognize the process of of Lasykar Hizbollah formation in Priangan; and (3) identify the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan during the revolution of independence (1945-1948). The results showed that Laskar Hizbullah was formed on January 10, 1945. It is an organization under the auspices of Masjumi Priangan Residency. Hezbollah army has given an important role in maintaining the independence of Indonesia. They are actively involved in the battles against the Dutch-ally, such as Bandung Sea of Fire, Dutch Military Aggression I, addressing the Renville Agreement. Hezbollah army in Priangan, in its development, is divided into two groups: first, pro-government and join TNI-Siliwangi Division as a result of the fusion program ofstruggle agencies with the military in 1947; second, a counter-government and transformed into Islamic Army of Indonesia in 1948, the fort leading of Indonesian Islamic State of Kartosuwiryo formation.

Sartre presented ‘Existentialism and Humanism’ to a popular audience in Paris late in 1945. As he implies in the discussion which is appended to the text of the lecture (pp. 57–58), he was here simplifying his views so as to make them intelligible to a wide audience. In this he succeeded only too well; the lecture has become exceedingly well known and has been regarded as a definitive presentation not only of Sartre's philosophy at the time, but also of ‘existentialism’. One thing I hope to show in this essay is that this is not a sensible view to take; Sartre's text requires a good deal of interpretation and qualification in the light of his other writings of the period, and what emerges is a position which is uniquely his own. One way in which this can be seen is by considering Heidegger's ‘Letter on Humanism’ of 1947 which is a response to Sartre's lecture and is, indeed, Heidegger's only direct response to Sartre's work. In the lecture Sartre had associated Heidegger with himself as an ‘existential atheist’ (p. 26), but in his letter Heidegger emphatically dissociates himself both from atheism and from existentialism as characterized by Sartre, and goes on to criticize the position advanced by Sartre in the lecture. Yet despite the popular exaggeration of the significance of Sartre's lecture, it is certainly worth studying; for not only is it short and accessible, though in some respects misleading, it is also one of Sartre's few indications of the positive ethical theory which so many of his writings require but do not supply.

Sartre presented ‘Existentialism and Humanism’ to a popular audience in Paris late in 1945. As he implies in the discussion which is appended to the text of the lecture (pp. 57–58), he was here simplifying his views so as to make them intelligible to a wide audience. In this he succeeded only too well; the lecture has become exceedingly well known and has been regarded as a definitive presentation not only of Sartre's philosophy at the time, but also of ‘existentialism’. One thing I hope to show in this essay is that this is not a sensible view to take; Sartre's text requires a good deal of interpretation and qualification in the light of his other writings of the period, and what emerges is a position which is uniquely his own. One way in which this can be seen is by considering Heidegger's ‘Letter on Humanism’ of 1947 which is a response to Sartre's lecture and is, indeed, Heidegger's only direct response to Sartre's work. In the lecture Sartre had associated Heidegger with himself as an ‘existential atheist’ (p. 26), but in his letter Heidegger emphatically dissociates himself both from atheism and from existentialism as characterized by Sartre, and goes on to criticize the position advanced by Sartre in the lecture. Yet despite the popular exaggeration of the significance of Sartre's lecture, it is certainly worth studying; for not only is it short and accessible, though in some respects misleading, it is also one of Sartre's few indications of the positive ethical theory which so many of his writings require but do not supply.

This paper offers a historically contextualized reading of what is perhaps the most explicit engagement with radical politics in Beckett's work, the encounter in The End (1946), Beckett's first piece of postwar fiction, between the narrator, a homeless beggar, and a Marxist orator who abuses him as a ‘leftover’ and denounces the charity of the passers-by as a ‘crime’. With reference to Beckett's later rejection of existentialist interpretations of his work with the words ‘I'm no intellectual. All I am is feeling (sensibilité)’, and Theodor Adorno's contemporaneous diagnosis in Minima Moralia (1944–1947) of the ‘barbarism’ of cultural criticism's relentless demand to unmask the material relations enfolded in the notion of sensibility, this paper reads this scene as a parody of the callously unsentimental rhetoric of the Parti Communiste Français and the Sartrean existentialist humanism that was the official philosophy of de Gaulle's Fourth Republic. In particular, the orator's castigation of the protagonist as a leftover (un déchet) can be read as part of a long tradition of Marxist excoriations of the lumpenproletariat—the amorphous class of ne'er-do-wells to which so many of Beckett's postwar protagonists belong—that has a precise historical origin in Marx's Eighteenth Brumaire and its denunciation of the role of la bohème, the ‘scum, offal, refuse of all classes’, in the 1851 counter-revolutionary coup d’état of Louis-Bonaparte. Before 1851, however, the amorphous mass of the destitute and homeless was capable of serving as a figure of revolutionary potential, as Walter Benjamin's study of Baudelaire shows, where it was the ragpicker's ‘obscure state of revolt against society’ rather than the optimism of utopian theorists that inspired Baudelaire to fight on the barricades in the failed uprising of 1848. In its presentation of a confrontation between the callous optimism of political futurity and the contemporary extremes of human suffering, The End stakes an allegiance with the war's ‘leftovers’ that is out of step with the official radical politics of the time.

This article is entitled “The Movement of the 7 December Division Troops in the West Java Region (1947-1950)”. The main problem discussed in this article is how the movement of the 7 December Division Troops while in West Java. The purpose of this study is to examine more deeply the movement of the 7 December Division Troops in West Java during the battle with the TNI and the policies carried out by the 7 December Division while in West Java. This research used historical method which has several steps, namely Heuristic, source criticism in which there are external and internal criticisms, interpretation and historiography. To deepen the analysis of this research, this research used the approach of sociology and conflict theory. The research used literature study technique. Based on research results, the December 7th Division was a special troop formed directly by Queen Wilhelmina. These troops were asked to come to Indonesia and be stationed in the West Java region for the task of carrying out security and order. But the security and order carried out by the 7 December Division Troops in West Java constituted colonial order and security. West Java region is a strategic place because by conquering West Java, to control the capital can easily be achieved. The December 7th Division troops had their headquarters in the Batavia area. The 7 December Division troops have guardhouses in West Java, including: Buitenzorg, Batavia, Cibadak, Cianjur, Sukabumi, Tanggerang, Cibinong, Kebalen, and Tanjung Priok. In 1950, the 7 December Division was withdrawn and relieved of duties by Dutch East Indies. Keywords: 7 December Division Troops, West Java Region, Security and Order, Battle of West Java

This article is entitled “The Movement of the 7 December Division Troops in the West Java Region (1947-1950)”. The main problem discussed in this article is how the movement of the 7 December Division Troops while in West Java. The purpose of this study is to examine more deeply the movement of the 7 December Division Troops in West Java during the battle with the TNI and the policies carried out by the 7 December Division while in West Java. This research used historical method which has several steps, namely Heuristic, source criticism in which there are external and internal criticisms, interpretation and historiography. To deepen the analysis of this research, this research used the approach of sociology and conflict theory. The research used literature study technique. Based on research results, the December 7th Division was a special troop formed directly by Queen Wilhelmina. These troops were asked to come to Indonesia and be stationed in the West Java region for the task of carrying out security and order. But the security and order carried out by the 7 December Division Troops in West Java constituted colonial order and security. West Java region is a strategic place because by conquering West Java, to control the capital can easily be achieved. The December 7th Division troops had their headquarters in the Batavia area. The 7 December Division troops have guardhouses in West Java, including: Buitenzorg, Batavia, Cibadak, Cianjur, Sukabumi, Tanggerang, Cibinong, Kebalen, and Tanjung Priok. In 1950, the 7 December Division was withdrawn and relieved of duties by Dutch East Indies. Keywords: 7 December Division Troops, West Java Region, Security and Order, Battle of West Java

The difficulty of reading Allen Ginsberg's poetry is a recurring theme in criticism of his work and that of other post-WWII "Beat Generation" writers. "Even when a concerted effort is made to illuminate [Beat] literature," laments Nancy M. Grace, "doing so is difficult: the romance of the Beat life threatens to subsume the project" (812). Of course, the Beat life is romantic to the extent that it is romantically regaled. Continual romantic portrayals, such as that of Ginsberg in the recent movie Howl (2010), rekindle the Beat romance for new audiences with chicken-and-egg circularity. I explore this difficulty of reading Ginsberg that Grace and other critics identify by articulating it with respect to "Kaddish"—"Ginsberg's most highly praised and his least typical poem" (Perloff 213)—as a difficulty of interpreting Ginsberg suspiciously. Philosopher Paul Ricoeur's theories of interpretation—or "hermeneutics"—provide the theoretical foundation here. Ricoeur distinguishes between a romantic or "restorative" mode of interpretation, where meaning is reverently reconciled to a text assumed to be trustworthy, and a "suspicious" approach, where meaning is aggressively extrapolated from a text held as unreliable. In order to bring these theories to bear on "Kaddish" and its criticism, I draw on Rita Felski's pioneering work in relating Ricoeur's concept of "suspicious reading" to the field of literature. Is it possible to read "Kaddish" suspiciously? Or is there nothing left for suspicious readers to expose in texts such as "Kaddish" that are already self-exposing? In "Kaddish," Ginsberg tells the story of his mother Naomi Ginsberg, a Russian Jewish immigrant, who died in a mental hospital in 1956. It is a lengthy prose poem and spans a remarkable 19 pages in Ginsberg's Collected Poems (1984). In the words of Maeera Y. Shreiber, "Kaddish" "is a massive achievement, comprised of five numbered parts, and an interpellated 'Hymmnn' between parts two and three" (84). I focus on the second narrative part, which forms the bulk of the poem, where the speaker—I shall refer to him henceforth as "Allen" in order to differentiate between Ginsberg's poetic self-representation and Ginsberg-the-author—recounts the nervous breakdowns and hospital movements of his mother, whom he calls by her first name, Naomi. I begin by illustrating the ways in which Allen focalises Naomi in the text, and suggest that his attempts to "read" her suspicious mind alternate between restorative and suspicious impulses. I then take up the issue of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. Acknowledging Ricoeur's assertion that psychoanalysis is an unequivocal "school of suspicion" (32), I consider James Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish," in particular, his reading of what is easily the most contentious passage in the poem: the scene where Naomi solicits Allen for sex. I regard this passage as a microcosm of the issues that beset a suspicious reading of "Kaddish"—such as the problem posed by the self-exposing poem and poet—and I find that Breslin's response to it raises interesting questions on the politics of psychoanalysis and the nature of suspicious interpretation. Finally, I identify an unpublished thesis on Ginsberg's poetry by Sarah Macfarlane and classify her interpretation of "Kaddish" as unambiguously suspicious. My purpose is not to advance my own suspicious reading of "Kaddish" but to highlight the difficulties of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. I argue that while it is difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously, to do so offers a fruitful counterbalance to the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. There are as yet unexplored hermeneutical territories in and around this poem, indeed in and around Ginsberg's work in general, which have radical implications for the future direction of Beat studies. Picking her tooth with her nail, lips formed an O, suspicion—thought's old worn vagina— (Ginsberg, "Kaddish" 218)Ginsberg constructs Naomi's suspicion in "Kaddish" via Allen's communication of her visions and descriptions of her behaviour. Allen relates, for example, that Naomi once suspected that Hitler was "in her room" and that "she saw his mustache in the sink" ("Kaddish" 220). Subsequently, Allen depicts Naomi "listening to the radio for spies—or searching the windowsill," and, in an attempt to "read" her suspicious mind, suggests that she envisages "an old man creep[ing] with his bag stuffing packages of garbage in his hanging black overcoat" ("Kaddish" 220). Allen's gaze thus filters Naomi's; he watches her as she watches for spies, and he animates her visions. He recalls as a child "watching over" Naomi in order to anticipate her "next move" ("Kaddish" 212). On one fateful day, Naomi "stared out the window on the Broadway Church corner"; Allen interprets that she "spied a mystical assassin from Newark" ("Kaddish" 212). He likewise observes and interprets Naomi's body language and facial expressions. When she "covered [her] nose with [a] motheaten fur collar" and "shuddered at [the] face" of a bus driver, he deduces that, for Naomi, the collar must have been a "gas mask against poison" and the driver "a member of the gang" ("Kaddish" 212). On the one hand, Allen's impetus to recover "the lost Naomi" ("Kaddish" 216)—first lost to mental illness and then to death—may be likened to Ricoeur's concept of a restorative hermeneutic, "which is driven by a sense of reverence and goes deeper into the text in search of revelation" (Felski 216). As if Naomi's mind constitutes a text, Allen strives to reveal it in order to make it intelligible. What drives him is the cathartic impulse to revivify his mother's memory, to rebuild her story, and to exalt her as "magnificent" and "mourned no more" ("Kaddish" 212), so that he may mourn no more. Like a restorative reader "driven by a sense of reverence" (Felski 216), he lauds Naomi as the "glorious muse that bore [him] from the womb [...] from whose pained head [he] first took Vision" ("Kaddish" 223). Critics of "Kaddish" also observe the poem's restorative impulse. In "Strange Prophecies Anew," Tony Trigilio reads the recovery of Naomi as "the recovery of a female principle of divinity" (773). Diverging from Ginsberg's earlier poem "Howl" (1956), which "represses signs of women in order to forge male prophetic comradeship," "Kaddish" "constructs maternity as a source of vision, an influence that precedes and sustains prophetic language. In 'Kaddish', Ginsberg attempts to recover the voice of his mother Naomi, which is muted in 'Howl'" (776). Shreiber also acknowledges Ginsberg's redemption of "the feminine, figured specifically as the lost mother," but for her it "is central to both of the long poems that make his reputation," namely "Kaddish" and "Howl" (81). She cites Ginsberg's retrospective confession that "Howl" was actually about Naomi to argue that, "it is in the course of writing 'Howl' that Ginsberg discovers his obligation to the elided (Jewish) mother—whose restoration is the central project of 'Kaddish'" (81). On the other hand, Allen's compulsion to "cut through" to Naomi, to talk to her as he "didn't when [she] had a mouth" ("Kaddish" 211), suggests the brutality of a suspicious hermeneutic where meanings "must be wrestled rather than gleaned from the page, derived not from what the text says, but in spite of what it says" (Felski 223). When Naomi was alive and "had a mouth," Allen aggressively "pushed her against the door and shouted 'DON'T KICK ELANOR!'" in spite of her message: "Elanor is the worst spy! She's taking orders!" ("Kaddish" 221). As a suspicious reader wrestles with a resistant text, Allen wrestles with Naomi, "yelling at her" in exasperation, and even "banging against her head which saw Radios, Sticks, Hitlers—the whole gamut of Hallucinations—for real—her own universe" ("Kaddish" 221).Allen may be also seen as approaching Naomi with a suspicious reader's "adversarial sensibility to probe for concealed, repressed, or disavowed meanings" (Felski 216). This is most visible in his facetiously professed "good idea to try [to] know the Monster of the Beginning Womb"—to penetrate Naomi's body in order to access her mind "that way" ("Kaddish" 219). Accordingly, in his psychoanalytic reading of "Kaddish," James Breslin understands Allen's "incestuous desires as expressing [his] wish to get inside his mother and see things as she does" (424). Breslin's interpretation invokes the Freudian concept of "epistemophilia," which Bran Nicol defines as the "desire to know" (48).Freud is one of "three masters" of suspicion according to Ricoeur (32). Freud, Nietzsche, and Marx "present the most radically contrary stance to the phenomenology of the sacred and to any hermeneutics understood as the recollection of meaning" (Ricoeur 35). They "begin with suspicion concerning the illusions of consciousness, and then proceed to employ the stratagem of deciphering" (Ricoeur 34). Freud deciphers the language of the conscious mind in order to access the "unconscious"—that "part of the mind beyond consciousness which nevertheless has a strong influence upon our actions" (Barry 96). Like their therapeutic counterparts, psychoanalytic critics distinguish "between the conscious and the unconscious mind," associating a text's "'overt' content with the former" and "'covert' content with the latter, privileging the latter as being what the work is 'really' about" (Barry 105). In seeking to expose a text's unconscious, they subscribe to a hermeneutic of suspicion's "conviction that appearances are deceptive, that texts do not gracefully relinquish their meanings" (Felski 216). To force texts to relinquish their meanings suspicious readers bear "distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact" (Felski 222).For the most part, these qualities fail to characterise Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" and "Howl." Far from aggressive or superior, Breslin is a highly sympathetic reader of Ginsberg. "Many readers," he complains, are "still not sympathetic to the kind [sic] of form found in these poems" (403). His words echo Trigilio's endorsement of Marjorie Perloff's opinion that critics are too often "unwilling to engage the experimental scope of Ginsberg's poems" (Trigilio 774). Sympathetic reading, however, clashes with suspicious reading, which "involves a sense of vigilant preparedness for attack" (Shand in Felski 220). Breslin is sympathetic not only to the experimental forms of "Kaddish" and "Howl," but also to their attestation to "deep, long-standing private conflicts in Ginsberg—conflicts that ultimately stem from his ambivalent attachment to his mother" (403). In "Kaddish," Allen's ambivalent feelings toward his mother are conspicuous in his revolted and revolting reaction to her exposed body, combined with his blasé deliberation on whether to respond to her apparent sexual provocation: One time I thought she was trying to make me come lay her—flirting to herself at sink—lay back on huge bed that filled most of the room, dress up round her hips, big slash of hair, scars of operations, pancreas, belly wounds, abortions, appendix, stitching of incisions pulling down in the fat like hideous thick zippers—ragged long lips between her legs—What, even, smell of asshole? I was cold—later revolted a little, not much—seemed perhaps a good idea to try—know the Monster of the Beginning Womb—Perhaps—that way. Would she care? She needs a lover. ("Kaddish" 219)In "Confessing the Body," Elizabeth Gregory observes that "Naomi's ordinary body becomes monstrous in this description—not only in its details but in the undiscriminating desire her son attributes to it ('Would she care?')" (47). In exposing Naomi thus, Allen also exposes himself and his own indiscriminate sexual responsiveness. Such textual exposés pose challenges for those who would practice a hermeneutic of suspicion by "reading texts against the grain to expose their repressed or hidden meanings" (Felski 215). It appears that there is little that is hidden or repressed in "Kaddish" for a suspicious reader to expose. As Perloff notes, "the Ginsberg of 'Kaddish' is writing somewhat against the grain" (213). In writing against the grain, Ginsberg inhibits reading against the grain. A hermeneutic of suspicion holds "that manifest content shrouds darker, more unpalatable truths" (Felski 216). "Kaddish," however, parades its unpalatable truths. Although Ginsberg as a Beat poet is not technically included among the group of poets known as the "confessionals," "Kaddish" is typical of a "confessional poem" in that it "dwells on experiences generally prohibited expression by social convention: mental illness, intra-familial conflicts and resentments, childhood traumas, sexual transgressions and intimate feelings about one's body" (Gregory 34). There is a sense in which "we do not need to be suspicious" of such subversive texts because they are "already doing the work of suspicion for us" (Felski 217). It is also difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously because it presents itself as an autobiographical history of Ginsberg's relationship with his mother. "Kaddish" once again accords with Gregory's definition of "confessional poetry" as that which "draws on the poet's autobiography and is usually set in the first person. It makes a claim to forego personae and to represent an account of the poet's own feelings and circumstances" (34). These defining features of "Kaddish" make it not particularly conducive to a "suspicious hermeneutic [that] often professes a lack of interest in the category of authorship as a means of explaining the ideological workings of texts" (Felski 222). It requires considerable effort to distinguish Allen, speaker and character in "Kaddish," from Ginsberg, celebrity Beat poet and author of "Kaddish," and to suspend knowledge of Ginsberg's public-private life in order to pry ideologies from the text. This difficulty of resisting biographical interpretation of "Kaddish" translates to a difficulty of reading the poem suspiciously. In his psychoanalytic reading, Breslin's lack of suspicion for the poem's confession of autobiography dilutes his practice of an inherently suspicious mode of interpretation—that of psychoanalysis. His psychoanalysis of Ginsberg shows that he trusts "Kaddish" to confess its author's intimate feelings—"'It's my fault,' he must have felt, 'if I had loved my mother more, this wouldn't have happened to her—and to me'" (Breslin 422)—whereas a hermeneutic of suspicion "adopts a distrustful attitude toward texts" (Felski 216). That said, Breslin's differentiation between the conscious and unconscious, or surface and underlying levels of meaning in "Kaddish" is more clearly characteristic of a hermeneutic of suspicion's theory that texts withhold "meanings or implications that are not intended and that remain inaccessible to their authors as well as to ordinary readers" (Felski 216). Hence, Breslin speculates that, "on an unconscious level the writing of the poem may have been an act of private communication between the poet" and his mother (430). His response to the previously quoted passage of the poem suggests that while a cursory glance will restore its conscious meaning, a more attentive or suspicious gaze will uncover its unconscious: At first glance this passage seems a daring revelation of an incest wish and a shockingly realistic description of the mother's body. But what we really see here is how one post-Freudian writer, pretending to be open and at ease about incestuous desire, affects sophisticated awareness as a defense [sic] against intense longings and anxieties. The lines are charged with feelings that the poet, far from "confessing out," appears eager to deny. (Breslin 422; my emphasis)Breslin's temporary suspicious gaze in an otherwise trusting and sympathetic reading accuses the poet of revealing incestuous desire paradoxically in order to conceal incestuous desire. It exposes the exposé as an ironic guise, an attempt at subterfuge that the poet fails to conceal from the suspicious reader, evoking a hermeneutic of suspicion's conviction that in spite of itself "the text is not fully in control of its own discourse" (Felski 223). Breslin's view of Ginsberg's denial through the veil of his confession illuminates two possible ways of sustaining a suspicious reading of "Kaddish." One is to distrust its claim to confess Ginsberg, to recognise that "confession's reality claim is an extremely artful manipulation of the materials of poetry, not a departure from them" (Gregory 34). It is worth mentioning that in response to his interviewer's perception of the "absolute honesty" in his poem "Ego Confession," Ginsberg commented: "they're all poems, ultimately" (Spontaneous 404–05). Another way is to resist the double seduction operative in the text: Naomi's attempted seduction of Allen, and, in narrating it, Allen's attempted seduction of the psychoanalytic critic.Sarah Macfarlane's effort to unmask the gender politics that psychoanalytic critics arguably protect characterises her "socio-cultural analysis" (5) of "Kaddish" as unmistakably suspicious. While psychoanalytic critics "identify a 'psychic' context for the literary work, at the expense of social or historical context" (Barry 105), Macfarlane in her thesis "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg" locates Allen's "perception of Naomi as the 'Monster of the Beginning Womb'" in the social and historical context of the 1950s "concept of the overbearing, dominating wife and mother who, although confined to the domestic space, looms large and threatening within that space" (48). In so doing, she draws attention to the Cold War discourse of "momism," which "envisioned American society as a matriarchy in which dominant mothers disrupted the Oedipal structure of the middle-class nuclear family" (Macfarlane 33). In other words, momism engaged Freudian explanations of male homosexuality as arising from a son's failure to resolve unconscious sexual desire for his mother, and blamed mothers for this failure and its socio-political ramifications, which, via the Cold War cultural association of homosexuality with communism, included "the weakening of masculine resolve against Communism" (Edelman 567). Since psychoanalysis effectively colludes with momism, psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" is unable to expose its perpetuation in the poem. Macfarlane's suspicious reading of "Kaddish" as perpetuating momism radically departs from the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. Trigilio, for example, argues that "Kaddish" revises the Cold War "discourse of containment—'momism'—in which the exposure of communists was equated to the exposure of homosexuals" (781). "Kaddish," he claims, (which exposes both Allen's homosexuality and Naomi's communism), "does not portray internal collapse—as nationalist equations of homosexual and communist 'threats' would predict—but instead produces […] a 'Blessed' poet who 'builds Heaven in Darkness'" (782). Nonetheless, this blessed poet wails, "I am unmarried, I'm hymnless, I'm Heavenless" ("Kaddish" 212), and confesses his homosexuality as an overwhelming burden: "a mortal avalanche, whole mountains of homosexuality, Matterhorns of cock, Grand Canyons of asshole—weight on my melancholy head"("Kaddish" 214). In "Confessing the Body," Gregory asks whether confessional poetry "disclose[s] secrets in order to repent of them, thus reinforcing the initial negative judgement that kept them secret," or "to decathect that judgement" (35). While Allen's confession of homosexuality exudes exhilaration and depression, not guilt—Ginsberg critic Anne Hartman is surely right that "in the context of [the 1950s] public rituals of confession and repentance engendered by McCarthyism, […] poetic confession would carry a very different set of implications for a gay poet" (47)—it is pertinent to question his confession of Naomi. Does he expose Naomi in order to applaud or condemn her maternal transgressions? According to the logic of the Cold War "urge to unveil, [which] produces greater containment" (Trigilio 794), Allen's unveiling of Naomi veils his desire to contain her, unable as she is "to be contained within the 1950's [sic] domestic ideal of womanhood" (Macfarlane 44). "Ginsberg has become such a public issue that it's difficult now to read him naturally; you ask yourself after every line, am I for him or against him. And by and large that's the criticism he has gotten—votes on a public issue. (I see this has been one of those reviews.)" (Shapiro 90). Harvey Shapiro's review of Kaddish and Other Poems (1961) in which "Kaddish" first appeared illuminates the polarising effect of Ginsberg's celebrity on interpretations of his poetry. While sympathetic readings and romantic portrayals are themselves reactions to the "hostility to Ginsberg" that prevails (Perloff 223), often they do not sprout the intellectual vigour and fresh perspectives that a hermeneutic of suspicion has the capacity to sow. Yet it is difficult to read confessional texts such as "Kaddish" suspiciously; they appear to expose themselves without need of a suspicious reader. Readers of "Kaddish" such as Breslin are seduced into sympathetic biographical-psychoanalytical interpretations due to the poem's purported confession of Ginsberg's autobiography. As John Osborne argues, "the canon of Beat literature has been falsely founded on biographical rather than literary criteria" (4). The result is that "we are for the immediate future obliged to adopt adversarial reading strategies if we are to avoid entrenching an already stale orthodoxy" (Osborne 4). Macfarlane obliges in her thesis; she succeeds in reading "Kaddish" suspiciously by resisting its self-inscribed psychoanalysis to expose the gender politics of Allen's exposés. While Allen's confession of his homosexuality suggests that "Kaddish" subverts a heterosexist model of masculinity, a suspicious reading of his exposure of Naomi's maternal transgressions suggests that the poem contributes to momism and perpetuates a sexist model of femininity. Even so, a suspicious reading of a text such as "Kaddish" "contains a tacit tribute to its object, an admission that it contains more than meets the eye" (Felski 230). Ginsberg's own prophetic words bespeak as much:The worst I fear, considering the shallowness of opinion, is that some of the poetry and prose may be taken too familiarly, […] and be given the same shallow treatment, this time sympathetic, as, until recently, they were given shallow unsympathy. That would be the very we of fame. (Ginsberg, Deliberate 252)ReferencesBarry, Peter. Beginning Theory: An Introduction to Literary and Cultural Theory. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2002. Breslin, James. "The Origins of 'Howl' and 'Kaddish.'" On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 401–33.Edelman, Lee. "Tearooms and Sympathy, or, The Epistemology of the Water Closet." The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader. Ed. Henry Abelove, Michèle Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin. New York: Routledge, 1993. 553–74.Felski, Rita. "Suspicious Minds." Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34. Ginsberg, Allen. Deliberate Prose: Selected Essays 1952-1995. Ed. Bill Morgan. London: Penguin, 2000.---. "Kaddish." Collected Poems 1947–1980. New York: Harper and Row, 1984. 209–27. ---. Spontaneous Mind: Selected Interviews 1958–1996. Ed. David Carter. New York: Harper Collins, 2001. Grace, Nancy M. "Seeking the Spirit of Beat: The Call for Interdisciplinary Scholarship." Rev. of Kerouac, the Word and the Way: Prose Artist as Spiritual Quester, by Ben Giamo, and The Bop Apocalypse: The Religious Visions of Kerouac, Ginsberg, and Burroughs, by John Lardas. Contemporary Literature 43.4 (2002): 811–21.Gregory, Elizabeth. "Confessing the Body: Plath, Sexton, Berryman, Lowell, Ginsberg and the Gendered Poetics of the 'Real.'" Modern Confessional Writing: New Critical Essays. Ed. Jo Gill. London: Routledge, 2006. 22–49. Hartman, Anne. "Confessional Counterpublics in Frank O'Hara and Allen Ginsberg." Journal of Modern Literature 28.4 (2005): 40–56. Howl. Dir. Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman. Perf. James Franco. Oscilloscope Pictures, 2010.Macfarlane, Sarah. "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg." MA thesis. Brown U, 1999.Nicol, Bran. "Reading Paranoia: Paranoia, Epistemophilia and the Postmodern Crisis of Interpretation." Literature and Psychology 45.1/2 (1999): 44–62.Osborne, John. "The Beats." A Companion to Twentieth Century Poetry. Blackwell Reference Online. Ed. Neil Roberts. 2003. 16 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/uid=1205/tocnode?id=g9781405113618_chunk_g978140511361815&authstatuscode=202›.Perloff, Marjorie. "A Lion in Our Living Room: Reading Allen Ginsberg in the Eighties." Poetic License: Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1990. 199–230.Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. Trans. Denis Savage. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Shapiro, Harvey. "Exalted Lament." Rev. of Kaddish and Other Poems 1958-1960, by Allen Ginsberg. On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 86–91. Shreiber, Maeera Y. "'You Still Haven't Finished with Your Mother': The Gendered Poetics of Charles Reznikoff and Allen Ginsberg." Singing in a Strange Land: A Jewish American Poetics. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2007. 46–97.Trigilio, Tony. "'Strange Prophecies Anew': Rethinking the Politics of Matter and Spirit in Ginsberg's Kaddish." American Literature 71.4 (1999): 773–95.

In his recent re-evaluation of McLuhanite theories for the information age, Digital McLuhan, Paul Levinson makes what at first glance appears to be a curious statement: he says that on the Web "the common denominator ... is the written word, as it is and has been with all things having to do with computers -- and will likely continue to be until such time, if ever, that the spoken word replaces the written as the vehicle of computer commands" (38). This, however, seems to directly contradict what any Web user has been able to experience for several years now: Web content has increasingly come to rely on graphics, at first still, now also often animated, and continues to include more and more audiovisual elements of various kinds. We don't even have to look at the current (and, hopefully, passing) phase of interminable Shockwave splash pages, which users have to endure while they wait to be transferred to the 'real' content of a site: even on as print-focussed a page as the one you're currently reading, you'll see graphical buttons to the left and at the bottom, for example. Other sites far surpass this for graphical content: it is hard to imagine what the official Olympics site or that of EXPO 2000 would look like in text-only versions. The drive towards more and more graphics has long been, well, visible. Already in 1997 (at a time when 33.6k modems were considered fast) Marshall considered the Internet to have entered its "graphic stage, a transitional media form that has made surfing the net feel like flipping through a glossy magazine or the interlinkages of a multimedia game or encyclopedia CD-ROMs"; to him this stage "relies on a construction that is textual and graphically enhanced through software overlays ... and highlighted by sample images, sound bites and occasionally short, moving images" (51). This historicised view mirrors a distinction made around the same time by Lovink, who divided users into "IBM-PC-modernists" still running text-based interfaces, and those enjoying the "Apple-Windows 95-postmodernism" of their graphical user interfaces (Lovink and Winkler 15). In the age of GUIs, in fact, 'text' in itself does not really exist on screen any more: everything from textual to graphical information consists of individual pixels in the same way, which is precisely what makes Levinson's initial statement appear so anachronistic. The move from 'text' to 'graphics and text' could thus be seen as a sign of the overall shift from the industrial to the information age -- a view not without precedent, since the transition from modernist to postmodernist times is similarly contemporaneous with the rise of graphic design as a form of communication as well as art. Beyond such broad strokes, we can also identify some of the finer details presented by the current state of graphics on the Web, however. Marshall's 'graphic stage', after all, was a 'transitional' one, and by now it seems that we might have passed it already, entering into a new aesthetic paradigm which appears to have borrowed many of its approaches from the realm of computer games: the new Web vision is shiny, colourful, animated, and increasingly also accompanied by sound effects. This is no surprise since the mass acceptance of personal computers themselves was largely driven by their use as a source of entertainment. Gaming and computers are inseparably interconnected, and the development of home computers' graphical capabilities in particular has long been driven almost exclusively by players' needs for better, faster, more realistic graphics. Of course, the way we interact with computers also owes a significant debt to games. Engagement in a dialogue with the machine, in which the computer displays both our own actions and its responses, representing us and itself simultaneously on screen, is the predominant mode of computing, and such a mode of engagement (dissolving the barriers between human mind and machinic computation) can now also be found in our interaction with the Web. Here, too, individual knowledge blends with the information available on the network as we immerse ourselves in hypertextual connectivity. As Talbott writes, "clearly, a generation raised on Adventure and video games -- where every door conceals a treasure or a monster worth pursuing in frenetic style -- has its own way of appreciating the hypertext interface" (13); not only has the Web taken on the aesthetics of computer gaming, then, but using the Web itself exhibits aspects of participation in a global 'knowledge game'. Talbott means to criticise this when he writes that thus "the doctrines of endless Enlightenment and Progress become the compelling subtext of a universal video game few can resist playing" (196), but however we may choose to evaluate this game, the observation itself is sound. One possible reason for taking a critical view of this development is that computer and video games rarely present more than the appearance of participation; while players may have a feeling of control over features of the game, the game itself usually remains entirely unaffected and ready for a restart at any moment. Web users might similarly feel empowered by the wealth of information to which they have gained access online, without actually making use of that information to form new knowledge for themselves. This is a matter for the individual user, however; where they have a true interest in the information they seek, we can have every confidence that they will process it to their advantage, too. Beyond this, the skills of information seeking learnt from Web use might also have overall benefits for users, as a kind of 'mind-eye coordination' similar to the 'hand-eye coordination' benefits often attributed to the playing of action games. The ability to figure out unknown problems, the desire to understand and gain control of a situation, which they can learn from computer games, is likely to help them better understand the complexity and interconnectedness of anything they might learn: "it could ... well be true that the cross-linking inherent in hypertext encourages people to see the connections among different aspects of the world so that they will get less fragmented knowledge" (Nielsen 190). The increasingly graphical nature of Web content could appear to work against this, however: "extensions of traditional hyperTEXT systems to encompass hyperMEDIA introduces [sic] a new dimension. ... The picture that 'speaks a thousand words' may say a thousand different words to different viewers. Pictures or graphics lend themselves much more than does text to multiple interpretations", as McAleese claims (12-13) -- but perhaps this overrates significantly the ability of text to anchor down meaning to any one point. Rather, it is questionable whether text and images really are that different from one another -- viewed from a historical perspective, certainly, opinions are divided, it seems: "the medieval church feared the power of the visual image because of the way it appeared to licence the imagination and the consideration of alternatives. Obversely, contemporary cultural critics fear that the abandonment of the written word in favour of graphics is stifling critical and creative powers" (Moody 60) -- take, for example, the commonly held view that movies made from novels limit the reader's imagination to the particular portrayal of events chosen for the film. In fact, there are good reasons to believe that both text and images (especially when they are increasingly easy to manipulate by digital means, thus losing once and for all their claim to photographic 'realism') can 'say a thousand different words to different viewers' -- indeed, traditional photography has also been described as 'writing with light'. As Levinson notes, therefore, "once the photograph is converted to a digital format, it is as amenable to manipulation, as divorced from the reality it purports to represent, as the words which appear on the same screen. On that score, the Internet's co-option of photography -- the rendering of the formerly analogue image as its content -- is at least as profound as the Internet's promotion of written communication" (43), and this, then, may perhaps begin to provide a resolution to his overall preference for writing as the predominant Internet communication form, as quoted above: online writing now includes in almost equal measure 'print' text and graphical images, both of which are of course graphically rendered on screen by the computer anyway; they combine into a new form of writing not unlike ancient hieroglyphics. On the Web, writing has come full circle: from the iconographic representations of the earliest civilisations through their simplification and solidification into the various alphabets back to a new online iconography. This also demonstrates the strong Western bias of this technology, of course: had computers emerged from Chinese or Japanese culture, for example -- where alphabets in the literal sense don't exist -- chances are they would never have existed in a text-only form. Now that we have passed the alphabetic stage to re-enter an era of iconography, then, it remains to be seen how this change along with our overall "'immersion' in hypertext will affect the way that we mentally structure our world. Linear argumentation is more a consequence of alphabetic writing than of printed books and it remains to be seen if hypertext presentation will significantly erode this predominant convention for mentally ordering our world" (McKnight et al. 41). Perhaps the computer game experience (where a blending of text and graphics had begun some time before the Web) can provide some early pointers already, then. The game-like nature of information search and usage online might help to undermine some of the more heavily encrusted structures of information dissemination that are still dominant: "we are promised, on the information 'library' side, less of the dogmatic and more of the ludic, less of the canonical and more of the festive. Fewer arguments from authority, through more juxtaposition of authorities" (Debray 146). This is also supported by the fact that there usually exists no one central authority, no one central site, in any field of information covered by the Web, but that there rather is a multiplicity of sources and viewpoints with varying claims to 'authority' and 'objectivity'; rather than rely on authorities to determine what is accepted knowledge, Web users must, and do, distil their own knowledge from the information they find in their searches. Kumon and Aizu's notion that from the industrial-age "wealth game" we have now moved into the "wisdom game" (320) sums up this view. However, for all the ludic exuberance of this game, we should also be concerned that, as in any game, we are also likely to see winners and losers. Those unaware of the rules of the game, and people who are prevented from playing for personal or socioeconomic reasons (the increased use of graphics will make it much more difficult for certain disabled readers to use the Web, for example) must not be left out of it. In gaming terminology, perhaps the formation of teams including such disadvantaged people is the answer? References Debray, Régis. "The Book as Symbolic Object." The Future of the Book. Ed. Geoffrey Nunberg. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 139-51. Kumon, Shumpei, and Izumi Aizu. "Co-Emulation: The Case for a Global Hypernetwork Society." Global Networks: Computers and International Communication. Ed. Linda M. Harasim. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P, 1994. 311-26. Levinson, Paul. Digital McLuhan: A Guide to the Information Millennium. London: Routledge, 1999. Lovink, Geert, and Hartmut Winkler. "The Computer: Medium or Calculating Machine." Convergence 3.2 (1997): 10-18. Marshall, P. David. "The Commodity and the Internet: Interactivity and the Generation of Audience Commodity." Media International Australia 83 (Feb. 1997): 51-62. McAleese, Ray. "Navigation and Browsing in Hypertext." Hypertext: Theory into Practice. Ed. Ray McAleese. Oxford: Intellect, 1993. 5- 38. McKnight, Cliff, Andrew Dillon, and John Richardson. Hypertext in Context. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991. Moody, Nickianne. "Interacting with the Divine Comedy." Fractal Dreams: New Media in Social Context. Ed. Jon Dovey. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1996. 59-77. Nielsen, Jakob. Hypertext and Hypermedia. Boston: Academic P, 1990. Talbott, Stephen L. The Future Does Not Compute: Transcending the Machines in Our Midst. Sebastopol, Calif.: O'Reilly and Associates, 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Axel Bruns. "The Knowledge Adventure: Game Aesthetics and Web Hieroglyphics." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.5 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/adventure.php>. Chicago style: Axel Bruns, "The Knowledge Adventure: Game Aesthetics and Web Hieroglyphics," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 5 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/adventure.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: AxeM/C: A Journal of Media and Culture l Bruns. (2000) The knowledge adventure: game aesthetics and Web hieroglyphics. 3(5). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/adventure.php> ([your date of access]).

The State of Research on Early Medieval Weaponry in Poland – 65 Years After Studies by Andrzej NadolskiAndrzej. Nadolski’s monograph “Studies of the early medieval arms and armour from the Polish lands in the 10th-12th centuries” that was published in 1954 was the first major work in Polish scholarship that made use of archaeological sources in studies on military affairs. Earlier works by Józef Łepkowski, Tadeusz Korzon and Władysław Dziewanowski were actually solely based on written and iconographic sources. The period of 65 years which has passed since the publication of Andrzej Nadolski’s book is a good moment for undertaking an attempt at confronting it with the present state of research on early medieval weaponry in Poland. Nadolski’s typological proposals are still in use; on the other hand, due the growth in the number of finds the source basis of his book has become significantly obsolete. It is possible to isolate two periods in studies on early medieval arms and armour: until 1989 and after this date. This caesura is not a matter of incident. There is no doubt that democratisation of public life after the fall of communism in Poland significantly influenced the mentality of subsequent generations of researchers. Furthermore, it facilitated access to foreign literature, which was manifested in a broader research perspective. In the first period, activities in the Łódź research centre come to the forefront. These were examinations undertaken both by Andrzej Nadolski himself (in the years 1947–1993 he published about 70 works on weaponry and military affairs) or by his students gathered in the Atelier for History of Old Weaponry in the Institute of History of Material Culture of the Polish Academy of Sciences. A research team that was formed here was termed “the Łódź school of archaeological arms and armour studies”. Within the framework of this Atelier a few research works originated which became canonical in Central European arms and armour literature. What is more, Nadolski was one of initiators and authors of the first arms and armour exhibition in the history of post-war Poland (1978). He was also a founder and the first editor of the Fasciculi Archaeologiae Historicae periodical. It has been issued since 1986 by the Łódź Branch of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences. Papers on weaponry and military issues have constituted a significant part of each volume of this journal. Archaeological arms and armour studies before 1989 were also pursued in other research centres. In Poznań, it was as early as the 1950s that Zofia Hilczerówna and Jan Żak were carrying out studies on equestrian equipment and parts of horse tack. Among researchers who were active in Wrocław one must mention Wanda Sarnowska and later on Krzysztof Wachowski. A dozen of so works also originated in other research centres; these works, however, were rather short (sometimes a few sentences long) mentions or papers which could be now termed case studies. Among these studies, the greatest number concerned swords, parts of horse tack and spurs. It must be underlined that it was as early as in the late 1950s that metallurgical examinations and analyses commenced to be used in order to answer questions concerning the technology and methods of weaponry manufacture. To sum up the first period of post-war arms and armour studies, the very fact that such research was undertaken and that archaeological finds were taken into consideration was of significance. What also deserves attention was the use of results of analyses of medieval iconography in formal and typological studies, as well as the first cases of technological examinations. As regard deficiencies, one must mention an almost complete absence of research works on battlefields, a rather low interest in studies on staff and butt weapons, as well as in research concerning the period before the 10th c. After the fall of communism in 1989 certain changes took place in the structure of the community of weaponry researchers. Students of Nadolski formed arms and armour research centres at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń and at the University of Łódź. The 1990s first of all brought a number of studies which critically assessed early medieval archaeological sources that had been gathered so far. Their criticism especially concerned the importance of weapons as chronology markers, with special reference to spurs with hook-shaped terminals. In the Łódź centre a study of Polish military technique until 1500 and two volumes of history of late medieval weaponry were completed in this time. Furthermore, research on stirrups and weaponry of nomadic peoples were also carried out. On the other hand, the most important issue in the Poznań centre was the presence of Scandinavian weaponry and warriors in the territory of the Piast State. Furthermore, individual finds of weaponry were still published in various regions of Poland. Sometimes these finds underwent more in-depth specialist analyses, aimed at identifying their technology of manufacture. More extensive studies on pre-Romanesque spurs and swords can be seen as exceptions. The post-millennium period is remarkable for an intensification of studies on early medieval weaponry. This intensification was spurred by three initiatives which were undertaken independently in various research centres. The first of these came into being in the Łódź centre and concerned a new study on early medieval weaponry from various regions of Poland. This ambitious plan was only partially fulfilled by means of publications of arms and armour from Western Pomerania and Lesser Poland. The second initiative was related to the fact of undertaking systematic underwater examinations in Lake Lednica by the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. The assemblage of weaponry that was gathered in the course of this research is one of the most numerous in Poland. Apart from papers of various size, it was also discussed in three monographs concerning axes, swords as well as staff weapons and protective equipment. The third initiative is the foundation of anew periodical “Acta Militaria Mediaevalia” which focuses on medieval weaponry. The idea of this journal was proposed by Piotr Kotowicz and the first volume was published in 2005. Due to these initiatives it came to a sort of “changing of the guard” in the arms and armour research community. Researchers from a new generation came into prominence. They were focusing both on regional research, related to place of their employment, but were also undertaking more general studies. This resulted in a number of new works. Apart from swords and axes, which were also often dealt with in previous studies, more attention was paid to spur thong fittings, sword scabbard chapes, mace heads, flail striking ends and to shields. A separate research trend were works devoted to ideological significance of weapons, their religious and symbolic meanings as well as studies on trauma inflicted by weapons. Cyclical meetings within the framework of the Andrzej Nadolski Colloquia have become an opportunity for exchange of ideas and presentation of research results. The same role has been fulfilled by Festschriften for doyens of Polish arms and armour studies. Analogously to the previous period, however, a number of weaponry studies came into being beyond the main trends. In result of this, numerous arms and armour papers sometimes appeared in niche publications. Regrettably, the last two decades have also brought an increase in activity of illegal treasure hunters equipped with advanced metal detectors. Their activity has led to a discovery of an unspecified number of finds of weaponry (hundreds, if not thousands). Out of these, only few found their way to the academic discourse and (sometimes) to collections of museum institutions. Discoveries of the last 65 years have dramatically enlarged the source basis of weaponry finds. For instance, the number of axes (178 specimens were known to Nadolski) has increased five times (891 finds in 2014). This is also the case with other categories of finds. In such a huge assemblage of artefacts there are finds which cannot be classified with the use of existing typologies. This enforced corrections of typologies which are in use or creations of new ones. The recent period has also brought numerous works discussing multi-aspect specialist analyses of arms and armour, also including studies on weapon parts made from organic materials (leather, wood and textiles). On the other hand, as compared with archaeological finds, much less attention was paid to iconographic depictions of weaponry and interpretation of written sources. This overview of issues in research on early medieval weaponry in the territory of Poland demonstrates an enormous progress which has taken place since the publication of Nadolski’s monograph. This is first of all a quantitative progress – it can be speculated that about a dozen or so thousand of various finds related to military equipment of 8th–mid-13th c. warriors have been discovered so far in the territory of Poland. Due to international contacts, access to the most recent literature and a possibility of a more and more precise dating of artefacts, this progress is also qualitative in its nature. In the discussed period, some categories of weapons became subjects of separate studies (e.g., axes or swords), while other still wait for their monographers. Concerning other research postulates, one must mention a need for a comprehensive analysis of sources from the so-called tribal period or weapons from eastern borderlands of present-day Poland. It is also necessary to renew monographic studies for individual regions of the country. As it can be seen, the community of students of early medieval weaponry in Poland still face a great deal of work and numerous challenges.

IntroductionThis article suggests extensions to the place of ‘national collections’ of Australia’s migration histories, and considers the role of regional libraries and museums in collecting, preserving, and making accessible the history of migration. The article describes a recent collaboration between the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site, the Albury LibraryMuseum and the regionally-based Charles Sturt University (CSU) to develop a virtual, three-dimensional tour of Bonegilla, a former migrant arrival centre. Through this, the role of regional collections as keeping places of migration memories and narratives outside of those institutions charged with preserving the nation’s memory is highlighted and explored.What Makes a Nation’s Memory?In 2018 the Australian Research Council (ARC) awarded a Linkage grant to a collaboration between two universities (RMIT and Deakin), and the National Library of Australia, State Library of South Australia, State Library of Victoria, and State Library of New South Wales titled “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries” (LP170100222). This Linkage project aimed to “develop a new methodology for evaluating multicultural collections, and new policies and strategies to develop and provide access to these collections” (RMIT Centre for Urban Research).One planned output of the Linkage project was a conference, to be held in early 2019, titled “Collecting for a Society’s Memory: National and State Libraries in Culturally Diverse Societies.” The conference call for papers suggested themes that included an interrogation of the relationship between libraries and ‘the collecting sector’, but with a focus still on National and State Libraries (Boyd). As an aside, the correlation between libraries and memories seemed slightly incongruous here, as archives and museums in particular would also be key in this collecting (and preserving) society’s memory, and also the libraries that exist outside of the national and state capitals.It felt like the project and conference had a definite ‘national’ focus, with the ‘regional’ mentioned only briefly in a suggested theme.At the same time that I was reading this call for papers and about the Linkage, I was part of a CSU Learning and Teaching project to develop online learning materials for students in our Teacher Education programs (history in particular) based around the Bonegilla Migrant Arrival Centre in Wodonga, Victoria. This project uses three-dimensional film technology to bring students to the Centre site, where they can take an interactive, curriculum-based tour of the site. Alongside the interactive online tour, a series of curricula were developed to work with the Australian History Curriculum. I wondered why community-led collections like these in the regions fall to the side in discussions of a ‘national’ (aka institutional) memory, or as part of a representation of a multicultural Australia, such as in this Linkage.Before I start exploring this question I want to acknowledge the limitations of the ARC Linkage framework in terms of the project mentioned above, and that the work that is being done in the “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries” project is of value to professional practice and community; in this article I am using the juxtaposition of the two projects as an impetus to interrogate the role of regional collaboration, and to argue for a notion of national memory as a regional collecting concern.Bonegilla: A Contested SiteFrom 1947 through to 1971 over 300,000 migrants to Australia passed through the Bonegilla Migrant Reception and Training Centre (“Bonegilla”) at a defining time in Australia’s immigration history, as post-World War II migration policies encompassed non-English speaking Europeans displaced by the war (Pennay "Remembering Bonegilla" 43). Bonegilla itself is a small settlement near the Hume Dam, 10 km from the New South Wales town of Albury and the Victorian town of Wodonga. Bonegilla was a former Army Camp repurposed to meet the settlement agendas of multiple Australian governments.New migrants spent weeks and months at Bonegilla, learning English, and securing work. The site was the largest (covering 130 hectares of land) and longest-lasting reception centre in post-war Australia, and has been confirmed bureaucratically as nationally significant, having been added to the National Heritage Register in 2007 (see Pennay “Remembering Bonegilla” for an in-depth discussion of this listing process). Bonegilla has played a part in defining and redefining Australia’s migrant and multicultural history through the years, with Bruce Pennay suggesting thatperhaps Bonegilla has warranted national notice as part of an officially initiated endeavour to develop a more inclusive narrative of nation, for the National Heritage List was almost contemporaneously expanded to include Myall Creek. Perhaps it is exemplary in raising questions about the roles of the nation and the community in reception and training that morph into modern day equivalents. (“Memories and Representations” 46)Given its national significance, both formally and colloquially, Bonegilla has provided rich material for critical thinking around, for example, Australian multicultural identity, migration commemorations and the construction of cultural memory. Alexandra Dellios argues that Bonegilla and its role in Australia’s memory is a contested site, and thatdespite criticisms from historians such as Persian and Ashton regarding Bonegilla’s adherence to a revisionist narrative of multicultural progress, visitor book comments, as well as exchanges and performances at reunions and festivals, demonstrate that visitors take what they will from available frameworks, and fill in the ‘gaps’ according to their own collective memories, needs and expectations. (1075)This recognition of Bonegilla as a significant, albeit “heritage noir” (Pennay, “Memories and Representations” 48), agent of Australia’s heritage and memory makes it a productive site to investigate the question of regional collections and collaborations in constructing a national memory.Recordkeeping: By Government and CommunityThe past decade has seen a growth in the prominence of community archives as places of memory for communities (for example Flinn; Flinn, Stevens, and Shepherd; Zavala et al.). This prominence has come through the recognition of community archives as both valid sites of study as well as repositories of memory. In turn, this body of knowledge has offered new ways to think about collection practices outside of the mainstream, where “communities can make collective decisions about what is of enduring value to them, shape collective memory of their own pasts, and control the means through which stories about their past are constructed” (Caswell, Cifor, and Ramirez 58). Jimmy Zavala, and colleagues, argue that these collections “challenge hierarchical structures of governance found in mainstream archival institutions” (212), and offer different perspectives to those kept on the official record. By recognising both the official record and the collections developed and developing outside of official repositories, there are opportunities to deepen understandings and interpretations of historical moments in time.There are at least three possible formal keeping places of memories for those who passed through, worked at, or lived alongside Bonegilla: the National Archives of Australia, the Albury LibraryMuseum in Albury, New South Wales, and the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site itself outside of Wodonga. There will of course be records in other national, state, local, and community repositories, along with newspaper articles, people’s homes, and oral lore that contribute to the narrative of Bonegilla memories, but the focus for this article are these three key sites as the main sources of primary source material about the Bonegilla experience.Official administrative and organisational records of activity during Bonegilla’s reception period are held at the National Archives of Australia in the national capital, Canberra; these records contribute to the memory of Bonegilla from a nation-state perspective, building an administrative record of the Centre’s history and of a significant period of migration in Australia’s past. Of note, Bonegilla was the only migrant centre that created its own records on site, and these records form part of the series known as NAA: A2567, NAA A2571 1949–56 and A2572 1957–71 (Hutchison 70). Records of local staff employed at the site will also be included in these administrative files. Very few of these records are publicly accessible online, although work is underway to provide enhanced online and analogue access to the popular arrival cards (NAA A2571 1949-56 and A2572 1957–71) onsite at Bonegilla (Pennay, personal communication) as they are in high demand by visitors to the site, who are often looking for traces of themselves or their families in the official record. The National Archives site Destination Australia is an example of an attempt by the holder of these administrative records to collect personal stories of this period in Australia’s history through an online photograph gallery and story register, but by 2019 less than 150 stories have been published to the site, which was launched in 2014 (National Archives of Australia).This national collection is complemented and enhanced by the Bonegilla Migration Collection at the Albury LibraryMuseum in southern New South Wales, which holds non-government records and memories of life at Bonegilla. This collection “contains over 20 sustained interviews; 357 personal history database entries; over 500 short memory pieces and 700 photographs” (Pennay “Memories and Representations” 45). It is a ‘live’ collection, growing through contributions to the Bonegilla Personal History Register by the migrants and others who experienced the Centre, and through an ongoing relationship with the current Bonegilla Migrant Experience site to act as a collection home for their materials.Alongside the collection in the LibraryMuseum, there is the collection of infrastructure at the Bonegilla Migrant Experience (BME) site itself. These buildings and other assets, and indeed the absence of buildings, plus the interpretative material developed by BME staff, give further depth and meaning to the lived experience of post-war migration to Australia. Whilst both of these collections are housed and managed by local government agencies, I suggest in this article that these collections can still be considered community archives, given the regional setting of the collections, and the community created records included in the collections.The choice to locate Bonegilla in a fairly isolated regional setting was a strategy of the governments of the time (Persian), and in turn has had an impact on how the site is accessed; by who, and how often (see Dellios for a discussion of the visitor numbers over the history of the Bonegilla Migrant Experience over its time as a commemorative and tourist site). The closest cities to Bonegilla, Albury and Wodonga, sit on the border of New South Wales and Victoria, separated by the Murray River and located 300 km from Melbourne and 550 km from Sydney. The ‘twin towns’ work collaboratively on many civic activities, and are an example of a 1970s-era regional development project that in the twenty-first century is still growing, despite the regional setting (Stein 345).This regional setting justifies a consideration of virtual, and online access to what some argue is a site of national memory loaded with place-based connections, with Jayne Persian arguing that “the most successful forays into commemoration of Bonegilla appear to be website-based and institution-led” (81). This sentiment is reflected in the motivation to create further online access points to Bonegilla, such as the one discussed in this article.Enhancing Teaching, Learning, and Public Access to CollectionsIn 2018 these concepts of significant heritage sites, community archives, national records, and an understanding of migration history came together in a regionally-based Teaching and Learning project funded through a CSU internal grant scheme. The scheme, designed to support scholarship and enhance learning and teaching at CSU, funded a small pilot project to pilot a virtual visit to a real-life destination: the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site. The project was designed to provide key teaching and learning material for students in CSU Education courses, and those training to teach history in particular, but also enhance virtual access to the site for the wider public.The project was developed as a partnership between CSU, Albury LibraryMuseum, and Bonegilla Migrant Experience, and formalised through a Memorandum of Understanding with shared intellectual property. The virtual visit includes a three-dimensional walkthrough created using Matterport software, intuitive navigation of the walkthrough, and four embedded videos linked with online investigation guides. The site is intended to help online visitors ‘do history’ by locating and evaluating sources related to a heritage site with many layers and voices, and whose narrative and history is contested and told through many lenses (Grover and Pennay).As you walk through the virtual site, you get a sense of the size and scope of the Migrant Arrival Centre. The current Bonegilla Migrant Experience site sits at Block 19, one of 24 blocks that formed part of the Centre in its peak time. The guiding path takes you through the Reception area and then to the ‘Beginning Place’, a purpose built interpretative structure that “introduces why people came to Australia searching for a new beginning” (Bonegilla site guide). Moving through, you pass markers on the walls and other surfaces that link through to further interpretative materials and investigation guides. These guides are designed to introduce K-10 students and their teachers to practices such as exploring online archives and thematic inquiry learning aligned to the Australian History Curriculum. Each guide is accompanied by teacher support material and further classroom activities.The guides prompt and guide visitors through an investigation of online archives, and other repositories, including sourcing files held by the National Archives of Australia, searching for newspaper accounts of controversial events through the National Library of Australia’s digital repository Trove, and access to personal testimonies of migrants and refugees through the Albury LibraryMuseum Bonegilla Migration Collection. Whilst designed to support teachers and students engaging with the Australian History Curriculum, these resources are available to the public. They provide visitors to the virtual site an opportunity to develop their own critical digital literacy skills and further their understanding of the official records along with the community created records such as those held by the Albury LibraryMuseum.The project partnership developed from existing relationships between cultural heritage professionals in the Albury Wodonga region along with new relationships developed for technology support from local companies. The project also reinforced the role of CSU, with its regional footprint, in being able to connect and activate regionally-based projects for community benefit along with teaching and learning outcomes.Regional CollaborationsLiz Bishoff argues for a “collaboration imperative” when it comes to the galleries, libraries, archives, and museums (GLAM) sector’s efficacy, and it is the collaborative nature of this project that I draw on in this article. Previous work has also suggested models of convergence, where multiple institutions in the GLAM sector become a single institution (Warren and Matthews 3). In fact the Albury LibraryMuseum is an example of this model. These converged models have been critiqued from resourcing, professionalisation and economic perspectives (see for example Jones; Hider et al.; Wellington), but in some cases for local government agencies especially, they are an effective way of delivering services to communities (Warren and Matthews 9). In the case of this virtual tour, the collaboration between local government and university agencies was temporal for the length of the project, where the pooling of skills, resources, and networks has enabled the development of the resource.In this project, the regional setting has allowed and taken advantage of an intimacy that I argue may not have been possible in a metropolitan or urban setting. The social intimacies of regional town living mean that jobs are often ‘for a long time (if not for life)’, lives intersect in more than a professional context, and that because there are few pathways or options for alternative work opportunities in the GLAM professions, there is a vested interest in progress and success in project-based work. The relationships that underpinned the Bonegilla virtual tour project reflect many of these social intimacies, which included former students, former colleagues, and family relationships.The project has modelled future strategies for collaboration, including open discussions about intellectual property created, the auspicing of financial arrangements and the shared professional skills and knowledge. There has been a significant enhancement of collaborative partnerships between stakeholders, along with further development of professional and personal networks.National Memories: Regional ConcernsThe focus of this article has been on records created about a significant period in Australia’s migration history, and the meaning that these records hold based on who created them, where they are held, and how they are accessed and interpreted. Using the case study of the development of a virtual tour of a significant site—Bonegilla—I have highlighted the value of regional, non-national collections in providing access to and understanding of national memories, and the importance of collaborative practice to working with these collections. These collections sit physically in the regional communities of Albury and Wodonga, along with at the National Archives of Australia in Canberra, where they are cared for by professional staff across the GLAM sector and accessed both physically and virtually by students, researchers, and those whose lives intersected with Bonegilla.From this, I argue that by understanding national and institutional recordkeeping spaces such as the National Archives of Australia as just one example of a place of ‘national memory’, we can make space for regional and community-based repositories as important and valuable sources of records about the lived experience of migration. Extending this further, I suggest a recognition of the role of the regional setting in enabling strong collaborations to make these records visible and accessible.Further research in this area could include exploring the possibility of giving meaning to the place of record creation, especially community records, and oral histories, and how collaborations are enabling this. In contrast to this question, I also suggest an exploration of the role of the Commonwealth staff who created the records during the period of Bonegilla’s existence, and their social and cultural history, to give more meaning and context to the setting of the currently held records.ReferencesBishoff, Liz. “The Collaboration Imperative.” Library Journal 129.1 (2004): 34–35.Boyd, Jodie. “Call for Papers: Collecting for a Society’s Memory: National and State Libraries in Culturally Diverse Societies.” 2018. 1 Apr. 2019 <https://networks.h-net.org/node/73374/announcements/2079324/collecting-society%E2%80%99s-memory-national-and-state-libraries>.Caswell, Michelle, Marika Cifor, and Mario H. Ramirez. “‘To Suddenly Discover Yourself Existing': Uncovering the Impact of Community Archives.” The American Archivist 79.1 (2016): 56–81.Dellios, Alexandra. “Marginal or Mainstream? Migrant Centres as Grassroots and Official Heritage.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 21.10 (2015): 1068–83.Flinn, Andrew. “Community Histories, Community Archives: Some Opportunities and Challenges.” Journal of the Society of Archivists 28.2 (2007): 151–76.Flinn, Andrew, Mary Stevens, and Elizabeth Shepherd. “Whose Memories, Whose Archives? Independent Community Archives, Autonomy and the Mainstream.” Archival Science 9.1–2 (2009): 71.Grover, Paul, and Bruce Pennay. “Learning & Teaching Grant Progress Report.” Albury Wodonga: Charles Sturt U, 2019.Hider, Philip, Mary Anne Kennan, Mary Carroll, and Jessie Lymn. “Exploring Potential Barriers to Lam Synergies in the Academy: Institutional Locations and Publishing Outlets.” The Expanding LIS Education Universe (2018): 104.Hutchison, Mary. “Accommodating Strangers: Commonwealth Government Records of Bonegilla and Other Migrant Accommodation Centres.” Public History Review 11 (2004): 63–79.Jones, Michael. “Innovation Study: Challenges and Opportunities for Australia’s Galleries, Libraries, Archives and Museums.” Archives & Manuscripts 43.2 (2015): 149–51.National Archives of Australia. “Snakes in the Laundry... and Other Horrors”. Canberra, 29 May 2014. <http://www.naa.gov.au/about-us/media/media-releases/2014/25.aspx>.Pennay, Bruce. “‘But No One Can Say He Was Hungry’: Memories and Representations of Bonegilla Reception and Training Centre.” History Australia 9.1 (2012): 43–63.———. “Remembering Bonegilla: The Construction of a Public Memory Place at Block 19.” Public History Review 16 (2009): 43–63.Persian, Jayne. “Bonegilla: A Failed Narrative.” History Australia 9.1 (2012): 64–83.RMIT Centre for Urban Research. “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries”. 2018. 11 Feb. 2019 <http://cur.org.au/project/representing-multicultural-australia-national-state-libraries/>.Stein, Clara. “The Growth and Development of Albury-Wodonga 1972–2006: United and Divided.” Macquarie U, 2012.Warren, Emily, and Graham Matthews. “Public Libraries, Museums and Physical Convergence: Context, Issues, Opportunities: A Literature Review Part 1.” Journal of Librarianship and Information Science (2018): 1–14.Wellington, Shannon. “Building Glamour: Converging Practice between Gallery, Library, Archive and Museum Entities in New Zealand Memory Institutions.” Wellington: Victoria U, 2013.Zavala, Jimmy, Alda Allina Migoni, Michelle Caswell, Noah Geraci, and Marika Cifor. “‘A Process Where We’re All at the Table’: Community Archives Challenging Dominant Modes of Archival Practice.” Archives and Manuscripts 45.3 (2017): 202–15.

Retro fashion trends continue to be a feature of the contemporary clothing market, providing alternate configurations of womanhood from which women can fashion their identities (Hackett). This article examines the design attributes of 1950s-style clothing, that some women choose to wear over more contemporary styles. The 1950s style can be located in a distinctly hourglass design that features a small waist with distinct bust and hips. This article asks: what are the design features of this style that lead women to choose it over contemporary fashion? Taking a material culture approach, it firstly looks at the design features of the garments and the way they are marketed. Secondly, it draws upon interviews and a survey conducted with women who wear these clothes. Thirdly, it investigates the importance of this silhouette to the women who wear it, through the key concepts of body shape and size. Clothing styles of the 1950s were influenced by the work of Christian Dior, particularly his "New Look" collection of 1947. Dior’s design focus was on emphasising female curves, featuring full bust and flowing skirts cinched in with a narrow waist (Dior), creating an exaggerated hourglass shape. The look was in sharp contrast to fashion designs of the Second World War and offered a different conceptualisation of the female body, which was eagerly embraced by many women who had grown weary of rationing and scarcity. Post-1950s, fashion designers shifted their focus to a slimmer ideal, often grounded in narrow hips and a smaller bust. Yet not all women suit this template; some simply do not have the right body shape for this ideal. Additionally, the intervening years between the 1950s and now have also seen an incremental increase in body sizes so that a slender figure no longer represents many women. High-street brand designers, such as Review, Kitten D’Amour and Collectif, have recognised these issues, and in searching for an alternative conceptualisation of the female body have turned to the designs of the 1950s for their inspiration. The base design of wide skirts which emphasise the relative narrowness of the waist is arguably more suited to many women today, both in terms of fit and shape. Using a material culture approach, this article will examine these design features to uncover why women choose this style over more contemporary designs. Method This article draws upon a material culture study of 1950s-designed clothes and why some contemporary women choose to wear 1950s-style clothing as everyday dress. Material culture is “the study through artefacts of the beliefs—values, ideas, attitudes and assumptions—of a particular community or society at a given time” (Prown 1). The premise is that a detailed examination of a culture’s relationship with its objects cannot be undertaken without researching the objects themselves (Hodder 174). Thus both the object is analysed and the culture is surveyed about their relationship with the object. In this study, analysis was conducted in March and September 2019 on the 4,286 items of clothing available for sale by the 19 brands that the interview subjects wear, noting the design features that mark the style as "1950s" or "1950s-inspired". Further, a quantitative analysis of the types of clothing (e.g. dress, skirt, trousers, etc.) was undertaken to reveal where the design focus lay. A secondary analysis of the design brands was also undertaken, examining the design elements they used to market their products. In parallel, two cohorts of women who wear 1950s-style clothing were examined to ascertain the social meanings of their clothing choices. The first group comprised 28 Australian women who participated in semi-structured interviews. The second cohort responded to an international survey that was undertaken by 229 people who sew and wear historic clothing. The survey aimed to reveal the meaning of the clothes to those who wear them. Both sets of participants were found through advertising the study on Facebook in 2018. The interview subjects were selected with the requirement that they self-identified as wearing 1950s-style clothing on a daily basis. The survey examined home dressmakers who made historic-style clothing and asked them a range of questions regarding their sewing practice and the wearing of the clothes. Literature Review While subcultures have adopted historic clothing styles as part of their aesthetic (Hebdige), the more mainstream wearing of clothing from alternative eras as an everyday fashion choice has its roots in the hippy movement of the late 1960s (Cumming 109). These wearers are not attempting to “‘rebel’ against society, nor … explicitly ‘subvert’ items that are offered by mainstream culture” (Veenstra and Kuipers 362-63), rather they are choosing styles that both fit in with contemporary styles, yet are drawn from a different design ideal. Wearers of vintage clothing often feel that modern clothing is designed for an ideal body size or shape which differed markedly from their own (Smith and Blanco 360-61). The fashion industry has long been criticised for its adherence to an ultra-thin body shape and it is only in the last decade or so that small changes have begun to be made (Hackett and Rall 270-72). While plus-size models have begun to appear in advertising and on cat-walks, and fashion brands have begun to employ plus-sized fit models, the shift to inclusivity has been limited as the models persistently reflect the smaller end of the “plus” spectrum and continue to have slim, hourglass proportions (Gruys 12-13). The overwhelming amount of clothing offered for sale remains within the normative AU8-16 clothing range. This range is commonly designated “standard” with any sizes above this “plus-sized”. Yet women around the world do not fit neatly into this range and the average woman in countries such as Australia and the United States are at the upper edge of normative size ranges. In Australia, the average woman is around an AU16 (Olds) and in the US they are in the lower ranges of plus sizes (Gruys) which calls into question the validity of the term “plus-sized”. Closely related to body size, but distinctly different, is the concept of body shape. Body shape refers to the relative dimensions of the body, and within fashion, this tends to focus on the waist, hips and bust. Where clothing from the 1960s onwards has generally presented a slim silhouette, 1950s-style clothing offers an arguably different body shape. Christian Dior’s 1947 "New Look" design collection came to dominate the style of the 1950s. Grounded in oversized skirts, cinched waists, full bust, and curved lines of the mid-nineteenth century styles, Dior sought to design for “flower-like women” (Dior 24) who were small and delicate, yet had full hips and busts. While Dior’s iteration was an exaggerated shape that required substantial body structuring through undergarments, the pronounced hourglass design shape became identified with 1950s-style clothing. By the 1960s the ideal female body shape had changed dramatically, as demonstrated by the prominent model of that decade, the gamine Twiggy. For the next few decades, iterations of this hyper-thin design ideal were accelerated and fashion models in magazines consistently decreased in size (Sypeck et al.) as fashion followed trends such as "heroin chic", culminating in the "size zero" scandals that saw models' BMI and waist-to-height rations plummet to dangerously unhealthy sizes (Hackett and Rall 272-73; Rodgers et al. 287-88). The majority of the fashion industry, it appears, is not designing for the average woman. Discrimination against “fat” people leads to industry practices that actively exclude them from product offerings (Christel). This has been variously located as being entrenched anywhere from the top of the industry (Clements) to the entry level, where design students are taught their trade using size 8 models (Rutherford-Black et al.). By restricting their designs in terms of size and shape offering, clothing brands collectively restrict the ability of people whose bodies fall outside that arbitrary range to fashion their identity but are eager nonetheless to participate in fashion (Church Gibson; Peters). This resulting gap provides an opportunity for brands to differentiate their product offering with alternate designs that cater to this group. Findings 1950s-Style Clothing There are several key styles that could arguably be identified as “1950s”; however, one of the findings in this study was that the focus of the designs was on the voluptuous style of the 1950s associated with Dior’s New Look, featuring a cinched-in waist, full bust, and predominantly wide, flowing skirts. A count of the garments available for sale on the websites of these brands found that the focus is overwhelmingly on dresses (64% of the 4,286 garments on offer), with skirts and bifurcated garments being marketed in far smaller numbers, 10% (679) and 7% (467) respectively. The majority of the skirts were wide, with just a few being narrow, often in a hobble-skirt style. Both styles emphasise wide hips and narrow waists. The high number of dresses with voluminous skirts suggest that this design aesthetic is popular amongst their customers; these women are seeking designs that are based on a distinctly, if exaggerated, female form. Many of the brands surveyed have an extended size collection, outside the normative AU8-16, with one brand going as high as a UK32. Sizing standards have ceased to be universally used by clothing designers, with brands often creating their own size scales, making it difficult to make direct size comparisons between the brands (Hackett and Rall, 267). Despite this, the analysis found that many of these brands have extended their sizing ranges well into the plus-sized bracket, with one brand going up to a size 32. In most brands, the exact same designs are available throughout the sizes rather than having a separate dedicated plus-size range. Only one design brand had a dedicated separate "plus-size" range where the clothing differed from their "standard-sized" ranges. Further, many of the brands did not use terminology separating sizes into “standard” or “plus-size”. Beyond the product offering, this analysis also looked at the size of the models that design brands use to market their clothes. Four brands did not use models, displaying the clothes in isolation. Eight of the brands used a range of models of different sizes to advertise their clothes, reflecting the diversity of the product range. Seven of the brands did not, preferring to use models of smaller size, usually around a size AU8, with a couple using the occasional model who was a size AU12. Body Shape There were two ideal body shapes in the 1950s. The first was a voluptuous hourglass shape of a large bust and hips, with a small cinched-in waist. The second was more slender, as exemplified by women such as Grace Kelly and Audrey Hepburn, this was “a subdued and classy sensuality, often associated with the aristocrat and high fashion” (Mazur). It is the first that has come to be the silhouette most commonly associated with the decade among this cohort, and it is this conceptualisation of a curvy ideal that participants in this study referenced when discussing why they wear these clothes: I'm probably like a standard Australia at 5'10" but I am curvy. A lot of corporate clothes I don't think are really made to fit women in the way they probably could and they could probably learn a bit from looking back a bit more at the silhouettes for you know, your more, sort of average women with curves. (Danielle) The 50s styles suit my figure and I wear that style on an everyday basis. (Survey Participant #22) As these women note, this curvy ideal aligns with their own figures. There was also a sense that the styles of the 1950s were more forgiving, and thus suited a wider range of body shapes, than more contemporary styles: these are the styles of clothes I generally wear as the 50’s and 60’s styles flatter the body and are flattering to most body types. (Survey Participant #213) In contrast, some participants chose the style because it created the illusion of a body shape they did not naturally possess. For example, Emma stated: I’m very tall and I found that modern fast fashion is often quite short on me whereas if it’s either reproduction or vintage stuff it tends to suit me better in length. It gives me a bit of shape; I’m like a string bean, straight up and down. (Emma) For others it allows them to control or mask elements of their body: okay, so the 1950s clothes I find give you a really feminine shape. They always consider the fact that you have got a waist. And my waist [inaudible]. My hips I always want to hide, so those full skirts always do a good job at hiding those hips. I feel… I feel pretty in them. (Belinda) Underlying both these statements is the desire to create a feminine silhouette, which in turn increases feelings of being attractive. This reflects Christian Dior’s aim to ground his designs in femininity. This locating of the body ideal in exaggerated curves and equating it to a sense of femininity was reflected by a number of participants. The sensory appeal of 1950s designs led to one participant feeling “more feminine because of that tiny waist and heels on” (Rosy). This reflects Dior’s design aim to create highly feminine clothing styles. Another participant mused upon this in more detail: I love how pretty they make me feel. The tailoring involved to fit your individual body to enhance your figure, no matter your size, just amazes me. In by-gone eras, women dressed like women, and men like men ... not so androgynous and sloppy like today. I also like the idea of teaching the younger generation about history ... and debunking a lot of information and preconceived notions that people have. But most of all ... THE PRETTY FACTOR! (Survey Participant #130) Thus the curvy style is conceived to be distinctly feminine and thus a clear marker of the female identity of the person wearing the clothes. Body Size Participants were also negotiating the relative size of their bodies when it came to apparel choice. Body size is closely related to body shape and participants often negotiated both when choosing which style to wear. For example, Skye stated how “my bust and my waist and my hips don’t fit a standard [size]”, indicating that, for her, both issues impacted on her ability to wear contemporary clothing. Ashleigh concurred, stating: I was a size 8, but I was still a very hourglass sized 8. So modern stuff doesn’t even work with me when I’m skinnier and that shape. (Ashleigh) Body size is not just about measurements around the hips and torso, it also affects the ability to choose clothing for those at the higher and lower ends of the height spectrum. Gabrielle discussed her height, saying: so I’m really tall, got quite big hips … . So I quite like that it cinches the waist a bit, goes over the hips and hides a little bit [laughs] I don’t know … I really like that about it I guess. (Gabrielle) For Gabrielle, her height creates a further dimension for her to negotiate. In this instance, contemporary fashion is too short for her to feel comfortable wearing it. The longer skirts of 1950s style clothing provide the desired coverage of her body. The curvy contours of 1950s-designed clothing were found by some participants to be compatible with their body size, particularly for those in the large size ranges. The following statement typifies this point of view: the later styles are mostly small waist/full skirt that flatters my plus size figure. I also find them the most romantic/attractive. (Survey Participant #74) The desire to feel attractive in clothes when negotiating body size reflects the concerns participants had regarding shape. For this cohort, 1950s-style clothing presents a solution to these issues. Discussion The clothing designs of the 1950s focus on a voluptuous body shape that is in sharp contrast to the thin ideal of contemporary styles. The women in this study state that contemporary designs just do not suit their body shape, and thus they have consciously sought out a style that is designed along lines that do. The heavy reliance on skirts and dresses that cinch at the waist and flare wide over the hips suggests that the base silhouette of the 1950s designed clothing is flattering for a wide range of female shapes, both in respect to shape and size. The style is predominantly designed around flared skirts which serves to reduce the fit focus to the waist and bust, thus women do not have to negotiate hip size when purchasing or wearing clothes. By removing one to the three major fit points in clothing, the designers are able to cater to a wider range of body shapes. This is supported in the interviews with women across the spectrum of body shapes, from those who note that they can "hide their wider hips" and to those women who use the style to create an hourglass shape. The wider range of sizes available in the 1950s-inspired clothing brands suggests that the flexibility of the style also caters to a wide range of body sizes. Some of the brands also market their clothes using models with diverse body sizes. Although this is, in some cases, limited to the lower end of the “plus”-size bracket, others did include models who were at the higher end. This suggests that some of these brands recognise the market potential of this style and that their customers are welcoming of body diversity. The focus on a relatively smaller waist to hip and bust also locates the bigger body in the realm of femininity, a trait that many of the respondents felt these clothes embodied. The focus on the perceived femininity of this style, at any size, is in contrast to mainstream fashion. This suggests that contemporary fashion designers are largely continuing to insist on a thin body ideal and are therefore failing to cater for a considerable section of the market. Rather than attempting to get their bodies to fit into fashion, these women are finding alternate styles that fit their bodies. The fashion brands analysed did not create an artificial division of sizing into “standard” and “plus” categories, reinforcing the view that these brands are size-inclusive and the styles are meant for all women. This posits the question of why the fashion industry continues this downward trajectory in body size. Conclusion The design of 1950s-inspired clothing provides an alternate silhouette through which women can fashion their identity. Designers of this style are catering to an alternate concept of feminine beauty than the one provided by contemporary fashion. Analysis of the design elements reveals that the focus is on a narrow waist below a full bust, with wide flowing skirts. In addition, women in this study felt these designs catered for a wide variety of body sizes and shapes. 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