Academic literature on the topic '1844-1900 Political and social views'

The discovery of an official report, so far unpublished, about coolie scandals on the plantations on Sumatra's East Coast around the year 1900, motivated me to produce a full-length book on this theme. My original intention had been merely to write a short introduction to the publication of a shocking historical document. However, I changed my mind when it became obvious that proper understanding of the source required more background information on the social and policy framework within which the plantation system operated. This applied both to conditions on the estates themselves and to the evaluation of those affairs by official and non-official outsiders. The main aim of my study is to contribute to the historiography of industrial labour in Southeast Asia. However, it also analyses die linkage that came about between capitalist industry and colonial policy in a region that formed part of the so-called Outer Provinces of die Netherlands Indies.

This paper examines the long-term development of Orientalism as an intellectual field, with the European learning of China between ca.1600 and ca.1900 as an exemplary case. My analysis will be aided by a theoretical framework based on a synthesis of the world-system and network perspectives on long-run intellectual change. Analyzing recurrent debates on China within European intellectual circles, I demonstrate that the Western conception of the East has been oscillating between universalism and particularism, and between naive idealization and racist bias. This oscillation is a function as much of the changing political economy of the capitalist world-system as of the endogenous politics of the intellectual field. Despite their contrasting views, both admirers and despisers of the East viewed non-Western civilizations as uniform wholes that had never changed. I argue that the fundamental fallacy of Orientalism lay, not in its presumptions about the ontological differences between East and West and the former's inferiority, as previous critics of Orientalism have supposed, but in its reductionism. Understanding non-Western civilizations in their full dynamism and heterogeneity is a critical step toward the renewal of the twentieth-century social theories that were built upon and impaired by the Orientalist knowledge accumulated in the previous centuries.

The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.

AbstractFrom the first years after 1900, the Russian anarchists debated the “question of the organization,” and examined how they should organize the movement so that they may carry on its political activities and secure freedom of expression and of spontaneous action both for its members and for the masses. Opposed as they were to all kind of hierarchic, centralized, and pyramidal types of organization, most of the Russian anarchists preferred the creation of independent and autonomous groups whose members would be linked by a community of ideas and feelings. (The first groups appeared in Russia in 1903.) Under the influence of classical anarchist thinkers like Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Malatesta, some of them saw in anarchism not only an ideology, but a way of life, and tried to create cells in the image of the future society. Everyday realities compelled many of them to adopt more efficient and practical solutions. The most frequent terms used in their vocabulary (and examined here) reveal their state of mind and ways of action, terms such as self-rule, initiative, autonomous action, independence, creativity, and free activity. Their groups were usually homogenous in terms of their social, educational, and national or ethnic composition. They rejected the practice of collecting members' fees or donations. As a result they faced the problem of how to finance their activities. A major debate ensued whether or not to use “expropriations” (eksy), armed attacks on state institutions or private enterprises, for gathering funds, and how such actions were viewed by the masses. The Revolution of 1905, in which the anarchists participated actively, had important repercussions on their views and ways of organizing.

The creative work of Dr. Myron Korduba (1876 - 1947) in the geography of the population of Bukovina in the early twentieth century is analyzed. Scientists are given a thorough comprehensive geographical assessment of the population of the region, studied the levels of education of the inhabitants of Bukovina, the structure of employment and its distribution by major social strata. The boundaries of the Ukrainian and Romanian "ethnographic territories" of Bukovina are clearly delineated as a basis for establishing appropriate state borders. With the arrival of Chernivtsi at the turn of the century and employment in the Second Academic Gymnasium, a young, full of energy Dr. Myron Korduba plunged into the whirlpool of active socio-political life. He had clearly expressed Ukrainian-centric state views, which he vigorously defended and scientifically substantiated. Therefore, it seems quite natural that his increased attention to politico-geographical and geopolitical research, important areas of which we have considered earlier. A significant place in the creative work of the scientist, of course, is also occupied by geographical and pedagogical developments. Studying the work of a scientist in the geography of the population of Bukovina, we should pay attention to the extremely valuable for the study of problems of regional development - analysis-review of Myron Korduba on official census materials published by the regional statistical bureau. It is important, as M. Korduba claims, that the publisher is not limited to information only for 1900, but also provides data for both 1880 and 1890 for comparison. It was necessary to dwell on the most important indicators of the last census of the population of Bukovyna also because neither the Bukovynian nor the Galician communities were acquainted in detail with these materials. First of all, Myron Korduba pays attention to population density and its geographical distribution in the counties of the region. According to the average - 70 people per 1 km² in 1900 Bukovina ranked 9th among the Austrian provinces (in 1890 - 10th place after Istria). Kitsman and Sadagur counties of Bukovina were "most densely populated" - 125 and 123 people per 1 km, respectively. The counties of DornaVatra and Seletyn had the lowest population density in the region (22 and 13 people per 1 km). For comparison, M. Korduba provides data on the average population density in the Czech Republic - 121 people per 1 km². In his analysis of the geography of the region's population, the reviewer focuses significantly on the language issue. He notes that in 1900, Ukrainian was spoken by 41.2% of all residents of Bukovina, Wallachian - 31.7%, German - 22.0%, Polish - 3.7%. Dr. Myron Korduba's brief but extremely informative study "Bukowina / Bukowina v nástinuhistorickémaetnografickém", published in Czech in the series "PoznejmeUkrainu", is of great interest for a comprehensive understanding of the problems of the geography of the region's population. This article by the scholar is all the more significant because it was published during the Paris Peace Conference and, in particular, the preparation of the Saint-Germain and future Sevres peace treaties, which legitimized the transfer of Bukovina to the Kingdom of Romania. Based on the above, Dr. Myron Korduba gives the following generalizations: neither historically nor ethnographically, Bukovyna can be considered as a "purely Romanian land", as Ukrainians make up a relative majority of the region's population; the communities of Zastavna, Kitsman, Vashkivtsi, Vyzhnytsia, and the environs of Selyatyn are purely Ukrainian; the political districts of Chernivtsi and Seret, as well as the Ukrainian parts of the communities of Storozhynets and Kimpolungu, have a Ukrainian majority. It is the relative majority of nationalities in a given area that should be decisive in the "division of Bukovina into regions with different nationalities"; although the region's capital, Chernivtsi, is dominated by Jews, Ukrainians are second only to Jews. The city is surrounded by Ukrainian communities and borders a small "Romanian island of several villages." Therefore, it is natural to "deliver" Chernivtsi to the Ukrainian part of Bukovyna.

A strong tradition in democratic theory claims that only constitutions made with direct popular involvement can establish or deepen democracy. Against this view, we argue that new constitutions are likely to enhance liberal democracy when they emerge through a plural agreement among political elites with distinct bases of social support. Power dispersion during constitution writing induces the adoption of institutions that protect opposition forces from the arbitrary use of executive power without unduly impairing majority rule. However, since incumbents may renege on the bargain, the democratizing effect of politically plural constitutional agreements is likely to be larger in the short term, when the identity of negotiating political forces and the balance of power between them tend to remain stable. We find support for these arguments using an original global dataset on the origins of constitutions between 1900 and 2015 and a difference-in-differences design.

Often overlooked, Robert Herrick (1868–1938) was an experimental novelist who produced a sustained and critical engagement with the economic, political, and aesthetic effects of unregulated capitalist expansion in the late nineteenth century. Focusing onThe Web of Life(1900) andTogether(1908), this essay argues that Herrick's novels forcefully document a radical middle-class political position and demonstrate how the middle class was capable of apprehending and resisting the functionings of capitalism—especially its fragmentation of lived experience and its foreclosure of any practical exterior to the social totality. Given how recent economic trends toward deregulation and privatization have resulted in a precarious situation for the middle class worldwide, Herrick's depiction of the emergence of the modern middle class in 1890s Chicago also presents a dynamic foil from which to view our present moment. Though his genre-bending and politically ambiguous literary and political experiments have long contributed to critical confusion and even dismissal of his work, today Herrick's novels are a powerful tool for rethinking the long-accepted understanding of the relationship between literary realism, the struggles surrounding the emergence of corporate capitalism, and the political standpoint of the professional middle class.

A 2014 sociology of religion conference invitation asserted that it is ‘A long-standing assumption in the sociology of religion … that there is a correlation between religious resurgence and intense moments of political, economic and socio-cultural crisis.’ We test this proposition against various post-1900 British or uk church adherence data and find no evidence to support the claim. On the contrary, the trajectories of decline are remarkably smooth. We suggest that such smoothness better supports the sociological view of secularization as a long-run process with amorphous and deep causes than it supports the claim that religious change is a response to specific events.

SummaryThe West Virginia Miners engaged in remarkable inter-ethnic rebellions in the early twentieth century, against the “feudal” conditions in the Mountain State's coalfields. This paper challenges the view that these actions were backed by an equally radical and class-conscious language based on Americanism. It shows how due to various barriers, ranging from ethnic differences to electoral interference, political involvement on the part of the miners was sporadic and unsuccessful, and they were unable to form a common, coherent political identity. Instead they articulated a broad and ultimately ambiguous appeal to “American” rights and values, which focused on the exceptionalism of West Virginia, and took the interpretation of Americanism to be self-evident.

The 1900–1920 decades of the Progressive Era constitute a seminal period in American political history, evinced by successful invocation of government authority to contend with consequences of life in an urban, industrial, multicultural society. Legislative precedents established at the state and national level used public power to meet the needs of citizens unable individually to defend themselves against social and economic problems stemming from the brutal, take-off stage of industrial capitalism in the United States. Many scholars view the political transition marking these decades as profoundly significant for the development of public policies, if not for the very creation of the modern American state. This research investigates the electoral bases of national policy innovation in the Progressive Era.

This dissertation argues that a pervasive ethical vision underlies the work of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900): a concern for the possibility of human flourishing, in the modern world. Notwithstanding Nietzsche's celebrated claim to be "beyond good and evil", and against the standard interpretation of his "perspectivism", it is argued that Nietzsche makes qualitative, normative distinctions between higher, admirable modes of human existence and lower, contemptible ones, and that he wishes through his writings to foster the former and discourage the latter. Furthermore, it is argued that Nietzsche believes human excellence to be the property of a small minority of "higher" human beings, and that he identifies the project of encouraging human excellence with a political imperative of cultivating this gifted elite. The dissertation also argues that Nietzsche's picture of the fully flourishing human life suffers from a number of inconsistencies that may be traced back to his vacillation between two incompatible moral discourses: an Aristotelian discourse emphasising the importance of certain "external goods" (e.g. friendship, recognition, community) in a fully flourishing life, and a rival, Stoic-influenced discourse stressing the virtuous individual's total self-sufficiency. An examination is made of Nietzsche's stance towards the following key concepts and questions: truth, morality, virtue, instinct and "bodily" knowledge, nature, creativity, rationality, discipline and self-mastery, freedom, solitude and sociability, friendship, community, pity, breeding and heredity, women and gender relations, and domination.

This dissertation addresses an ignored [partly for its controversial nature] aspect of Nietzschean philosophy: that of the role of modern woman in the creation of a future horizon. Details of the effects of the Enlightenment, Christianity and democracy upon society are discussed, as well as effects on the individual, particularly woman. After this forward look at the changes anticipated by Nietzsche, the traditional roles of woman as the eternal feminine, wife and mother are debated. An argument for the necessity of a continuation of the battle of the sexes, and the struggle among men and women in a context of sexual love and friendship is given. This mutual affirmation must occur through the motivation of pride and not vanity. In conclusion, I argue that one possible avenue for change is a Nietzschean call for a modern revaluation of values by noble woman in conjugation with her warrior scholar to bring about the elevation of mankind.

Die vorliegende Untersuchung arbeitet die wesentlichen gesellschaftspolitischen und ökonomischen Entwicklungslinien heraus, die sich während der geschichtlichen Umbruchphase um 1830 im deutschen Raum aus dem letzten Akt von Goethes Faust II ableiten lassen. Tiefgreifende politische, wirtschaftlich-technische und kulturelle Umwälzungen zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts wirkten auf Goethe als Zeitgenossen ein und wurden von ihm in seinem literarischen Spätwerk verarbeitet. Aus Goethes Alterswerk Faust II heraus lassen sich Konstanten und Entwicklungen seiner Zeit sichtbar machen und, immer eingebettet in den zeitgeschichtlichen Kontext, konkret nachweisen. Diese Ausarbeitung will aufzeigen, dass Goethe im letzten Akt von Faust II einen sich zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts vollziehenden – und teils bereits vollzogenen - Wandel der menschlichen Geisteshaltung attestiert. Säkularisierung und zweckorientierte Rationalität, Beschleunigung, Enthumanisierung und Unterwerfung von Mensch und Natur stehen hierbei im Mittelpunkt. Fausts aus seinem Pakt mit dem Teufel entstandene Welt nimmt die uns heute umgebende vorweg, die geprägt ist von Datenflut, elektronischen Medien, einer von Alltagshektik geprägten Realität und systemimmanenten Expansionsstreben. Allein dies verleiht dem Drama ein unübersehbar hohes Gegenwartspotential.
This thesis explores the trends of socio-political developments during the period of historical changes in Germany around 1830 that can be deduced from Act V of Goethe´s Faust II. Profound political, technical, economic and cultural changes at the beginning of the nineteenth century had an impact on Goethe as a contemporary and appear in his late literary work. Thus specific constants and developments of his time are also presented in and can be deduced from one of the great literary works of the aged poet, Faust II. This paper shows that the final act of Faust II Goethe reveals profound changes in human mentality that took place at the beginning of the nineteenth century and partly even before: Secularization and ruthless rationality with a tendency to acceleration, de-humanization and unscrupulous submission of human beings and nature. The world that originated from Faust´s pact with the devil in Faust II anticipates the reality surrounding us nowadays, a reality characterized by a flood of data, electronic media and the hectic pace of everyday life, - a fact vouching for the play´s striking modernity.
Classics & World Languages
M.A. (German)

“The Great Reversal” is a term that has been used for the shift when socially progressive views were prominent in American evangelicalism to when they became rare. In the mid-nineteenth century, Charles Finney’s postmillennialism and anti-slavery views illustrate evangelical social reform. Jonathan Blanchard, founder of Wheaton College in Illinois, held similar views. As late as 1900, James M. Gray preached a progressive social reform sermon, even though later when he was president of Moody Bible Institute his political views were conservative. The broadest explanation for “The Great Reversal” is that after about 1900 the “Social Gospel” became associated with liberal theology. Most later fundamentalists, in rejecting liberal theology, rejected liberal social teachings as well.

In 1914, nationalism was the political “ism” that seemed the motive choice, but ironically that is when “globalization” defined as “extending to other or all parts of the world” became clearly evident. The Great War tied the globe together: colonies participated in the fighting, and thousands of the colonized were sent to Europe to serve in labor or military units. This was not the first sign of a world coming together. The late nineteenth century witnessed globalization’s advance: 52 million Europeans migrated to the Americas, adopting a new culture. Similarly, industrialization globalized, bringing increased commerce on the world scene. At war’s end, the Spanish flu brought the globe together against the pandemic. The war did not change the world’s views on nationalism as the national intrigue and deal making at the Versailles Conference underscores.