Journal articles on the topic '1825-1836'

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a situação dos espaços teatrais na cidade de São Paulo, no período de 1836 a 1898. Dizia Garrett, por volta de 1825, que em Portugal não havia teatro e sim arribanas. Esta ausência de bons teatros em terras lusas será também percebida em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro num momento em que a questão da nacionalidade ocupava o centro das atenções.

A list of 60 species group taxa of 15 families of the order Coleoptera collected at Ashgabat City and in Lebap Province (Turkmenistan) is presented. Nine species are reported for the first time for the country: Bembidion aeneum Germar, 1823, Chlaenius extensus Mannerheim, 1825, Gyrinus distinctus Aubé, 1838, Bisnius piochardi (Fauvel, 1875), Gabrius hissaricus Schillhammer, 2003, Quedius novus Eppelsheim, 1892, Thinodromus behnei Gildenkov, 2000, Trichophya pilicornis (Gyllenhal, 1810) and Galeruca jucunda (Faldermann, 1836).

This article describes the life and political activities of Sarzhan Kasymuly in the national liberation upraises of the Kazakh people in 1825-1836. The full event of that century is studied which is disclosed in detail by archival data. Also in this article, are held a scientific analysis on the political and social relations of sultan Sarzhan Kasumuly with the Pro-Russian Kazakh sultans and feudal based on historical archival documents. The relevance of the research problem lies in the fact that the study of the political life of Sarzhan Kasymuly according to the archival data of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan is a very important scientific topic for a thorough study of the impetus of a massive national uprising of the Kazakh people at the head of the sultans and batyrs, as well as about the unknown pages of the life and activities of Kazakh soldiers. In the socio-political life of the Kazakh people, the essence of such batyrs (knight, heroes) as Sarzhan Kasymuly played an important role in the fateful decisions of the military nomadic people. The structural formation of the heroes’ institution shows an accurate picture of the life and activities of the Kazakh people during the period of endless wars and the beginning of full colonization by the Russian Empire. The Kazakh land is rich in heroes (batyrs) like sultan Sarzhan Kasymuly who, despite the weak technical equipment of his wards, managed to fight against the tsarist colonial system, and wanted to restore the khan’s power of the famous ruler of the Kazakh people and his grandfather Khan Ablai. Undoubtedly, scientific work based on these and other historical archival data will make a significant contribution to the detailed study of the institution of the heroes of the Kazakh people.

This study explores parliamentary reforms related to the financial accountability of banks following the 1825–6 and 1836–7 financial crises in England. An appraisal of nineteenth-century parliamentary Hansard transcripts reveals early banking legislative pursuits. The study observes the laissez-faire and interventionist approaches towards the banking enactments of 1826, 1833 and 1844 that underpin the transformation of financial accountability during this era. The Bank Notes Act 1826 imposed financial accountability on the Bank of England by requiring the mandatory disclosure of notes issued. The Bank Notes Act 1833 extended this requirement to all other banks. The Bank Charter Act 1833 increased the financial accountability of the Bank of England by requiring it to provide an account of bullion and securities belonging to the governor and company, as well as deposits held by the bank. Thereafter, the Joint Stock Banks Act 1844 pioneered the regular publication of assets and liabilities and communication of the balance sheet and profit and loss account to shareholders. State intervention in the financial accountability of banks during the period from 1825 to 1845 appears to have been cumulative.

The oldest known specimen of Galapagos marine iguana (Amblyrhynchus cristatus), now in the University Museum, Oxford, was originally thought to have come from Mexico. A plausible history of its origin with sealers in the Galapagos Islands about 1824 and transportation to and across Mexico is advanced. The naturalists David Douglas and John Scouler, on James (Santiago) Island in January 1825, encountered and attempted unsuccessfully to preserve specimens of the land iguana (Conolophus subcristatus) but only a Scouler specimen of marine iguana made it back to England, and it has since disappeared. Published and previously unpublished journal entries from the voyage of HMS Blonde, which had shore parties at Albemarle (Isabela) and Narborough (Fernandina) islands in March 1825, establish that the specimens on which the original description of Amblyrhynchus (later Conolophus) subcristatus J. E. Gray, 1831 , was based originated in the voyage of the Blonde. Banks Bay, Albemarle Island, is here designated as the type locality for Conolophus subcristatus. Specimens of the marine iguana were also brought back by the Blonde. The published accounts of Scouler and the voyage of the Blonde established the Galapagos as the true home of the marine iguana well before the return of Charles Darwin and HMS Beagle in 1836.

In a study exploring humus-collecting leaves in drynaroid ferns (Janssen & Schneider 2005), a phylogenetic analysis of this clade was produced, providing evidence that Drynaria (Bory; 1825: 463) Smith (1842: 60) is paraphyletic with regard to Aglaomorpha Schott (1836: pl. 19). Janssen & Schneider (2005) thus proposed to merge Drynaria with Aglaomorpha (the older name) because there are few morphological characters that separate the genera, resulting infrequent confusion. Further studies of the clade found that Christiopteris Copeland (1917: 331) is also included (Schneider et al. 2008), and even though the two species lack nectaries and humus-collecting leaves, they should also be included, which makse the genus more difficult to define morphologically. However, merging these genera is far preferable to disintegration of a well-established genus like Drynaria (Christenhusz & Schneider 2012).

In 1813, James Stephen, Jr., a twenty-four-year-old lawyer, was appointed part-time by the British Colonial Office to write legal opinions on the validity of colonial laws. In 1825, he began working full-time as legal advisor to the Colonial Office and held this position until 1836 when he was promoted to the top-ranking post of permanent under-secretary of the Colonial Office, which he held until 1847. During these years, Stephen frequently played a key role in influencing the direction taken by policies and reforms initiated through the Colonial Office. In particular, his important role in shaping Colonial Office “native policy” after the mid-1830s has been documented by several historians, and much has been written about his connection—through his anti-slavery father, Stephen, Sr., and his uncle William Wilberforce—to the famous Evangelical “Clapham Sect” that took a leading role in promoting a number of different humanitarian and social reform causes in the first half of the nineteenth century.

In Brazilian Amazonia, Cholini (Coleoptera, Curculionidae, Molytinae) is represented by 53 species distributed in seven genera: Ameris Dejean, 1821; Cholus Germar, 1824; Homalinotus Sahlberg, 1823; Lobaspis Chevrolat, 1881; Odontoderes Sahlberg, 1823; Ozopherus Pascoe, 1872 and Rhinastus Schoenherr, 1825. This work documents the species of Cholini housed in the Invertebrate Collection of the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia, Manaus, Brazil and gives the geographical and biological data associated with them. A total of 186 Cholini specimens were identified as belonging to 14 species (13 from Brazilian Amazonia) and five genera (Cholus, Homalinotus, Odontoderes, Ozopherus and Rhinastus). Only 24% of the Cholini species reported from Brazilian Amazonia are actually represented in the INPA collection, underscoring the need for a more systematical collecting based on available biological information. The known geographical distribution was expanded for the following species: Cholus granifer (Chevrolat, 1881) for Brazil; C. pantherinus (Olivier, 1790) for Manaus (Amazonas); Cholus parallelogrammus (Germar, 1824) for Piraquara (Paraná); Homalinotus depressus (Linnaeus, 1758) for lago Janauacá (Amazonas) and rio Tocantins (Pará); H. humeralis (Gyllenhal, 1836) for Novo Airão, Coari (Amazonas) and Porto Velho (Rondônia); H. nodipennis (Chevrolat, 1878) for Carauari, Lábrea (Amazonas) and Ariquemes (Rondônia); H. validus (Olivier, 1790) for rio Araguaia (Brasil), Manaus (Amazonas), rio Tocantins (Pará), Porto Velho and BR 364, Km 130 (Rondônia); Odontoderes carinatus (Guérin-Méneville, 1844) for Manaus (Amazonas); O. spinicollis (Boheman, 1836) for rio Uraricoera (Roraima); and Ozopherus muricatus Pascoe, 1872 for lago Janauacá (Amazonas). Homalinotus humeralis is reported for the first time from "urucuri" palm, Attalea phalerata Mart. ex Spreng.

Durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII y la primera mitad del XIX el territorio peruano, como el resto de Hispanoamérica, fue escenario de una serie de eventos que lentamente produjeron importantes cambios sociales y engendraron y definieron un nuevo orden político: el del sistema de gobierno republicano. La fundación del Real Convictorio de San Carlos, la difusión de las ideas liberales de la Ilustración, la proclamación de la Constitución de Cádiz de 1812, la rebelión de los hermanos Angulo y Mateo Pumacahua en el Cuzco en 1814, la declaración de la independencia en 1821, el triunfo patriota en Ayacucho en 1824, la creación de Bolivia en 1825, y el experimento de la Confederación Perú-Boliviana (1836-1839), fueron algunos de los acontecimientos más relevantes. Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre (1773-1841), uno de los principales representantes de la élite intelectual peruana, cumplió un rol decisivo a lo largo de todo ese proceso: se graduó de abogado, planteó reformas radicales, optó por el separatismo y participó activamente en la organización del nuevo Estado.

River ferries were historically important in crossing medium- and large-sized watercourses, with rivers often a barrier to trade routes and journeys. Using old medium-scale Austrian military topographic maps from 1763–1768, 1836–1852, and 1876–1880, Prussian maps from 1825 and 1877, and Czechoslovakian maps from 1953–1955, we systematically localized the ferries within what is now the Czech Republic over a monitoring period between the mid-18th century and the present. We also analyzed the map keys of relevant surveys to examine ways of depicting the ferries in the maps. In this context, a database of river ferries in the Czech Republic was prepared in GIS, containing all localities where river crossing ferries were shown on the topographic maps. A total of 514 historical ferry sites were identified on the military mapping survey maps, with an additional 28 recognized from auxiliary sources that did not appear in the military topographic maps. The sample information obtained from the maps was also verified by using independent sources.

Juvenile dispersal is important for the persistence of ​amphibian populations. Previous studies have observed nonrandom orientation in juvenile amphibians emigrating from breeding ponds; however, the environmental cues associated with these movements are not well understood. We examined the emigration behavior of recently metamorphosed juveniles of three pond-breeding amphibian species from three woodland ponds. We found that juvenile small-mouthed salamanders ( Ambystoma texanum (Matthes, 1855)), American toads ( Bufo americanus Holbrook, 1836), and wood frogs ( Rana sylvatica LeConte, 1825) exhibited nonrandom orientation upon exiting the breeding ponds. Furthermore, we found a positive relationship between captures of juvenile small-mouthed salamanders and wood frogs and width of the surrounding forest habitat, indicating that these species are selecting areas with broader forested habitat upon exiting the breeding ponds. Our results indicate that migrating juvenile amphibians may rely on direct environmental cues because the orientation of small-mouthed salamanders and wood frogs was influenced by width of the surrounding forested habitat. These observations support previous studies suggesting that maintaining forest habitat, along at least a portion of breeding ponds, is important for the persistence of amphibian populations.

Introduction. The article deals with the emergence and activities by the Kalmyk Affairs Commission which administered the Kalmyk Steppe of Astrakhan Governorate between 1826 and 1836. Given that the Kalmyks had a script of their own — todo bichig (Clear Script) — and were conducting extensive correspondence, it is necessary to analyze how they organized work with those documents. Of particular importance are insights into structures and contents of documents, scientific reference materials for Collection И-2 ‘Kalmyk Affairs Commission’ that make it possible to analyze and identify ef-forts once undertaken by the Commission in pre-revolutionary period. Goals. The article aims at exploring areas of the Commission’s activity, investigat-ing records management practices, analyzing types of documents. Results. Old Kalmyk language documents are unique written sources on everyday life of the Kalmyks in pre-revolutionary Russia. The research results shall serve a basis for further theoretical and applied works in public administration, center-periphery interaction, and records keeping practices pertaining to Clear Script documents.

Pond-breeding amphibians from temperate regions undertake overland migrations to reproduce in aquatic habitats. In turn, their offspring metamorphose and emigrate to upland, terrestrial habitats. We examined the diel patterns and daily variability of migrations of adult and juvenile amphibians in response to climatic cues. Of the eight species ( Ambystoma talpoideum (Holbrook, 1838), Ambystoma tigrinum (Green, 1825), Bufo terrestris (Bonnaterre, 1789), Hyla gratiosa LeConte, 1856, Pseudacris crucifer (Wied-Neuwid, 1838), Pseudacris ornata (Holbrook, 1836), Rana sphenocephala Cope, 1886, and Scaphiopus holbrookii (Harlan, 1935)) that we observed, all migrated almost exclusively at night except for the recently metamorphosed B. terrestris, which frequently migrated diurnally (>50% of captures). Additionally, we correlated daily captures of adult and juvenile A. talpoideum, A. tigrinum, B. terrestris, and R. sphenocephala to maximum and minimum daily temperatures, number of previous days without rain, total rainfall during the previous 24 h, and interactions of these variables. Rain was often the most important predictor of amphibian movements. However, species differed in their response to climatic factors, with some species and age classes being more dependent on rain for migrations than others. Rapid changes in regional weather patterns may affect species’ migrations differently, possibly altering arrival times of reproductive adults or affecting the likelihood of successful migrations.

Water molds are widespread in aquatic environments and are important causes of mortality in amphibian and fish eggs. We tested the ability of two species of North American anurans with different breeding phenologies ( Rana sylvatica LeConte, 1825 and Bufo americanus Holbrook, 1836) to alter their hatching timing in response to three indicators of environmental risk: infection with a water mold, exposure to simulated egg predation cues, or exposure to simulated larval predation cues. When infected with water mold (Saprolegniaceae), B. americanus eggs hatched, on average, 44% earlier than the controls and R. sylvatica eggs hatched 19% earlier than the controls. In addition, B. americanus but not R. sylvatica eggs hatched significantly earlier than the controls when exposed to simulated egg and larval predation cues. Bufo americanus embryos hatched before developing muscular response, suggesting that hatching occurs through enzymatic egg capsule degradation combined with ciliary movement, not through behavior. Bufo americanus breeds later than R. sylvatica and responded to infection and simulated predation cues more strongly. This may reflect a history of stronger selection by pathogens and predators that accumulate in ponds as the breeding season progresses. To our knowledge, these are the first examples of induced hatching of amphibians in response to aquatic pathogens.

AbstractIn this study, muscle samples collected from Planiliza subviridis (Valenciennes, 1836) and Ellochelon vaigiensis (Quoy & Gaimard, 1825) caught on the Balochistan coast (Damb Harbor) between January and December 2015 (during the northeast monsoon, post-monsoon and pre-monsoon seasons, and the southwest monsoon) were analyzed to determine concentrations of heavy metals: iron, zinc, copper, manganese, cadmium and lead by an atomic absorption spectrophotometer, expressed per unit of dry weight of each sample. The average measured level of Fe, Zn, Cu, Mn, Cd and Pb for P. subviridis was 26.70 ± 11.49 μg g−1, 13.82 ± 4.56 μg g−1, 1.66 ± 0.84 μg g−1, 0.24 ± 0.10 μg g−1, 0.06 ± 0.07 μg g−1 and 0.17 ± 0.14 μg g−1, respectively. The average level of the same metals for E. vaigiensis was 29.26 ± 10.18 μg g−1, 18.85 ± 6.28 μg g−1, 2.18 ± 1.01 μg g−1, 0.32 ± 0.14 μg g−1, 0.25 ± 0.11 μg g−1 and 0.30 ± 0.12 μg g−1, respectively. The highest Pb accumulation (0.56 μg g−1 and 0.61 μg g−1) detected in P. subviridis and E. vaigiensis is above the limit value (0.50 μg g−1) reported by FAO, hence the accumulation of Pb in these two fish species should be monitored in the future.

We used high-speed videography of staged encounters between tadpoles of either Bufo americanus Holbrook, 1836 or Rana sylvatica LeConte, 1825 and Echinostoma Rudolphi, 1809 cercariae to understand why echinostomatoid trematodes, such as species from the genera Echinostoma and Ribeiroia Travassos, 1939 (implicated in anuran limb deformities), attack specific anatomical regions of tadpoles. Bufo and Rana tadpoles can shed cercariae on their skin from some parts of their body more easily than others. In particular, cercariae that enter the "dead-water zone" at the junction of a tadpole's body and tail appear particularly difficult for tadpoles to brush off. Cercariae that reach this recess can easily enter the inguinal region of tadpoles (as do Ribeiroia spp.) or ascend the tadpole's cloaca (as do Echinostoma spp.). When tadpoles sense cercariae contacting their skin they make explosive movements to shed those parasites. Factors that reduce tadpoles' activity, such as predator threat or certain pesticides, may increase a tadpole's susceptibility to echinostomatoid infection. Because Bufo tadpoles are unpalatable to many predators, they can afford to make more conspicuous evasive maneuvers than Rana tadpoles, and do so in the laboratory. Bufo tadpoles in the field also have a lower rate and different anatomical distribution pattern of Ribeiroia infection than Rana tadpoles. Factors that reduce tadpole activity in the field may act synergistically to increase parasite loads and subsequent deformities in anurans.

During the nineteenth century, the High Church revival tradition initiated by Henric Schartau (1757-1825) was widely spread and accepted in western Sweden. According to Bishop Wordsworth of Salisbury, Schartau ‘had something of the character of Dr. Pusey in his relation to those who consulted him, but, in his position at Lund, and his general influence, he was perhaps more like his English contemporary, Charles Simeon (1759-1836), at Cambridge’. Wordsworth found great merit in his teaching, being ‘strong and spiritual, and without the defects of Moravian or Pietistic sentimentality’. During his Scandinavian journey in 1889, Randall Davidson characterized the followers of Schartau as a High Church party in their emphasis on private confession and their strict rules of conduct. On the other hand he found them to be zealous about the Sabbath, and preaching conversion in a quasi-Methodist way. Here, we shall study this movement through the examples of three women of urban culture. The Schartau tradition has been studied mainly with emphasis on its doctrines and clergy, and as a rural tradition connected to the unchanging values and structures of the old rural society. Through these examples of urban women, the general impact of the tradition is widened, and the emphasis is put on the changes in reception of the tradition among lay people in a changing society.

Abstract. Combined records of snow accumulation rate, δ18O and deuterium excess were produced from several shallow ice cores and snow pits at NEEM (North Greenland Eemian Ice Drilling), covering the period from 1724 to 2007. They are used to investigate recent climate variability and characterise the isotope–temperature relationship. We find that NEEM records are only weakly affected by inter-annual changes in the North Atlantic Oscillation. Decadal δ18O and accumulation variability is related to North Atlantic sea surface temperature and is enhanced at the beginning of the 19th century. No long-term trend is observed in the accumulation record. By contrast, NEEM δ18O shows multidecadal increasing trends in the late 19th century and since the 1980s. The strongest annual positive δ18O values are recorded at NEEM in 1928 and 2010, while maximum accumulation occurs in 1933. The last decade is the most enriched in δ18O (warmest), while the 11-year periods with the strongest depletion (coldest) are depicted at NEEM in 1815–1825 and 1836–1846, which are also the driest 11-year periods. The NEEM accumulation and δ18O records are strongly correlated with outputs from atmospheric models, nudged to atmospheric reanalyses. Best performance is observed for ERA reanalyses. Gridded temperature reconstructions, instrumental data and model outputs at NEEM are used to estimate the multidecadal accumulation–temperature and δ18O–temperature relationships for the strong warming period in 1979–2007. The accumulation sensitivity to temperature is estimated at 11 ± 2 % °C−1 and the δ18O–temperature slope at 1.1 ± 0.2 ‰ °C−1, about twice as large as previously used to estimate last interglacial temperature change from the bottom part of the NEEM deep ice core.

Abstract. Combined records of snow accumulation rate, δ18O and deuterium excess were produced from several shallow ice cores and snow pits at NEEM (north-west Greenland), covering the period from 1724 to 2007. They are used to investigate recent climate variability and characterize the isotope–temperature relationship. We find that NEEM records are only weakly affected by inter-annual changes in the North Atlantic Oscillation. Decadal δ18O and accumulation variability is related to North Atlantic SST, and enhanced at the beginning of the 19th century. No long-term trend is observed in the accumulation record. By contrast, NEEM δ18O shows multi-decadal increasing trends in the late 19th century and since the 1980s. The strongest annual positive δ18O anomaly values are recorded at NEEM in 1928 and 2010, while maximum accumulation occurs in 1933. The last decade is the most enriched in δ18O (warmest), while the 11-year periods with the strongest depletion (coldest) are depicted at NEEM in 1815–1825 and 1836–1846, which are also the driest 11-year periods. The NEEM accumulation and δ18O records are strongly correlated with outputs from atmospheric models, nudged to atmospheric reanalyses. Best performance is observed for ERA reanalyses. Gridded temperature reconstructions, instrumental data and model outputs at NEEM are used to estimate the multi-decadal accumulation–temperature and δ18O–temperature relationships for the strong warming period in 1979–2007. The accumulation sensitivity to temperature is estimated at 11 ± 2% °C−1 and the δ18O–temperature slope at 1.1 ± 0.2‰ °C−1, about twice larger than previously used to estimate last interglacial temperature change from the bottom part of the NEEM deep ice core.

The U–Pb geochronology of three granitoid plutons and three granitic pegmatite dykes, largely from the Thompson Nickel Belt located along the northwestern Superior craton margin, was investigated to place constraints on the timing of felsic magmatism associated with closure of the Manikewan Ocean and final continent–continent collision to form the Trans-Hudson Orogen. These data indicate that 1840–1820 Ma granite magmatism along the Superior margin was more active than previously thought and that some magmatism extended beyond the Thompson Nickel Belt sensu stricto, including the 1836 ± 3 Ma Mystery Lake granodiorite, 1822 ± 5 Ma Wintering Lake granodiorite, and the 1825 ± 8 Ma Fox Lake granite located in the Split Lake Block. Granitic pegmatites within the Thompson Nickel Belt were emplaced late in the collisional history in the period 1.79–1.75 Ga and include a 1770 ± 2 Ma dyke exposed at the Thompson pit, a 1767 ± 6 Ma dyke at the Pipe Pit, and a 1786 ± 2 Ma dyke located at Paint Lake. The final stage of crustal amalgamation in the eastern Trans-Hudson Orogen involved Superior Province crustal thickening and partial melting forming 1.84–1.82 Ga granite magmas and then final collision at ∼1.8 Ga between the Superior Province and a continental block to the west consisting of the previously amalgamated Sask and Hearne cratons. Heating of the Superior craton margin and granitic magmatism continued past peak metamorphism (1790–1750 Ma); this thermal event is represented by the emplacement of numerous late pegmatite dykes and evidenced by cooling dates recorded by metamorphic minerals (e.g., titanite) in reworked Archean gneisses and Proterozoic intrusions.

Abstract Andréfouët, S., Friedman, K., Gilbert, A., and Remoissenet, G. 2009. A comparison of two surveys of invertebrates at Pacific Ocean islands: the giant clam at Raivavae Island, Australes Archipelago, French Polynesia. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 66: 1825–1836. An assessment of invertebrate fisheries is currently taking place at several Pacific Ocean islands. The objectives are to obtain either detailed information on certain stocks at limited sites or to assess more broadly a variety of benthic resources across different islands. In French Polynesia, giant clam (Tridacna maxima) populations were surveyed by Service de la Pêche and Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (SPE/IRD). Sampling was optimized to determine stock abundance as a tool to enhance management of the clam fishery. Currently, the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) is investigating throughout the Pacific the status of invertebrate resources; a large-scale study not necessarily establishing a precise stock estimate for resources such as clams, but comparing resource status for several target species using coverage, density, and size measures. Raivavae Island (French Polynesia) was investigated by both programmes and offered an opportunity to verify whether the different sampling schedules provided consistent perspectives of the status of the T. maxima resource. The different strategies that SPE/IRD and SPC adopted resulted in no direct spatial overlap between the locations investigated: nevertheless, the ranges of densities and clam sizes recorded were generally consistent between surveys, and both programmes described similar spatial variation in clam presence at an island scale. SPE/IRD provided a detailed map of clam densities per habitat using a high-resolution satellite image, which yielded an estimated standing stock of 8.16 ± 0.91 million clams, representing a flesh biomass of 354 ± 41 t. SPC's study delivered coverage, density, and clam length, but no stock estimate. Unavailable from SPE/IRD, SPC also described the status of a variety of important invertebrate species targeted by fishers in the Pacific. Both programmes independently made similar fishery management recommendations. The relative merits and complementarities of the two approaches in the context of Pacific Ocean Island resource management are discussed.

Nomenclatural issues pertaining to selected non-marine gastropods of Cretaceous and Tertiary age are discussed and resolved as follows. [1] Viviparus hammeri (Defrance, 1825) is reinstated; Helicites viviparoides Schlotheim, 1820 is a nomen nudum, made available as Paludina viviparoides Bronn, 1848, a new objective synonym. [2] Viviparus frauenfeldi Le Renard, 1994 is a new objective synonym of Viviparus oulchyensis Wenz, 1919. [3] Lorus is proposed as a nomen novum for Liris Conrad, 1871 [nec Fabricius, 1804]. [3] Wesselinghia is proposed as a nomen novum for Longosoma Wesselingh & Kadolsky, 2006 [nec Hartman, 1944]. [4] Hydrobia incerta (Deshayes, 1862) is reinstated; Hydrobia antoni Le Renard, 1994 is a new objective synonym of this nomen. [5] The species Paludina frauenfeldi Hoernes, 1856 is designated as type species of Sarmata B. Dybowski & Grochmalicki, 1920. [6] The misidentified type species of Annulifer Cossmann, 1921, so far known as ‘Paludina protracta sensu Cossmann 1921, non Eichwald, 1850’, is fixed under Article 70.3 of the Code as understood by Cossmann (1921), and renamed Annulifer annulifer new species. [7] Pomatias turgidulus (Sandberger, 1872) is reinstated; P. turonicus Wenz, 1923 and Cyclostoma squamosum Peyrot, 1932 are its new objective synonyms. [8] Valvata inflata Sandberger, 1875 is reinstated; V. gaudryana Wenz, 1928 [nec Mortillet, 1863] is its new objective synonym. [8] Catinella? montana Pierce, new species, originally published as “[Succineidae] montana Pierce, 1992”, is made available by associating the species epithet with a generic nomen. [9] Proalbinaria subantiqua (d’Orbigny, 1850) is reinstated; its senior synonym Pupa antiqua Matheron, 1832 is a primary junior homonym of Pupa muscorum antiqua Eichwald, 1830. [10] The type species of Palaeostoa Andreae, 1884 is Pupa fontenayi Sandberger, 1871 by subsequent designation by Cossmann (1905), which has precedence over the designation of Clausilia crenata Sandberger, 1871 by Wenz (1923). [11] Palaeostoa elongata (Melleville, 1843), whose original combination was Pupa elongata, is a primary junior homonym of Pupa elongata Bouillet, 1836, an unused name for an unidentified nominal species; pending more information on the taxon at stake, maintenance of the existing usage is recommended. [12] Scalaxis columnella (Deshayes, 1863) is reinstated, with Scalaxis sinister Wenz, 1923 as its new synonym. [13] Eurystrophe olla (Serres, 1844) is reinstated, with Helix janthinoides Noulet, 1868 [nec Helix janthinoides Serres, 1829, a nomen nudum] as its new synonym.

In 1867 William Sharpey (1802–80), Professor of General Anatomy and Physiology at University College, London, appointed Michael Foster to the unique post of Teacher of Practical Physiology; in Britain the study of experimental physiology was dormant. In 1870 Foster accepted a Praelectorship in Physiology at Trinity College, Cambridge, and soon established a school of physiology. He was the first Cambridge Professor of Physiology (1883–1903). Foster, a great teacher, had a remarkable ability to attract talented students and to inspire them to undertake research. He himself took inspiration from the scientific philosophy of Thomas Henry Huxley (1825–95) and of Claude Bernard (1813–78). Foster was active in the foundation of the Physiological Society (1876), and founded and edited the Journal of Physiology (1878). He was interested in the scientific training of medical students and wrote a highly lauded Text Book of Physiology (1877). Physiology became a profession in its own right and British physiologists were in the vanguard of research.

Grundtvig’s Experience in a Wood in 1811 and his subsequent sermons on the miraculous draught of fishes.By Christian Thodberg.It is common knowledge that in connection with the revival of his Christianity Grundtvig suffered a breakdown in December 1810, after which he returned with his friend, F. C. Sibbern, to his home village and his parents in Udby, South Zealand. However, in May 1811, after a stay in Copenhagen, he was again on his way to Udby to become curate for his aging father when he had an equally important experience in the wood outside Udby which has hitherto passed apparently unheeded. He describes it in a contemporary poem to Sibbern himself.In an attack of despondency, brought on by the sight of Udby church and his childhood home and by the thought of his forthcoming ministry, he knelt down in the wood and read I Cor. 15: 55-58. Grundtvig had been ordained in Copenhagen on May 29th, but in the wood two days later he experienced a special call to the priesthood. The nature of this experience is clearly visible in his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes (Luke 5: 1-11), given 22 years later on July 7th 1833. In the sermon Grundtvig relates the experience and adds that the Lord Himself had spoken to him on that occasion and had called him with the words used to Simon Peter: “Let down the net. From henceforth thou shalt catch men!”A closer analysis of Grundtvig’s sermons from 1811 until his death in 1872 shows that over the years it is on the 5th Sunday after Trinity that he reflects on the Lord’s special call to him, and thus on his life’s special destiny. He uses Peter’s catch as his starting-point, both because of Jesus’ words to Peter and because the frightened and kneeling Peter in the gospel story undoubtedly reminds Grundtvig of his situation and literal position in the wood on Friday May 31st 1811.In his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity 1811 the call motif does not appear; on the other hand he does use the biblical themes of Ezek. 47: 8-10 and Amos 8: 11, which are repeated in the later sermons on the miraculous draught. The unfinished sermon of 1812 is of a quite different order, but the very long sermon in 1818 is such a penetrating analysis of the preacher’s situation that it reveals Grundtvig’s extremely personal relationship to the account of Peter’s call. The same tension can be felt in the three drafts for the sermon of 1821; the last draft is continued in the major prose-poem sermon of 1822. The theme is “listening to God’s Word”, and the sermon is divided into five images: the first depicts the days of the ancient covenant, when the Jews refused to listen and ended up under the curse of slavery; the second is John the Baptist’s sermon; the third is Jesus’ teachings and works, while the fourth is the Church’s enthusiastic reflection on this central vision. The fifth image is basically Grundtvig’s own prophecy for the near future and for himself; for it is he himself who through his coming activity in Copenhagen, Denmark’s Jerusalem, will be the crucial link in the renewal of the salvation story. So self-conscious a sermon could not but have its source in a personal revelation, that is, the experience om May 31st 1811. The first sermon in Copenhagen in 1823 already includes the biblical themes mentioned above and describes the coming Christian revival. In the highly-charged sermon of 1824 Grundtvig clearly recalls the beginning of his ministry in 1811 and confesses that he has never preached better! This particular sermon of 1824 affords grounds for an analysis of the two central poems from that year: The Land o f the Living and N ew Year’s Morn, which were most probably written in June and July 1824 respectively. The Land o f the Living contains three sequences: 1) the childhood dream, 2) the vain dream of the adult worldling, and 3) the childhood dream recovered. The same three themes are also to be found in the poem to Sibbern, and the experience in the wood in 1811 offers a plausible explanation of the break between stanzas 1-6 and 7-13, i.e. between the description of the vain dream of the adult worldling and the childhood dream recovered. In fact it is compelling to regard stanzas 7-8 as a retelling in poetic form of the experience in the wood. The same experience would also seem to have left a significant trace in N ew Year’s Morn, in stanza 54 where there are similarities as regards both content and language between the Sibbern poem of 1811 and the retelling of the experience in the wood in the sermon of 1824.Among the reworked sermons in The Sunday Book we find in Vol. II (1828) a memoir of 1811 in a sermon on the miraculous draught of fishes, but the personal experience is emphasised by the stress, under the inspiration of Irenaeus, on the human as a prerequisite for the Christian. The gospel of the day must be particularly comforting to people torn between fear and hope – like Grundtvig in 1811. Jesus’ calling of Peter is again recalled in 1832 as the basic premise for Grundtvig’s own ministry. The sermon of 1833 - the cornerstone of this survey - has already been mentioned. In 1834 Jesus’ words to Peter are underlined with a minor gloss: fisher of living men, from which Grundtvig argues for his new view of the Church: the capacious Church. People must not be forced into Christianity, and they must be allowed to choose the priest they wish to attach themselves to. In 1835 Grundtvig recalls his ordination in 1811. In 1836 the human aspect of the sermon is emphasised, as it is in The Sunday Book.In 1837 Grundtvig uses the call of Peter to consider the justification of lay preaching - presumably because he himself received a direct call in 1811. In 1838 the Irenaeus inspiration culminates. The dangerous life of a fisherman is a precise image of the rightness of Grundtvig’s well-known thesis: First a Man, then a Christian. In 1839 the experience in the wood is retold, this time in even more detail than in 1833; while in 1840 Grundtvig demonstratively sets his two great “revelations” up against one another: the experience in the wood in 1811 and the “unparalleled discovery” of baptism and the eucharist in 1825. From now on it is clear to him that the later “revelation’ is the greater, a belief he finally confirms in his sermon of 1842. Irenaeus continues to inspire him in the sermons of 1841 and 1844, underlining yet again Grundtvig’s personal relationship to the account of the miraculous draught. In the remainder of Grundtvig’s preaching life the, experience of 1811 is less strongly recalled on the 5th Sunday after Trinity, though it does happen both in 1856 and in 1861.The survey shows that the experience has been of central significance to the revival of Grundtvig’s faith, and that right into the 1840s it is an important starting-point for his understanding of himself as a Christian. The sermon on the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes thus becomes an interesting guideline to an appreciation of Grundtvig’s personal and theological development.

In het begin van de 19e eeuw had kanunnik Petrus Jozef Triest (1760-1836) te Gent twee congregaties opgericht: de Zusters van Liefde (1803) en de Broeders van Liefde (1807); in 1825 richtte hij ook de Broeders van Sint Jan te Deo op. De Broeders van Liefde zetten zich in voor de misdeelden, de armen, de vondelingen, de blinden, de doofstommen, de krankzinnigen. In 1815 namen de Broeders de zorg op zich voor de “gekken” die in ketens en mensonterende omstandigheden in het Geeraard de Duivelsteen werden opgesloten.

AbstractJacques-Louis David’s (1748–1825) iconic portrait of Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (1743–1794) and Marie-Anne Lavoisier (Marie-Anne Pierrette Paulze, 1758–1836) has come to epitomize a modern couple born of the Enlightenment. An analytical approach that combined macro-X-ray fluorescence with the examination and microanalysis of samples by Raman spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy-energy dispersive X-ray spectrometry to investigate imprecise indications of changes to the composition observed by microscopy and infrared refectography allowed the visualization of a hidden composition with a high level of detail. The results revealed that the first version depicted not the progressive, scientific-minded couple that we see today, but their other identity, that of wealthy tax collectors and fashionable luxury consumers. The first version and the changes to the composition are placed in the context of David’s mastery of the oil painting technique by examining how he concealed colorful features in the first composition by using paint mixtures that allowed for maximum coverage with thin paint layers. The limitations of the analytical techniques used are also discussed. To our knowledge, this is the first in-depth technical study of a painting by J.-L. David.

U radu je prikazano osnivanje veterinarskog školstva od samog početka u Lyonu 1762. g. do 1919. kada je osnovan Veterinarski fakultet u Zagrebu, a spomenuti su i osnivači, odnosno ravnatelji nekih tadašnjih veterinarskih škola. Prikazan je i pregled civilne i vojne organizacije veterinarstva po pojedinim tadašnjim državama. Budući da su veterinari u Hrvatskoj bili većinom školovani u Beču, to ćemo razvoj školstva i veterinarstva u Beču obraditi u posebnom radu. U Francuskoj je 1880. g. uz 419 vojnih veterinara djelovalo i 3 015 civilnih veterinara, ili ukupno 3 434 veterinara. U talijanskoj vojsci ukupno je bilo 142 veterinara, a u španjolskoj vojsci je 1881. g. bilo ukupno 252 veterinara. U belgijskoj vojsci 1868. g. bilo je 34 vojnih dok je bilo i 392 civilnih veterinara, a u Austriji u civilnoj službi bio je 297 veterinara. U Saskoj 1874. g. djeluje više od 200 civilnih veterinara i oko 40 vojnih veterinara, koji od 1864. g. imaju zajedničko veterinarsko društvo. U Prusiji se iz Naredbe od 21. 5. 1875. g. veterinarstvo potpuno odvaja od lječništva, a uz vojne veterinare bilo je ukupno 1 700 civilnih veterinara, i to 39 oblasnih, 422 kotarska, 16 graničnih i oko 1 000 privatnih veterinara. U Badenu su djelovala 54 kotarska veterinara, 65 u slobodnoj praksi i 20 vojnih veterinara i veterinarskih referenata, a u Würtenbergu je bilo 268 civilnih veterinara i 31 veterinar uposlen u vojsci. Nastava je u 19. stoljeću u Francuskoj u Lyonu od 1813. g. trajala 2, odnosno 3 godine, a od 1825. g. trajala je 4 godine. U Španjolskoj je nastava trajala 4, odnosno 5 godina. U Mađarskoj je u Budimpešti nastava 1851. g. godine trajala 2 semestra, a od 1875. g. trajala je 3 godine da bi od 1899. g. bila produžena na 4 godine, potom od 1922. g. studij traje 9, a od 1951. g. 10 semestara. U Njemačkoj je u Hannoveru nastava do 1845. g. trajala 2 godine, a od 1851. produžava se na 3 godine. U Berlinu nastava od 1836. g. traje 6 ili 7 semestara, a od 1878. g. sva je nastava produžena na 7 semestara. U Njemačkoj je u Münchenu studij od 1790. g. trajao 3 godine.

Special Care Notice This paper discusses trauma and violence inflicted upon the Indigenous peoples of Tasmania through the process of colonisation. Content within this paper may be distressing to some readers. Introduction The decimation of the First Peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) was systematic and swift. First Contact was an emotionally, intellectually, physically, and spiritually confronting series of encounters for the Indigenous inhabitants. There were, according to some early records, a few examples of peaceful interactions (Morris 84). Yet, the inevitable competition over resources, and the intensity with which colonists pursued their “claims” for food, land, and water, quickly transformed amicable relationships into hostile rivalries. Jennifer Gall has written that, as “European settlement expanded in the late 1820s, violent exchanges between settlers and Aboriginal people were frequent, brutal and unchecked” (58). Indeed, the near-annihilation of the original custodians of the land was, if viewed through the lens of time, a process that could be described as one that was especially efficient. As John Morris notes: in 1803, when the first settlers arrived in Van Diemen’s Land, the Aborigines had already inhabited the island for some 25,000 years and the population has been estimated at 4,000. Seventy-three years later, Truganinni, [often cited as] the last Tasmanian of full Aboriginal descent, was dead. (84) Against a backdrop of extreme violence, often referred to as the Black War (Clements 1), there were some, admittedly dubious, efforts to contain the bloodshed. One such effort, in the late 1820s, was the production, and subsequent distribution, of a set of Proclamation Boards. Approximately 100 Proclamation Boards (the Board) were introduced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur (after whom Port Arthur on the Tasman Peninsula is named). The purpose of these Boards was to communicate, via a four-strip pictogram, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony that all people—black and white—were considered equal under the law. “British Justice would protect” everyone (Morris 84). This is reflected in the narrative of the Boards. The first image presents Indigenous peoples and colonists living peacefully together. The second, and central, image shows “a conciliatory handshake between the British governor and an Aboriginal ‘chief’, highly reminiscent of images found in North America on treaty medals and anti-slavery tokens” (Darian-Smith and Edmonds 4). The third and fourth images depict the repercussions for committing murder, with an Indigenous man hanged for spearing a colonist and a European man also hanged for shooting an Aborigine. Both men executed under “gubernatorial supervision” (Turnbull 53). Image 1: Governor Davey's [sic - actually Governor Arthur's] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic - actually c. 1828-30]. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (Call Number: SAFE / R 247). The Board is an interesting re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of images on the bark of trees. Such trees, often referred to as scarred trees, are rare in modern-day Tasmania as “the expansion of settlements, and the impact of bush fires and other environmental factors” resulted in many of these trees being destroyed (Aboriginal Heritage Tasmania online). Similarly, only a few of the Boards, inspired by these trees, survive today. The Proclamation Board was, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of a different Governor: Lieutenant Governor Davey (after whom Port Davey, on the south-west coast of Tasmania is named). This re-imagining of the Board’s creator was so effective that the Board, today, is popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines. This paper outlines several other re-imaginings of this Board. In addition, this paper offers another, new, re-imagining of the Board, positing that this is an early “pamphlet” on crime, justice and punishment which actually presents as a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. In doing so this work connects the Proclamation Board to the larger genre of crime fiction. One Proclamation Board: Two Governors Labelled Van Diemen’s Land and settled as a colony of New South Wales in 1803, this island state would secede from the administration of mainland Australia in 1825. Another change would follow in 1856 when Van Diemen’s Land was, in another process of re-imagining, officially re-named Tasmania. This change in nomenclature was an initiative to, symbolically at least, separate the contemporary state from a criminal and violent past (Newman online). Tasmania’s violent history was, perhaps, inevitable. The island was claimed by Philip Gidley King, the Governor of New South Wales, in the name of His Majesty, not for the purpose of building a community, but to “prevent the French from gaining a footing on the east side of that island” and also to procure “timber and other natural products, as well as to raise grain and to promote the seal industry” (Clark 36). Another rationale for this land claim was to “divide the convicts” (Clark 36) which re-fashioned the island into a gaol. It was this penal element of the British colonisation of Australia that saw the worst of the British Empire forced upon the Aboriginal peoples. As historian Clive Turnbull explains: the brutish state of England was reproduced in the English colonies, and that in many ways its brutishness was increased, for now there came to Australia not the humanitarians or the indifferent, but the men who had vested interests in the systems of restraint; among those who suffered restraint were not only a vast number who were merely unfortunate and poverty-stricken—the victims of a ‘depression’—but brutalised persons, child-slaughterers and even potential cannibals. (Turnbull 25) As noted above the Black War of Tasmania saw unprecedented aggression against the rightful occupants of the land. Yet, the Aboriginal peoples were “promised the white man’s justice, the people [were] exhorted to live in amity with them, the wrongs which they suffer [were] deplored” (Turnbull 23). The administrators purported an egalitarian society, one of integration and peace but Van Diemen’s Land was colonised as a prison and as a place of profit. So, “like many apologists whose material benefit is bound up with the systems which they defend” (Turnbull 23), assertions of care for the health and welfare of the Aboriginal peoples were made but were not supported by sufficient policies, or sufficient will, and the Black War continued. Colonel Thomas Davey (1758-1823) was the second person to serve as Lieutenant Governor of Van Diemen’s Land; a term of office that began in 1813 and concluded in 1817. The fourth Lieutenant Governor of the island was Colonel Sir George Arthur (1784-1854); his term of office, significantly longer than Davey’s, being from 1824 to 1836. The two men were very different but are connected through this intriguing artefact, the Proclamation Board. One of the efforts made to assert the principle of equality under the law in Van Diemen’s Land was an outcome of work undertaken by Surveyor General George Frankland (1800-1838). Frankland wrote to Arthur in early 1829 and suggested the Proclamation Board (Morris 84), sometimes referred to as a Picture Board or the Tasmanian Hieroglyphics, as a tool to support Arthur’s various Proclamations. The Proclamation, signed on 15 April 1828 and promulgated in the The Hobart Town Courier on 19 April 1828 (Arthur 1), was one of several notices attempting to reduce the increasing levels of violence between Indigenous peoples and colonists. The date on Frankland’s correspondence clearly situates the Proclamation Board within Arthur’s tenure as Lieutenant Governor. The Board was, however, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of Davey. The Clerk of the Tasmanian House of Assembly, Hugh M. Hull, asserted that the Board was the work of Davey and not Arthur. Hull’s rationale for this, despite archival evidence connecting the Board to Frankland and, by extension, to Arthur, is predominantly anecdotal. In a letter to the editor of The Hobart Mercury, published 26 November 1874, Hull wrote: this curiosity was shown by me to the late Mrs Bateman, neé Pitt, a lady who arrived here in 1804, and with whom I went to school in 1822. She at once recognised it as one of a number prepared in 1816, under Governor Davey’s orders; and said she had seen one hanging on a gum tree at Cottage Green—now Battery Point. (3) Hull went on to assert that “if any old gentleman will look at the picture and remember the style of military and civil dress of 1810-15, he will find that Mrs Bateman was right” (3). Interestingly, Hull relies upon the recollections of a deceased school friend and the dress codes depicted by the artist to date the Proclamation Board as a product of 1816, in lieu of documentary evidence dating the Board as a product of 1828-1830. Curiously, the citation of dress can serve to undermine Hull’s argument. An early 1840s watercolour by Thomas Bock, of Mathinna, an Aboriginal child of Flinders Island adopted by Lieutenant Governor John Franklin (Felton online), features the young girl wearing a brightly coloured, high-waisted dress. This dress is very similar to the dresses worn by the children on the Proclamation Board (the difference being that Mathinna wears a red dress with a contrasting waistband, the children on the Board wear plain yellow dresses) (Bock). Acknowledging the simplicity of children's clothing during the colonial era, it could still be argued that it would have been unlikely the Governor of the day would have placed a child, enjoying at that time a life of privilege, in a situation where she sat for a portrait wearing an old-fashioned garment. So effective was Hull’s re-imagining of the Board’s creator that the Board was, for many years, popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with even the date modified, to 1816, to fit Davey’s term of office. Further, it is worth noting that catalogue records acknowledge the error of attribution and list both Davey and Arthur as men connected to the creation of the Proclamation Board. A Surviving Board: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales One of the surviving Proclamation Boards is held by the Mitchell Library. The Boards, oil on Huon pine, were painted by “convict artists incarcerated in the island penal colony” (Carroll 73). The work was mass produced (by the standards of mass production of the day) by pouncing, “a technique [of the Italian Renaissance] of pricking the contours of a drawing with a pin. Charcoal was then dusted on to the drawing” (Carroll 75-76). The images, once outlined, were painted in oil. Of approximately 100 Boards made, several survive today. There are seven known Boards within public collections (Gall 58): five in Australia (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, Sydney; Museum Victoria, Melbourne; National Library of Australia, Canberra; Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart; and Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston); and two overseas (The Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University and the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University of Cambridge). The catalogue record, for the Board held by the Mitchell Library, offers the following details:Paintings: 1 oil painting on Huon pine board, rectangular in shape with rounded corners and hole at top centre for suspension ; 35.7 x 22.6 x 1 cm. 4 scenes are depicted:Aborigines and white settlers in European dress mingling harmoniouslyAboriginal men and women, and an Aboriginal child approach Governor Arthur to shake hands while peaceful soldiers look onA hostile Aboriginal man spears a male white settler and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks onA hostile white settler shoots an Aboriginal man and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks on. (SAFE / R 247) The Mitchell Library Board was purchased from J.W. Beattie in May 1919 for £30 (Morris 86), which is approximately $2,200 today. Importantly, the title of the record notes both the popular attribution of the Board and the man who actually instigated the Board’s production: “Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30].” The date of the Board is still a cause of some speculation. The earlier date, 1828, marks the declaration of martial law (Turnbull 94) and 1830 marks the Black Line (Edmonds 215); the attempt to form a human line of white men to force many Tasmanian Aboriginals, four of the nine nations, onto the Tasman Peninsula (Ryan 3). Frankland’s suggestion for the Board was put forward on 4 February 1829, with Arthur’s official Conciliator to the Aborigines, G.A. Robinson, recording his first sighting of a Board on 24 December 1829 (Morris 84-85). Thus, the conception of the Board may have been in 1828 but the Proclamation project was not fully realised until 1830. Indeed, a news item on the Proclamation Board did appear in the popular press, but not until 5 March 1830: We are informed that the Government have given directions for the painting of a large number of pictures to be placed in the bush for the contemplation of the Aboriginal Inhabitants. […] However […] the causes of their hostility must be more deeply probed, or their taste as connoisseurs in paintings more clearly established, ere we can look for any beneficial result from this measure. (Colonial Times 2) The remark made in relation to becoming a connoisseur of painting, though intended to be derogatory, makes some sense. There was an assumption that the Indigenous peoples could easily translate a European-styled execution by hanging, as a visual metaphor for all forms of punishment. It has long been understood that Indigenous “social organisation and religious and ceremonial life were often as complex as those of the white invaders” (McCulloch 261). However, the Proclamation Board was, in every sense, Eurocentric and made no attempt to acknowledge the complexities of Aboriginal culture. It was, quite simply, never going to be an effective tool of communication, nor achieve its socio-legal aims. The Board Re-imagined: Popular Media The re-imagining of the Proclamation Board as a construct of Governor Davey, instead of Governor Arthur, is just one of many re-imaginings of this curious object. There are, of course, the various imaginings of the purpose of the Board. On the surface these images are a tool for reconciliation but as “the story of these paintings unfolds […] it becomes clear that the proclamations were in effect envoys sent back to Britain to exhibit the ingenious attempts being applied to civilise Australia” (Carroll 76). In this way the Board was re-imagined by the Administration that funded the exercise, even before the project was completed, from a mechanism to assist in the bringing about of peace into an object that would impress colonial superiors. Khadija von Zinnenburg Carroll has recently written about the Boards in the context of their “transnational circulation” and how “objects become subjects and speak of their past through the ventriloquism of contemporary art history” (75). Carroll argues the Board is an item that couples “military strategy with a fine arts propaganda campaign” (Carroll 78). Critically the Boards never achieved their advertised purpose for, as Carroll explains, there were “elaborate rituals Aboriginal Australians had for the dead” and, therefore, “the display of a dead, hanging body is unthinkable. […] being exposed to the sight of a hanged man must have been experienced as an unimaginable act of disrespect” (92). The Proclamation Board would, in sharp contrast to feelings of unimaginable disrespect, inspire feelings of pride across the colonial population. An example of this pride being revealed in the selection of the Board as an object worthy of reproduction, as a lithograph, for an Intercolonial Exhibition, held in Melbourne in 1866 (Morris 84). The lithograph, which identifies the Board as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines and dated 1816, was listed as item 572, of 738 items submitted by Tasmania, for the event (The Commissioners 69-85). This type of reproduction, or re-imagining, of the Board would not be an isolated event. Penelope Edmonds has described the Board as producing a “visual vernacular” through a range of derivatives including lantern slides, lithographs, and postcards. These types of tourist ephemera are in addition to efforts to produce unique re-workings of the Board as seen in Violet Mace’s Proclamation glazed earthernware, which includes a jug (1928) and a pottery cup (1934) (Edmonds online). The Board Re-imagined: A True Crime Tale The Proclamation Board offers numerous narratives. There is the story that the Board was designed and deployed to communicate. There is the story behind the Board. There is also the story of the credit for the initiative which was transferred from Governor Arthur to Governor Davey and subsequently returned to Arthur. There are, too, the provenance stories of individual Boards. There is another story the Proclamation Board offers. The story of true crime in colonial Australia. The Board, as noted, presents through a four-strip pictogram an idea that all are equal under the rule of law (Arthur 1). Advocating for a society of equals was a duplicitous practice, for while Aborigines were hanged for allegedly murdering settlers, “there is no record of whites being charged, let alone punished, for murdering Aborigines” (Morris 84). It would not be until 1838 that white men would be punished for the murder of Aboriginal people (on the mainland) in the wake of the Myall Creek Massacre, in northern New South Wales. There were other examples of attempts to bring about a greater equity under the rule of law but, as Amanda Nettelbeck explains, there was wide-spread resistance to the investigation and charging of colonists for crimes against the Indigenous population with cases regularly not going to trial, or, if making a courtroom, resulting in an acquittal (355-59). That such cases rested on “legally inadmissible Aboriginal testimony” (Reece in Nettelbeck 358) propped up a justice system that was, inherently, unjust in the nineteenth century. It is important to note that commentators at the time did allude to the crime narrative of the Board: when in the most civilized country in the world it has been found ineffective as example to hang murderers in chains, it is not to be expected a savage race will be influenced by the milder exhibition of effigy and caricature. (Colonial Times 2) It is argued here that the Board was much more than an offering of effigy and caricature. The Proclamation Board presents, in striking detail, the formula for the modern true crime tale: a peace disturbed by the act of murder; and the ensuing search for, and delivery of, justice. Reinforcing this point, are the ideas of justice seen within crime fiction, a genre that focuses on the restoration of order out of chaos (James 174), are made visible here as aspirational. The true crime tale does not, consistently, offer the reassurances found within crime fiction. In the real world, particularly one as violent as colonial Australia, we are forced to acknowledge that, below the surface of the official rhetoric on justice and crime, the guilty often go free and the innocent are sometimes hanged. Another point of note is that, if the latter date offered here, of 1830, is taken as the official date of the production of these Boards, then the significance of the Proclamation Board as a true crime tale is even more pronounced through a connection to crime fiction (both genres sharing a common literary heritage). The year 1830 marks the release of Australia’s first novel, Quintus Servinton written by convicted forger Henry Savery, a crime novel (produced in three volumes) published by Henry Melville of Hobart Town. Thus, this paper suggests, 1830 can be posited as a year that witnessed the production of two significant cultural artefacts, the Proclamation Board and the nation’s first full-length literary work, as also being the year that established the, now indomitable, traditions of true crime and crime fiction in Australia. Conclusion During the late 1820s in Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) a set of approximately 100 Proclamation Boards were produced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur. The official purpose of these items was to communicate, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony, that all—black and white—were equal under the law. Murderers, be they Aboriginal or colonist, would be punished. The Board is a re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of drawings on the bark of trees. The Board was, in the 1860s, in time for an Intercolonial Exhibition, re-imagined as the output of Lieutenant Governor Davey. This re-imagining of the Board was so effective that surviving artefacts, today, are popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with the date modified, to 1816, to fit the new narrative. The Proclamation Board was also reimagined, by its creators and consumers, in a variety of ways: as peace offering; military propaganda; exhibition object; tourism ephemera; and contemporary art. This paper has also, briefly, offered another re-imagining of the Board, positing that this early “pamphlet” on justice and punishment actually presents a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. The Proclamation Board tells many stories but, at the core of this curious object, is a crime story: the story of mass murder. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges the Palawa peoples: the traditional custodians of the lands known today as Tasmania. The author acknowledges, too, the Gadigal people of the Eora nation upon whose lands this paper was researched and written. The author extends thanks to Richard Neville, Margot Riley, Kirsten Thorpe, and Justine Wilson of the State Library of New South Wales for sharing their knowledge and offering their support. The author is also grateful to the reviewers for their careful reading of the manuscript and for making valuable suggestions. ReferencesAboriginal Heritage Tasmania. “Scarred Trees.” Aboriginal Cultural Heritage, 2012. 12 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.aboriginalheritage.tas.gov.au/aboriginal-cultural-heritage/archaeological-site-types/scarred-trees›.Arthur, George. “Proclamation.” The Hobart Town Courier 19 Apr. 1828: 1.———. Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur’s] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30]. Graphic Materials. Sydney: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, c. 1828-30.Bock, Thomas. Mathinna. Watercolour and Gouache on Paper. 23 x 19 cm (oval), c. 1840.Carroll, Khadija von Zinnenburg. 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