Journal articles on the topic '1823-1861'

Summary This article, a successor to the author’s 2002 “Steinthal and Max Müller: Comparative Lives”, attempts to situate the Semiticist and ‘Orientalist’ Ernest Renan in a nexus between the poles represented by Heymann Steinthal (1823–1899) and Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900). Renan can be viewed as wavering — in the 1840s through 1860s — between (and perhaps developing from) a natural scientific and linguistic orientation influenced by Humboldtians such as August Friedrich Pott (1802–1887) and the Völkerpsychologist Steinthal and a racial ideology in linguistics similar to that of the more historicist linguist Max Müller. Max Müller had a similar set of influences in Paris to Renan in this period, such as their common amateur mentor Baron Ferdinand von Eckstein (1790–1861) and Collège de France professor Eugène Burnouf (1801–1852). But a crucial hypothesis relates to how much Renan was influenced in his change to racial ideology by the advent of the 1848 Revolution. The author explains how this hypothesis can be tested by specific further research into the manuscript of Renan’s 1847 Prix Volney prizewinning essay.

I april 1862 skete der et systemskifte i »Det store Kongelige Bibliothek«. Den 31-årige Christian Walter Bruun efterfulgte den 80årige E. C. Werlauff (1823-61) og den 69-årige J. A. Bølling (1861-62) som leder af biblioteket, den officielle titel var bibliotekar (fra 1893 overbibliotekar). Forgængerne havde været kompetente folk, men biblioteket havde delvis stået i stampe i Werlauffs seneste år, og J. A. Bølling, der havde været souschef i en række år, blev først udnævnt et år, før han døde

Edwin James (1797-1861) was born in Weybridge, Addison County, Vermont, just 5 months after James Hutton, founder of modern geology, died in Edinburgh, Scotland. Edwin was the youngest of 13 children born to Deacon Daniel James and wife Mary. He studied medicine with his older brother in Albany, New York, after graduating from Middlebury College (Vermont) at the age of 19. While studying medicine, he became interested in geology and was influenced by Amos Eaton of the Rensselaer School. Upon completing his medical studies. James accepted a position in the spring of 1820 as a botanist/geologist with the Maj. Stephan H. Long Expedition. He was the first man to reach the summit of James' Peak, now named Pike's Peak, and made notes on the geology of the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains. In 1823 "An Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains Performed in the Years 1819 and '20," written mostly by James, was published in Philadelphia (2 vols.) and London (3 vols.). This major work, from a Wernerian viewpoint, and five other lesser ones were published between 1820 and 1827. They were the sum total of his geological contributions, but included in the "Account" is the first geological map of the trans-Mississippi region. In 1823 he was commissioned an assistant surgeon in the U.S. Army; after leaving the Army in 1833 he later settled near Burlington, Iowa, where he was engaged in agriculture until his death in 1861.

Tomando como pontos de partida (i) as imbricações entre o nascimento do romance moderno e a literatura gótica e (ii) a extensiva recepção da obra de Ann Radcliffe (1764-1823) no Brasil, o artigo analisa as convenções góticas que se fazem presentes nos romances O filho do pescador (1843) e Tardes de um pintor ou As intrigas de um jesuíta (1847), de Antônio Gonçalves Teixeira e Sousa (1812-1861). O foco da análise recairá sobre a estratégia narrativa conhecida como “sobrenatural explicado”, tradicionalmente associado à escritora inglesa.Palavras-chave: Romance; Gótico; Teixeira e Sousa.

The article studies a letter from Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell (1795– 1846), the most renowned representative of Romanticism in Estonia, to his uncle Otto Christian Sigismund von Ungern-Sternberg (1778–1861), written in Rome at the beginning of the year 1823. It was the turning point in Maydell’s life when he had decided to give up the studies in law at the University of Tartu and to devote himself to art. For this reason, Maydell like many of his contemporaries travelled to Rome. In his letter, now preserved in the National Archives in Tartu, Maydell describes his everyday life in Rome and the efforts he has made to “follow his true path”. Additionally, it appears that it was the founder and leader of the Nazarene movement, Johann Friedrich Overbeck (1789–1869), who played an influential role in Maydell’s decision about whether or not to become an artist.

Uvodno se definira propast Mletačke Republike 1797., prva austrijska (1797. – 1806.) i francuska uprava (1806. – 1813.) nakon koje mletački posjedi (Mletačka Dalmacija i Boka kotorska) te nekadašnja Dubrovačka Republika dolaze u vlast Habsburške Monarhije koja formira upravnu jedinicu – Kraljevinu Dalmaciju, izravno podvrgnutu Beču. Slijedi prikaz ustrojstva uprave i sudstva, političkih prilika do 1848. i 1861. kada se putem Dalmatinskog sabora uvode elementi parlamentarne demokracije i lokalne samouprave. kao i rezultati saborskih i općinskih izbora. Do pada Bachova neoapsolutizma 1861. općine nisu izbornopredstavničke ustanove. Nastaju dvije političke opcije, jedna se protivi ujedinjenju Dalmacije s Hrvatskom, traži talijanski jezik kao službeni, ističući isprva slavo-dalmatinski, a kasnije talijanski identitet (talijanaši, autonomaši). Nasuprot njima, dio građanstva, pretežito pučkog podrijetla, afirmira hrvatski identitet, traži sjedinjenje Dalmacije s Hrvatskom i Slavonijom, te uvođenje hrvatskog jezika u upravu, sudstvo, školstvo (narodnjaci, aneksionisti). Beč podupire autonomaše, ne želeći hrvatsku nacionalnu i državnu integraciju. Narodnjaci zbog izbornog sustava gube izbore za Dalmatinski sabor 1861. i 1864. godine, ali pobjeđuju na prvim općinskim izborima 1865. – 1868., a 1870. i na izborima za Sabor. U trećem dijelu obrađuju se specifičnosti Starog Grada u kojem se afirmacija narodnjaka odvija sporije. Stari Grad je od 1823. općina, dio kotara Hvar, a od 1852. sjedište kotarskog suda. Ugled mjesnih liječnika autonomaša (Gazzari i Nisiteo) poveo je mlađu generaciju hrvatskih pučana u njihov tabor, iako neki od vodećih narodnjaka podrijetlo vode iz Starog Grada (Vranković, Biankini i Ljubić). Narodnjaci pobjeđuju 1887. kada se afirmirala sljedeća generacija hrvatske inteligencije, sinova težaka, ribara i pomoraca ojačala razvojem gospodarstva – vinske trgovine i pomorstva u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća.

The new species of Lichtenstein’s catalog (1794: part 2) were discussed by Geiger (2003). Here a facsimile edition and full translation of the work is given. Additional insights into select Lichtenstein species are provided. Tentative identifications include Mya papyracea Lichtenstein, 1794 as a member of Thraciidae, Helix porphyrostoma Lichtenstein, 1796 from Ambon as a member of Planorbidae and Helix australasiae Lichtenstein, 1794 from Tahiti as a Partula sp. Trochus tahitiensis Lichtenstein, 1794 is here designated as a nomen oblitum with Trochus histrio Reeve, 1861 [1842 in error] as its nomen protectum. Oliva brasiliensis Chemnitz and Murex galea Chemnitz (now Coralliophila galea) were first made available by Lichtenstein (1794), not by Schumacher (1817) and Dillwyn (1823), respectively. Olivancillaria brasiliensis (Lichtenstein, 1794) is senior synonym of O. urceus (Röding, 1798).

Literary works of each nation have their roots in that nation’s culture. Because of the uniqueness of all cultures, various kinds of realia can be found in the literature of almost all nations. Persian literature is not an exception. The study aimed to discover the impact of accessibility to the SL natives, the SL experts, and the previous translations on the quality of rendering realia embedded in the classical Persian literary-text. The corpus included the translation of realia in Sa’di’s The Gulistan by Rehatsek (1888), Eastwick (1880), Anderson (1861), and Ross (1823). The findings revealed that a mixture of three factors (consulting previous translations, as well as consulting an expert SL native speaker) would provide a great help for translators. Although the results did not confirm that the mere accessibility to the SL natives would tremendously boost the quality of rendering realia, further research is required to investigate the issue by focusing on various classical literary texts, including those of other language pairs.

Presently 724 species are known from the Danube Delta and Dobruja. From these, 270 in the Danube Delta and Dobruja, 50 to Romania and 2 to science are new (the description of the species is in progress). The species new to Romania are the following: Noxius curtirostris (Mulsant & Rey, 1861); Bruchela cana (Küster, 1848); B. concolor (Fåhraeus, 1839); B. parvula (Motschulsky, 1875); Perapion (Perapion) connexum (Schilsky, 1902); Ceratapion (Echinostroma) scalptum caviceps (Desbrochers des Loges, 1870); Metapion ermischi (Voss, 1969); Protapion angusticolle (Gyllenhal, 1833); Allomalia quadrivirgata (Costa, 1863); Corimalia fausti fausti (Reitter, 1890); Bagous (Macropelmus) claudicans Boheman, 1845; B. (Macropelmus) dieckmanni Gratshev, 1993; B. (Macropelmus) lothari Caldara & O'Brien, 1998; Brachycerus lutosus Gyllenhal, 1833; Stenopelmus rufinasus Gyllenhal, 1835; Tanysphyrus ater Blatchley, 1928; Aulacobaris kiesenwetteri (Faust, 1890); Labiaticola despicatus Faust, 1889; L. melas (Boheman, 1836); Ceutorhynchus levantinus Schultze, 1898; C. merkli Korotyaev, 2001; C. scrobicollis Neresheimer & H. Wagner, 1924; C. talickyi Korotyaev, 1980; C. varius Rey, 1895; Microplontus millefolii (Schultze, 1897); Ranunculiphilus (Austroceutorhynchus) italicus (C. N. F. Brisout de Barneville, 1869); Thamiocolus roubali Dieckmann, 1973; T. sinapis (Desbrochers des Loges, 1893); Gymnetron tibiellum Desbrochers des Loges, 1900; Miarus hellenicus Dieckmann 1978; M. solarii Smreczyński, 1957; Philernus ponticus Korotyaev, 1979; Sibinia (Sibinia) femoralis Germar, 1823; S. (Sibinia) variata Gyllenhal, 1835; Tychius (Tychius) ochraceus Tournier, 1873; T. (Tychius) subsulcatus Tournier, 1874; Ptochus (Ptochus) porcellus Boheman, 1834; Omias murinus (Boheman, 1842); Otiorhynchus (Pseudocryphiphorus) zebei Stierlin, 1861; Argoptochus (Argoptochus) markovensis Angelov, 1987; Polydrusus (Conocetus) baudii (Faust, 1889); Sitona ophthalmicus Desbrochers des Loges, 1869; Chlorophanus viridis balcanicus Behne, 1989; Rhabdorrhynchus echii Brahm, 1790; Bangasternus planifrons (Brullé, 1832); Larinus (Larinomesius) atomarius Capiomont, 1874; L. (Larinomesius) canescens Gyllenhal, 1835; L. (Larinomesius) syriacus Gyllenhal, 1835; L. (Phyllonomeus) filiformis Petri, 1907; Lixus (Epimeces) scolopax Boheman, 1835.

It is currently unclear how Toxoplasma gondii (Nicolle and Manceaux, 1908) persists in arctic tundra ecosystems in the absence of felid definitive hosts. To investigate potential transmission routes of T. gondii in a terrestrial arctic food web, we collected samples from two migratory herbivores, Ross’s Geese (Chen rossi (Cassin, 1861)) and Lesser Snow Geese (Chen caerulescens (L., 1758)), and from two resident herbivores, Nearctic brown lemmings (Lemmus trimucronatus (Richardson, 1825)) and collared lemmings (Dicrostonyx groenlandicus (Traill, 1823)), trapped at Karrak Lake, Nunavut, Canada. Antibodies were detected in 76 of 234 (32.4%) serum samples from Ross’s Geese and 66 of 233 (28.3%) serum samples from Lesser Snow Geese. We did not detect T. gondii antibodies in filter-paper eluate tested from thoracic fluid samples collected from 84 lemmings. We did not detect T. gondii DNA in brain tissue from these lemmings. Although a small sample size, our findings suggest that lemmings in this terrestrial arctic ecosystem are not exposed to, or infected with, the parasite. This suggests that oocysts are not introduced into the terrestrial arctic ecosystem at Karrak Lake via freshwater runoff from temperate regions. This study demonstrated that live adult arctic-nesting geese are exposed to T. gondii and therefore migratory herbivorous hosts are potential sources of T. gondii infection for predators in terrestrial arctic ecosystems.

In 1861 Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900) delivered his famous Lectures On the Science Of Language at the Royal Institution in London. Published the following year, this popular and influential volume provided a classical exposition for a widely accepted and comforting account of the role played by language in the creation and subsequent preservation of new knowledge. This view, based largely on German comparative philology, was embraced by George Eliot and G.H. Lewes even though it bore stiking resemblances to the lexical ideas and practise of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834) and William Whewell (1794–1866), representative figures of an earlier generation of philosophical Idealists – Kantians, admiring commentators on Plato, and both of them powerful defenders of the Anglican Church and Tory traditionalism. There was something about Müller's “great and delightful book” (as George Eliot called it) which appealed to distinguished Victorians of every intellectual stripe. Among the auditors at the Royal Institution were “Germano-Coleridgian” clergymen (Bishop Thirlwall, Dean Stanley F.D. Maurice), poets and philosophers (Tennyson, John Stuart Mill, the Duke of Argyle), and a distinguished group of scientists, headed by Michael Faraday. All were excited and enthusiastic, despite their very different intellectual positions. Linda Dowling suggests why:Muller's lectures on language … were deeply reassuring. They managed to suggest that even though the new philology had reconstituted language in wholly new terms as a phonetic totality independent of representation and of human control, language somehow remained unchanged in its power to guarantee human identity and value. (“Victorian Oxford” 161)

Tree-ring width chronologies of three species from a 330-year-old subalpine forest were used to reconstruct outbreaks of 2 year cycle spruce budworm (Choristoneura biennis Freeman). The growth of host species, Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmannii Parry ex Engelm.) and subalpine fir (Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.), was compared with that of the nonhost, lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta Dougl. ex Loud.) with and without the removal of the effects of climate on growth. Seven periods, 1989–1991, 1943–1957, 1911–1927, 1869–1875, 1839–1861, 1823–1829, 1785–1801, were identified in which the growth of both host species was reduced relative to the non-host; this includes the single known outbreak from 1944 to 1956. Spectral analysis indicated a periodicity for growth reduction of the host relative to non-host species of ca. 45 years for both spruce and fir. For three periods, the known outbreak in the 1940–1950s, and two inferred outbreaks in the 1910–1920s and 1840–1850s, we calculated the four measures of radial growth first proposed by Brubaker and Greene (L.B. Brubaker and S.K. Greene. 1979. Can. J. For. Res. 9: 95–105): the maximum rate of growth loss, 1-year and 5-year losses, and the rate and time to recovery. Growth losses were greater for fir than for spruce during all three periods. During the 1940–1950s, growth losses were severe, but losses were less in the 1910–1920s. The impact of C. biennis has varied among outbreak periods but, overall, has made a pronounced contribution to present stand conditions. Our work suggests that budworms have been a frequent agent of disturbance with major effects on forest dynamics in southern British Columbia, especially in spruce–fir forests when long periods occur between fires.

Abstract AMegL is a rare form of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) associated with poor prognostic features. Here, we report the experience at M.D. Anderson Cancer Center from 1987 to 2003. Among 1861 pts with newly diagnosed AML (excluding APL), 38 pts (2%) had AMegL. The diagnosis of AMegL was based on (i) morphological features defined by FAB classification and (ii) immunophenotypypical positivity for CD42 and CD61 whenever available. All 38 pts received induction chemotherapy containing cytarabine and anthracyclines. Sixteen (42%) were males; median age was 54 years (range 21–78); 11 (29%) had antecedent hematologic disorder (AHD) and/or MDS, and 4 (11%) had previously received chemotherapy for other malignancies. Median white blood cell count at diagnosis was 3.5x109/L (0.5–49.9), hemoglobin 7.8 g/dl (3.2–10.9), platelet count 34.5x109/L (5–2292), and the median bone marrow blast percentage was 30% (0–80). For pts with <30% bone marrow blasts, diagnosis of AMegL was supported by peripheral blood blasts ≥30%. Significant bone marrow fibrosis was found in 24 pts (63%). Cytogenetic analysis was available in 30 pts (79%) due to insufficient material or insufficient metaphases. Twenty-seven pts (71%) showed abnormalities: deletion 7 in 15 pts (39%), deletion 5 in 14 (37%), chromosome 3 abnormality in 6 (16%) and trisomy 8 in 4 (11%). Philadelphia chromosome was detected in 2 pts (5%). Sixteen pts (42%) achieved a complete remission (CR). None of 22 pts with primary refractory disease achieved a complete remission from subsequent chemotherapies. Median overall survival of all AMegL pts (n=38) was 24 compared to 38 weeks for the control group (non AmegL AML pts, excluding APL,N=1823) (p<0.01). Median disease free survival of pts with AMegL (n=16) and other AML (n=1031) was 23 and 52 weeks, respectively (p<0.001). Two pts with primary refractory disease and three who developed relapsed disease eventually underwent allogeneic stem cell transplantation. Median survival after stem cell transplantation was 21 weeks. In summary, AMegL is a rare form of AML, which is observed in pts with AHD and/or MDS or as secondary leukemia. AMegL is highly associated with poor cytogenetic abnormalities, translating into a low CR rate and dismal outcome.

El artículo da cuenta de la evolución del término “democracia” en México entre principios y mediados del siglo XIX. A principios de siglo, la democracia se asociaba a la revolución francesa; era sinónimo de demagogia e inestabilidad. En los debates en torno al Acta Constitutiva y la Constitución de 1823-1824, la democracia fue un término poco utilizado. Por el contrario, la palabra apareció muchas veces en el Congreso Constituyente de 1856-1857, pues comenzaba a utilizarse como sinónimo de elecciones representativas y del sistema republicano. El artículo da cuenta de la evolución en el uso del término en los textos de Mariano Otero en los 1840, el congreso constituyente fallido de 1842 y otras publicaciones de los 1850. Finalmente, analiza los distintos usos que se le dieron a la palabra en el Congreso Constituyente de 1856-1857. A partir de este momento, la democracia quedaría asociada al discurso oficial del Estado mexicano, junto al liberalismo y el federalismo.

A list of Curculionoidea (Nemonychidae, Anthribidae, Rhynchitidae, Attelabidae, Brentidae, Apionidae, Nanophyidae, Brachyceridae, Curculionidae, Erirhinidae, Raymondionymidae, Dryoph-thoridae, Scolytidae, Platypodidae) thus far known from Italy is drawn up, updating that by Abbazzi et al. published in 1995. Distributional data of each species are given for broad regions such as northern, central, southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia. New synonymies are: Acentrotypus laevigatus (Kirby, 1808) (= A. brunnipes (Boheman, 1839), syn.nov.), Ceutorhynchus talickyi Korotyaev, 1980 (= C. strejceki Dieckmann, 1981, syn. nov.), Ceutorhynchus pallipes Crotch,1866 (= Curculio minutus Reich, 1797 not Drury, [1773], syn. nov.; = Curculio contractus Marsham, 1802 not Fourcroy, 1785, syn. nov.), Dodecastichus consentaneus (Boheman, 1843) (= D. c. latialis (Solari & Solari, 1915), syn. nov.; = D. c. dimorphus (Solari & Solari, 1915), syn. nov.; = D. c. pentricus Di Marco & Osella, 2001, syn. nov.), Dodecastichus dalmatinus (Gyllenhal, 1843) (= D. d. lauri (Stierlin, 1861), syn. nov.), Dodecastichus mastix (Olivier, 1807) (= D. m. perlongus (Solari & Solari, 1915), syn. nov.; = D. m. scabrior (Reitter, 1913), syn. nov.), Dorytomus Germar, 1817 (= D. subgen. Chaetodorytomus Iablokov-Khnzorian, 1970, syn. nov.; = D. subgen. Euolamus Reitter, 1916, syn. nov.; = D. subgen. Olamus Reitter, 1916, syn. nov.), Exapion Bedel, 1887 (= Ulapion Ehret, 1997, syn. nov.), Larinus ursus (Fabricius, 1792) (= L. carinirostris Gyllenhal, 1837, syn. nov.; = L. genei Boheman, 1843, syn. nov.), Lixini Schönherr, 1823 (= Rhinocyllini Lacordaire, 1863, syn. nov.), Metacinops rhinomacer Kraatz, 1862 (= M. calabrus Stierlin, 1892, syn. nov.), Microplontus nigrovittatus (Schultze,1901) (= Ceutorhynchus subfasciatus Chevrolat, 1860 not Schönherr, 1826, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus amicalis cenomanus Colonnelli & Magnano, nom. nov. (= O. a. lessinicus (Osella, 1983) not O. lessinicus Franz, 1938, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus anophthalmoides omeros nom. nov. (= O. a. istriensis (F. Solari, 1955) not Germar, 1824, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus anthracinus (Scopoli, 1763) (= O. calabrus Stierlin, 1880, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus armadillo (Rossi, 1792) (= O. halbherri Stierlin, 1890, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus clibbianus Colonnelli & Magnano, nom. nov. (= O. judicariensis (Osella, 1983) not Reitter, 1913, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus cornicinus Stierlin, 1861 (= Curculio laevigatus Fabricius, 1792 not Paykull, 1792, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus fortis Rosenhauer, 1847 (= O. fortis valarsae Reitter, 1913, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus nodosus (O. F. Müller, 1764) (= O. nodosus comosellus Boheman, 1843, syn. nov.; = O. nodosus gobanzi Gredler, 1868, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus pupillatus Gyllenhal, 1834 (= O. p. angustipennis Stierlin, 1883, syn. nov.; = O. venetus F. Solari, 1947, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus serradae Colonnelli & Magnano, nom. nov. (= O. carinatus (Osella 1983) not (Paykull, 1792), syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus strigirostris Boheman, 1843 (= O. aterrimus : Di Marco & Osella, 2002 not Boheman, 1843, syn. nov.; = O. calvus Fiori, 1899, syn. nov.), O. sulcatus (Fabricius, 1775) (= O. linearis Stierlin, 1861, syn. nov.), Otiorhynchus tenebricosus (Herbst, 1784) (= O. olivieri Abbazzi & Osella, 1992, syn. nov.), Phrydiuchus augusti Colonnelli, nom. nov. (= Ceuthorrhynchus speiseri Schultze, 1897 not C. speiseri Frivaldszkyi, 1894, syn. nov.), Phyllobius maculicornis Germar, 1824 (= P. m. lucanus Solari & Solari, 1903, syn. nov.), Phyllobius pyri (Linné, 1758) (= P. vespertinus (Fabricius, 1792), syn. nov.), Polydrusus subgen. Chaerodrys Jacquelin du Val, [1854] (= P. subgen. Metadrosus Schilsky, 1910, syn. nov.), Polydrusus subgen. Eudipnus C. G. Thomson, 1859 (= P. subgen. Chrysoyphis Gozis, 1882, syn. nov.; P. subgen. Thomsoneonymus Desbrochers, 1902, syn. nov.), Polydrusus subgen. Eurodrusus Korotyaev & Meleshko, 1997 (= P. subgen. Neoeustolus Alonso-Zarazaga & Lyal, 1999, syn. nov.), Polydrusus armipes Brullé, 1832 (= P. a. faillae Desbrochers, 1859, syn. nov.), Pseudomyllocerus invreae invreae (F. Solari, 1948) (= Curculio cinerascens Fabricius, 1792 not [Gmelin], 1790], syn. nov. ), Zacladus Reitter, 1916 (= Z. subgen. Amurocladus Korotyaev, 1997, syn. nov.; = Z. subgen. Angarocladus Korotyaev, 1997, syn. nov.; = Z. subgen. Gobicladus Korotyaev, 1997, syn. nov.; = Z. subgen. Scythocladus Korotyaev, 1997, syn. nov.). New placements are: Amalini Wagner, 1936 as a tribe from synonymy under Ceutorhynchini; Acentrotypus Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, Aizobius Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, Aspidapion Schilsky, 1901, Catapion Schilsky, 1906, Ceratapion Schilsky, 1901, Cistapion Wagner, 1924,Cyanapion Bokor, 1923, Diplapion Reitter, 1916, Eutrichapion Reitter, 1916, Exapion Bedel, 1887, Helianthemapion Wagner, 1930, Hemitrichapion Voss, 1959, Holotrichapion Györffy, 1956, Ischnopterapion Bokor, 1923, Ixapion Roudier & Tempère,1973, Kalcapion Schilsky, 1906, Lepidapion Schilsky, 1906, Melanapion Wagner, 1930, Mesotrichapion Györffy, 1956, Metapion Schilsky, 1906, Omphalapion Schilsky, 1901, Onychapion Schilsky, 1901, Oryxolaemus AlonsoZarazaga, 1990, Osellaeus Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, Perapion Wagner, 1907, Phrissotrichum Schilsky, 1901, Pirapion Reitter, 1916, Protapion Schilsky, 1908, Pseudapion Schilsky, Pseudoperapion Wagner, 1930, Pseudoprotapion Ehret, 1990, Pseudostenapion Wagner, 1930, Rhodapion AlonsoZarazaga, 1990, Squamapion Bokor, 1923, Stenopterapion Bokor, 1923, Synapion Schilsky, 1902, Taeniapion Schilsky, 1906, Trichopterapion Wagner, 1930, all as genera from subgenera of Apion Herbst, 1797; Aspidapion subgen. Koestlinia Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990 and Phryssotrichum subgen. Schilskyapion Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990 from synonymy with Apion Herbst, 1797; Phyllobius italicus Solari & Solari, 1903 and Phyllobius reicheidius Desbrochers, 1873, both from subspecies of P. pyri (Linné, 1758); Mogulones aubei (Boheman, 1845) as a valid species from synonymy with M. talbum (Gyllenhal, 1837); Styphlidius italicus Osella, 1981 as species from subspecies of S. corcyreus (Reitter, 1884). Otiorhynchus subgen. Presolanus Pesarini, 2001 is here selected over O. subgen. Pesolanus Pesarini, 2001, alternative original spelling, here rejected. The incorrect original spelling Otiorhynchus nocturnus peetzi Franz, 1938 is emended in O. n. peezi. New combination are: Eremiarhinus (Depresseremiarhinus) dilatatus (Fabricius, 1801), comb. nov.; Eremiarinus (Pseudorhinus) impressicollis (Boheman, 1834) jarrigei (Roudier, 1959); E. (Pseudorhinus) impressicollis luciae (Ragusa, 1883), comb. nov.; E. (Pseudorhinus) impressicollis peninsularis (F. Solari, 1940), comb. nov.; E. (Pseudorhinus) laesirostris (Fairmaire, 1859), comb. nov., all resulting from the new placement of Depresseremiarhinus Pic, 1914 and of Pseudorhinus Melichar, 1923 as subgenera of Eremiarhinus Fairmaire, 1876. The subfamilial name Phytonominae Gistel, 1848 is used as valid over Hyperinae Marseul, 1863. Nomenclatural changes published from 1992 to date, and affecting Italian weevils are also listed.

In recent years there has been growing acknowledgement of the place of workhouses within the range of institutional provision for mentally disordered people in nineteenth-century England. This article explores the situation in Bristol, where an entrenched workhouse-based model was retained for an extended period in the face of mounting external ideological and political pressures to provide a proper lunatic asylum. It signified a contest between the modernising, reformist inclinations of central state agencies and local bodies seeking to retain their freedom of action. The conflict exposed contrasting conceptions regarding the nature of services to which the insane poor were entitled.Bristol pioneered establishment of a central workhouse under the old Poor Law; ‘St Peter’s Hospital’ was opened in 1698. As a multi-purpose welfare institution its clientele included ‘lunatics’ and ‘idiots’, for whom there was specific accommodation from before the 1760s. Despite an unhealthy city centre location and crowded, dilapidated buildings, the enterprising Bristol authorities secured St Peter’s Hospital’s designation as a county lunatic asylum in 1823. Its many deficiencies brought condemnation in the national survey of provision for the insane in 1844. In the period following the key lunacy legislation of 1845, the Home Office and Commissioners in Lunacy demanded the replacement of the putative lunatic asylum within Bristol’s workhouse by a new borough asylum outside the city. The Bristol authorities resisted stoutly for several years, but were eventually forced to succumb and adopt the prescribed model of institutional care for the pauper insane.

The Bath Literary and Scientific Institution, (hereafter BLSI, or from 1837, when it acquired further royal patronage BRLSI), has an important, if complex, history. As one direct result of its foundation, the claim was first made there, by Rev. Joseph Hunter (1783-1861), that "Bath may justly be regarded as the cradle of English geology" (Hunter 1827a, 14). The initiation of the study of Bath's geology by William Smith (1769-1839), from 1791, and its subsequent encouragement there by the BLSI, after Smith was in his northern English exile, was to have important museological consequences.

Grundtvig’s Experience in a Wood in 1811 and his subsequent sermons on the miraculous draught of fishes.By Christian Thodberg.It is common knowledge that in connection with the revival of his Christianity Grundtvig suffered a breakdown in December 1810, after which he returned with his friend, F. C. Sibbern, to his home village and his parents in Udby, South Zealand. However, in May 1811, after a stay in Copenhagen, he was again on his way to Udby to become curate for his aging father when he had an equally important experience in the wood outside Udby which has hitherto passed apparently unheeded. He describes it in a contemporary poem to Sibbern himself.In an attack of despondency, brought on by the sight of Udby church and his childhood home and by the thought of his forthcoming ministry, he knelt down in the wood and read I Cor. 15: 55-58. Grundtvig had been ordained in Copenhagen on May 29th, but in the wood two days later he experienced a special call to the priesthood. The nature of this experience is clearly visible in his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes (Luke 5: 1-11), given 22 years later on July 7th 1833. In the sermon Grundtvig relates the experience and adds that the Lord Himself had spoken to him on that occasion and had called him with the words used to Simon Peter: “Let down the net. From henceforth thou shalt catch men!”A closer analysis of Grundtvig’s sermons from 1811 until his death in 1872 shows that over the years it is on the 5th Sunday after Trinity that he reflects on the Lord’s special call to him, and thus on his life’s special destiny. He uses Peter’s catch as his starting-point, both because of Jesus’ words to Peter and because the frightened and kneeling Peter in the gospel story undoubtedly reminds Grundtvig of his situation and literal position in the wood on Friday May 31st 1811.In his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity 1811 the call motif does not appear; on the other hand he does use the biblical themes of Ezek. 47: 8-10 and Amos 8: 11, which are repeated in the later sermons on the miraculous draught. The unfinished sermon of 1812 is of a quite different order, but the very long sermon in 1818 is such a penetrating analysis of the preacher’s situation that it reveals Grundtvig’s extremely personal relationship to the account of Peter’s call. The same tension can be felt in the three drafts for the sermon of 1821; the last draft is continued in the major prose-poem sermon of 1822. The theme is “listening to God’s Word”, and the sermon is divided into five images: the first depicts the days of the ancient covenant, when the Jews refused to listen and ended up under the curse of slavery; the second is John the Baptist’s sermon; the third is Jesus’ teachings and works, while the fourth is the Church’s enthusiastic reflection on this central vision. The fifth image is basically Grundtvig’s own prophecy for the near future and for himself; for it is he himself who through his coming activity in Copenhagen, Denmark’s Jerusalem, will be the crucial link in the renewal of the salvation story. So self-conscious a sermon could not but have its source in a personal revelation, that is, the experience om May 31st 1811. The first sermon in Copenhagen in 1823 already includes the biblical themes mentioned above and describes the coming Christian revival. In the highly-charged sermon of 1824 Grundtvig clearly recalls the beginning of his ministry in 1811 and confesses that he has never preached better! This particular sermon of 1824 affords grounds for an analysis of the two central poems from that year: The Land o f the Living and N ew Year’s Morn, which were most probably written in June and July 1824 respectively. The Land o f the Living contains three sequences: 1) the childhood dream, 2) the vain dream of the adult worldling, and 3) the childhood dream recovered. The same three themes are also to be found in the poem to Sibbern, and the experience in the wood in 1811 offers a plausible explanation of the break between stanzas 1-6 and 7-13, i.e. between the description of the vain dream of the adult worldling and the childhood dream recovered. In fact it is compelling to regard stanzas 7-8 as a retelling in poetic form of the experience in the wood. The same experience would also seem to have left a significant trace in N ew Year’s Morn, in stanza 54 where there are similarities as regards both content and language between the Sibbern poem of 1811 and the retelling of the experience in the wood in the sermon of 1824.Among the reworked sermons in The Sunday Book we find in Vol. II (1828) a memoir of 1811 in a sermon on the miraculous draught of fishes, but the personal experience is emphasised by the stress, under the inspiration of Irenaeus, on the human as a prerequisite for the Christian. The gospel of the day must be particularly comforting to people torn between fear and hope – like Grundtvig in 1811. Jesus’ calling of Peter is again recalled in 1832 as the basic premise for Grundtvig’s own ministry. The sermon of 1833 - the cornerstone of this survey - has already been mentioned. In 1834 Jesus’ words to Peter are underlined with a minor gloss: fisher of living men, from which Grundtvig argues for his new view of the Church: the capacious Church. People must not be forced into Christianity, and they must be allowed to choose the priest they wish to attach themselves to. In 1835 Grundtvig recalls his ordination in 1811. In 1836 the human aspect of the sermon is emphasised, as it is in The Sunday Book.In 1837 Grundtvig uses the call of Peter to consider the justification of lay preaching - presumably because he himself received a direct call in 1811. In 1838 the Irenaeus inspiration culminates. The dangerous life of a fisherman is a precise image of the rightness of Grundtvig’s well-known thesis: First a Man, then a Christian. In 1839 the experience in the wood is retold, this time in even more detail than in 1833; while in 1840 Grundtvig demonstratively sets his two great “revelations” up against one another: the experience in the wood in 1811 and the “unparalleled discovery” of baptism and the eucharist in 1825. From now on it is clear to him that the later “revelation’ is the greater, a belief he finally confirms in his sermon of 1842. Irenaeus continues to inspire him in the sermons of 1841 and 1844, underlining yet again Grundtvig’s personal relationship to the account of the miraculous draught. In the remainder of Grundtvig’s preaching life the, experience of 1811 is less strongly recalled on the 5th Sunday after Trinity, though it does happen both in 1856 and in 1861.The survey shows that the experience has been of central significance to the revival of Grundtvig’s faith, and that right into the 1840s it is an important starting-point for his understanding of himself as a Christian. The sermon on the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes thus becomes an interesting guideline to an appreciation of Grundtvig’s personal and theological development.

Was Grundtvig’s New Discovery in 1832 A Tragic Event?By Bent ChristensenThe title of this lecture for the Degree of Divinity has been given its provocative wording by the Faculty of Theology at the University of Copenhagen. In his thesis for the Degree of Divinity, published in 1987 and reviewed in Grundtvig Studies in 1988, Bent Christensen has described and evaluated Grundtvig’s attitude in the field of church policy over the years from 1824 to 1832, a critical period of time for himself, in such a way as to give the reader the impression that the writer regards the attitude taken by Grundtvig in the comprehensive Introduction to his ’’Norse Mythology”, 1832, towards the thoughtful people of his time, as a step backward compared to the attitude taken by Grundtvig in his great autobiographical poem, "New Year’s Morning", 1824, and in the preface to it. In this preface Grundtvig wrote that the goal which God "surely wants to be achieved" is "the revival of the heroic spirit of the North to Christian deeds in a direction suited to the needs and conditions of the time."In a book "The Land of the Living 1984", a series of lectures held in the 200th anniversary of Grundtvig’s birth, Professor Aage Henriksen proposed the view that the poem "New Year’s Morning” is the crowning achievement in Grundtvig’s writings. However, already in 1963 Dr. Kaj Thaning had advanced the idea that the Introduction to "Norse Mythology", 1832, was a decisive turningpoint in Grundtvig’s literary career since, from 1832 onwards, human life and the human world acquired an entirely different position and importance in his understanding of Christianity than was the case before that crucial year. Bent Christensen is inspired by both these writers, but adopts a critical attitude to Kaj Thaning.In part 1 of his lecture Bent Christensen describes the entire progress of his Grundtvig studies and the problem he has posed: What is it really that the Introduction has which was not already present in the inspiration behind the poem "New Year's Morning’? In the answer to this question he particularly emphasizes the sermons from 1823 to 1824, which are influenced by Irenaeus, and which are imbued with the thought that man was created in God’s image and has preserved this image of God also after the Fall. According to Bent Christensen they represent "a Grundtvig who is at least as good as the Grundtvig we got".Next he asks "if the ’Grundtvig of 1832* is in any way better than the ’Grundtvig of 1824’"? - Before he answers this question he presents a survey of the development from 1824 to 1832. He agrees with Thaning that "the deeds came to nothing". There was a general atmosphere of stagnation, but in the meantime the situation in the Church came to a head: members of a so-called "godly assembly" in Funen were positively persecuted. And at the University of Copenhagen the popular Professor H.N. Clausen propagated his "Protestant Christianity", diluted beyond recognition. In opposition to this, Grundtvig pointed to "the real Jesus Christ’s Church on Earth" and published his "The Rejoinder of the Church" against Professor Clausen’s latest book. "This was where the tragedy began. For instead of entering into an ecclesiastical discussion, Professor Clausen brought an action for libel against Grundtvig!" According to Bent Christensen the full extent of the tragedy was that the country had a state church which everybody had to be a member of, and which was bound to Lutheran Christianity, but in reality it also had a clergy whose leading circles represented a rationalism and idealism, which was completely at variance with Christianity. This was the situation which Grundtvig described as "the legal Hell", Bent Christensen says. He describes Grundtvig’s writings on church policy in this situation as a development consisting of 3 phases:1. The time from the discovery of the Apostles’ Creed in July 1825 and the Rejoinder in September 1825 until his resignation from office in May 1826. At this time Grundtvig thought that the anomaly could be redressed once it was clearly pointed out.2. The time from September 1826, shortly before the sentence was pronounced, until winter 1830/1831, when Grundtvig presented various proposals for church organization with a Christian state church, while those who did not want to join such a church could leave it in complete freedom of religion.3. The time from April 1831 when Grundtvig declared himself willing to be in charge of the organization of a free-congregation church, thus agreeing to the ’’amicable settlement” which, towards the end of February 1832, led to his permission to function as a free evensong preacher in Frederick’s Church.During the time up to this "amicable settlement”, Grundtvig had worked his way through the numerous drafts for the Introduction to his new ”Norse Mythology”, and in the process, according to Bent Christensen, ’’had managed to construct an entirely new model of church policy”, characterized by peaceful coexistence and competition between the real Christians and those Grundtvig called the "Naturalists”, "within the framework of what Grundtvig continues to term a ’’church”, but what is in reality a common, public religious service system". In the same year he drafted his proposal for "sogneb.ndsl.sning" i.e. abolition of the obligation to use the vicar in the parish where one is a resident, for all church ministrations.According to Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig had now finally "found himself, having learnt to distinguish rightly between what is "human” and what is "Christian”, so he could now call off the ecclesiastical controversy and instead throw himself into a cheerful effort to turn his new view of life to practical use”. ”In my opinion, I have invalidated this evaluation," Bent Christensen says. Grundtvig’s concept of Christianity was optimistic already in 1824, as was the factual distinction between the intrinsic value of life and the salient feature which is Christian salvation. The question now is what it was that Grundtvig managed to free himself from in the years 1831 to 1832. Bent Christensen’s thesis is that he 1) managed to free himself from the ecclesiastical controversy that he could not win, and 2) from the feeling of obligation to be in charge of an illegal organization of free-congregation churches which would isolate him from ordinary public and cultural life.In the context of church policy, Bent Christensen describes what happened with the Introduction to "Norse Mythology" as an emergency solution. - But is this the same, then, as "a tragic event”? - No, he answers. The tragedy was that Grundtvig’s dream from ’’New Year’s Morning” did not come true, but was on the contrary followed by the nightmare of the libel lawsuit and the church controversy. ”But there is another tragedy which we suffer from even today – namely the failure of influential circles to properly understand what it was Grundtvig found himself obliged to do in 1832, so that it has almost come to be regarded as the only right way to practise church organization! In that perspective what happened in 1832 may be seen as a tragic event, Bent Christensen claims in the conclusion of part 1 of his lecture.Part 2 of the lecture is a discussion of key passages in the two main texts, "New Year’s Morning” and the Introduction to ”Norse Mythology”. The intention is to show that the fundamental ideas in the Introduction (and in The Rejoinder of the Church) have been anticipated in the great poem from 1824: ’’Indeed, themythical-biographical descent of this poem through Danish history to the Land of the Living ... stands out as a great "a human being first!'"What the Introduction has ... to a fuller extent and in a clearer form than ’’New Year’s Morning" is the fully developed view of evolution and explanation and the scientific programme connected with it. Thus the Introduction provides a unique contribution to the understanding of what it means that the world exists, and that we exist in it as human beings!”In the concluding part 3 of his lecture, Bent Christensen poses the question "whether what happened in 1831/32 really and truly meant that Grundtvig gained himself, or whether it meant that he lost at least part of himself’. Like Aage Henriksen, Bent Christensen considers "New Year’s Morning" to be a culmination in Grundtvig’s writings, and incidentally the point from which Grundtvig’s comprehensive influence on the Danish people stems, and he sees the Introduction as a point, from where Grundtvig moves on by leaving something behind. Aage Henriksen blames Grundtvig that from being a personal poet he changed into a reformer. Bent Christensen asks instead "from the point of view of the church - whether it was after all the right programme with which Grundtvig attempted to save his dream that had been crushed by the outside world."The alternative he mentions is that Grundtvig could have left the Church with whoever wanted to follow him, and could have worked with unflagging solidarity on this basis for the public life of the people as well as for "universalhistorical scholarship". At least he did not have to make quite so much good fortune of necessity - with the tragic consequences for the Danish Lutheran Christian congregation’s self-conception that it has to this day.He concludes by emphasizing a passage towards the end of Grundtvig’s book, "Elemental Christian Teaching" (Den Christelige B.rnel.rdom), where Grundtvig imagines the situation that church and state were completely separated. In that case the Christians would have to establish their own educational institution for clergymen. But this would have to be a "Christian high school", i.e. a whole university. Bent Christensen finds there is good reason to turn one’s attention to this thought from 1861 - as well as to Grundtvig’s dream from 1824, when one seeks inspiration in Grundtvig.

Franz Schubert's final attempt at a Singspiel was Die Verschworenen (The Conspirators, D. 787), a loose adaptation of three comedies by Aristophanes: Lysistrata, Ecclesiazusae (Assemblywomen) and Thesmophoriazusae (Women at the Thesmophoria). Composed in 1823, but not premiered until 1861 (in Vienna), the work was successfully revived for its United States premiere 18 months later, in Hoboken, New Jersey, for a thriving German-American cultural community at the time of the American Civil War. The historical conditions of early performances in Hoboken and the Kleindeutschland neighbourhood of Manhattan, and the reasons for the work's programming by its conductor, Friedrich Adolf Sorge, a prominent German-American political and labour leader who wanted the arts to ‘shake up the people’, are addressed. Schubert's Singspiel had several layers of meaning for its audiences of mostly German immigrants living in the New York City area: as an adaptation of Aristophanes’s Lysistrata, set in the Crusades, it was a comic plea for peace both in the early years of the Civil War and amid the violent political strife on the path toward German unification. Its use of parts of Aristophanes’s Ecclesiazusae suggested relevance to labour disputes that Sorge had been involved in since the 1850s and would eventually lead himself after establishing the New York Section of the International Workingmen's Association. In this context, Schubert's work becomes both Germanic and Hellenic, medieval and modern, thereby becoming an assurance of Old-World culture for its varied German-American audiences.

Abstract The present study was conducted to evaluate the diversity, distribution (C) and relative abundance (RA) of the mosquito fauna (Diptera: Culicidae) of Malakand and Dir Lower, Pakistan. Collection of specimens (n = 1087) was made during September 2018 to July 2019 at six different habitats including freshwater bodies, rice fields, animal sheds, indoors, drains and sewage waters. Specimens were collected through light traps, pyrethrum spray, aspirators and nets and subsequently killed, preserved and then arranged in entomological boxes for identification. Three genera were identified namely Culex, Anopheles and Aedes. A total of fourteen species were identified namely: Cx. quinquefasciatus (Say, 1823), An. stephensi (Liston, 1901), Cx. tritaeniorhynchus (Giles, 1901), Ae. vittatus (Bigot, 1861), An. maculatus (Theobald, 1901), An. fluviatilis (James, 1902), Cx. vishnui (Theobald, 1901), Ae. aegypti (Linnaeus, 1762) An. subpictus (Grassi, 1899), An. dthali (Patton, 1905), An. culicifascies (Giles, 1901), An. pallidus (Theobald, 1901), Ae. albopictus (Skuse, 1894) and An. annularis (van der Wulp, 1884). Cx. quinquefasciatus was found constantly distributed in the study area with RA = 16.5% and C = 100%. An. annularis was found as a satellite species, sporadically distributed in the study area having RA = 0.9% and C = 17%. Diversity indices of mosquitoes in the studied habitats were found as, Shannon-Wiener Index (2.415), Simpson Index (9.919), Fisher’s Index (2.269) and Margalef’s Index (1.859). A statistically significant difference was recorded in mosquito diversity in the six habitats (Kruskal-Wallis, chi-squared, H = 17.5, df = 5, P = 0.003 at α = 0.05). The present study encompasses mosquito fauna of Malakand, Pakistan with respect to diversity, relative abundance and distribution in diverse habitats and all seasons of the year. This will assist scientists working in various fields related with epidemiology, medical and veterinary entomology, ecology and allied areas of biological sciences.