Relevant bibliographies by topics / 1821-1867 Political and social views

Academic literature on the topic '1821-1867 Political and social views'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "1821-1867 Political and social views"

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Dasgupta, Aditya, and Daniel Ziblatt. "How Did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market." Journal of Economic History 75, no. 1 (March 2015): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050715000017.

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To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations for reform. Analyses of high-frequency 3 percent consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield declines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the “Whig” characterization of British democratization as exceptionally risk-free.
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Prokudin, Boris. "The Drama of Russian Westernism: the Social Ideal in the Novel by Ivan Turgenev “Smoke”." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021611-1.

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Turgenev's novel “Smoke” is written in the genre of satire. It presents a caricature of russian revolutionaries and reactionaries of the 1860s. For a long time, literary critics have been arguing which of them Turgenev ridicules more. In this article we will change the angle of view. We will try to reconstruct the system of social views of 1865—1867 years in Russia, outlined in the novel. The main hypothesis of this article is that Turgenev during this period had seen the danger of merging slavophiles and socialists into a single coalition of «samobytniki». This coalition opposed the liberals. It defended the backward rural community, rejected the achievements of western civilization and hindered liberal reforms in Russia. In the novel «Smoke» Turgenev contrasted the program of «samobytniki» with the program of russian westernism.
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McElvenny, James. "August Schleicher and Materialism in 19th-Century Linguistics." Historiographia Linguistica 45, no. 1-2 (June 20, 2018): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.00018.mce.

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Summary Towards the end of his career, August Schleicher (1821–1868), the great consolidator of Indo-European historical-comparative linguistics in the mid-19th century, famously drew explicit parallels between linguistics and the new evolutionary theory of Darwinism. Based on this, it has become customary in linguistic historiography to refer to Schleicher’s ‘Darwinian’ theory of language, even though it has long been established that Schleicher’s views have other origins that pre-date his contact with Darwinism. For his contemporary critics in Germany, however, Schleicher’s thinking was an example not of Darwinism but of ‘materialism’. This article examines what ‘materialism’ meant in 19th-century Germany – its philosophical as well as its political dimensions – and looks at why Schleicher’s critics applied this label to him. It analyses the relevant aspects of Schleicher’s linguistics and philosophy of science and the criticisms directed against them by H. Steinthal (1823–1899). It then discusses the contemporary movement of scientific materialism and shows how Schleicher’s political views, social background and personal experiences bound him to this movement.
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Chandler, David. "Peace Through Disunion: Father Juan José de Aycinena and the Fall of the Central American Federation." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007080.

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In 1821 Central Americans who had united to throw off the control of Spain, found themselves hopelessly divided on issues concerning the nature of the political and social institutions of the nation they had created. Confidently the Liberals challenged authority and tradition, condemned the past and its institutions and strove to construct a new world of freedom, equality, democracy and progress. Conservatives feared the rashness and the uncertainty of that new world. They thought it both foolish and unnecessary to destroy the old in order to build the new. The confrontation between Liberals and Conservatives was to be lengthy and violent. Both groups aspired to political control and, lacking practical experience in government or statesmanship, each sought political power as a vehicle for ensuring its own ascendancy and imposing its views upon the nation. One of the most troublesome issues on which they clashed was the form of government. And one of the most central figures in that conflict was Father Juan José de Aycinena.
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Demmel, József. "Zrod kanibala Slovákov:Verejný a súkromý život Bélu Grünwalda vo Zvolenskej župe (1867–1874)." Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 2 (February 6, 2021): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2019.64204.

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Prvá etapa verejného pôsobenia Bélu Grünwalda, obdobie pôsobenia vo funk- cii hlavného notára (1867–1871) a prvé podžupanské obdobie (1871–1874), je za- streté rovnako ako jeho mladosť. Ak však chceme pochopiť slovensko-maďarské národné konflikty po roku 1874, ktorých hlavnou postavou sa stal, musíme odkryť aj túto etapu jeho života, keďže jeho stanoviská k národnostným otázkam sa kryš- talizovali práve v týchto rokoch.The first era of Béla Grünwald’s (Szentantal, Hungary, 1839 – Courbevoie, France, 1891) public career, his life stage as notary (1867–1871) and as subcounty governor (1871–1874) in Zvolen County are almost unknown. However, if we want to understand the Slovak– Hungarian national conflicts after 1874, of which he became the main character, we must also reveal this stage of his life, as his views on national struggle crystallized in those years. Based on a note from Zvolen County dated 4 July 1867, the Minister of Culture József Eötvös removed the “Pan-Slavic” teachers from the grammar schools in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s biography highlights the central role of the new notary in this matter. Never- theless, this conflict did not provoke Grünwald’s struggle with the “Pan-Slavs” but was part of the power conflicts between the “Hungarian” and “Slovakian”, Catholic and Lutheran elites of Zvolen County. At the end of 1865, it was even one of the most important “battle- fields” where the local Hungarian and Slovak networks represented by Antal Radvánszkyand Štefan Moyses met.In April 1873, the first issue of the periodical Svornosť, Grünwald’s personal project, was published in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s primary goal was to push Slovak enthusiast periodicals from the Slovak public sphere. Therefore, after 1873, Grünwald became the number one enemy of the Slovak national movement and at the same time its target.At the end of 1873, the leader of the Slovak national movement Viliam Pauliny-Tóth published a text mocking Grünwald in the political newspaper of the Slovak national move- ment Národné noviny. Though Grünwald was represented by a pseudonym, it was easily recognizable to anyone. The attack and scandal had very serious effects not only on Grün- wald’s dislike of the Slovaks but also of his entire life. Pauliny-Tóth exposed Grünwald’s private life and love affairs to the public, destroying Grünwald’s social prestige down to the ground. Grünwald gave a political response to the attack: not long after, he managed to get the Hungarian government to close the three Slovak grammar schools and the Matica slovenská.
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Schram, C. "30. Abortion and the fall of midwifery in 19th Century North America." Clinical & Investigative Medicine 30, no. 4 (August 1, 2007): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25011/cim.v30i4.2790.

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The 19th Century in North America was a time of many social and scientific changes that impacted the field of medicine. A result of one such change was the medicalization of childbirth, as the primary care of women during labour shifted from midwives to physicians. While there is ample discourse on the many factors that contributed to this shift, there is very little discussion on the role played by abortion. Studying abortion in the 19th Century is often limited by a paucity of primary sources from the physicians who performed abortions and women who obtained them. Although most authors who discuss the midwifery shift do not make any mention of a role played by the issue of abortion, it has been addressed and supported by primary sources. This raises the question, why is abortion not discussed in histories on the medicalization of childbirth by other authors? The objectives of this paper are historical and histographic. First, it will present the evidence on the use of abortion as a political tool employed by some policy makers, physicians and the media to discourage women from choosing midwives for their childbirth care. Second, it will analyze possible reasons why this topic is not addressed by the majority of historians of childbirth in 19th Century North America. Are the authors concerned about the varying social views of abortion, the associated politics, the lack of primary sources, or are they personally uncomfortable with the subject? Only the authors themselves can truly know their reasons for neglecting the subject of abortion in their work, but this analysis will show how issues that influence historians determine the version of the past that is produced and propagated into the present and the future. Borst CG. Catching Babies: the Professionalization of Childbirth, 1870-1920. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995. Bourgeault B, Davis-Floyd R, eds. Reconceiving Midwifery. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004. Dodd DE, Gorham D, eds. Caring and Curing: Historical Perspectives on Women and Healing in Canada. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1994. Wertz DC, Wertz RW. Lying In; a History of Childbirth in America (expanded edition published 1989 by Richard W. Wertz and Dorothy C. Wertz) New York: Free Press; London: Macmillan, 1977. Reagan LJ. Linking midwives and abortion in the Progressive Era. Bulletin of the History of Medicine 1995; 69(4):569-98. Reagan LJ. When Abortion Was a Crime, Women, Medicine, and Law in the United States, 1867-1973. London: University of California Press, 1997.
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Oleksiuk, Adam. "Alois Rašin – czeski i czechosłowacki ekonomista. Przegląd wybranych koncepcji, poglądów i doświadczeń." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6872.

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Alois Rašín (1867-1923) was a Czech and Czechoslovak politician, economist, one of the founders of Czechoslovakia and its first finance minister. Alois Rašín is also the author of the first Czechoslovak law and the creator of the national currency, i.e. the Czechoslovak koruna. Rašín was a representative of conservative liberalism. The paper presents a review of Alois Rašín's concepts, views as the Minister of Finance of Czechoslovakia. Particular attention was paid to his efforts to regulate the currency and monetary system of Czechoslovakia, and to fight galloping inflation (hyperinflation). Rašín supported the free competition, believed in an entrepreneurial society, and believed that the state should strive to maintain a balanced budget.
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Katsikas, Stefanos, and Sakis Dimitriadis. "Muslim Converts to Orthodox Christianity during the Greek War of Independence, 1821–1832." European History Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 2021): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211025378.

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This article explores the conversion of Muslims to Orthodox Christianity during the Greek War of Independence (1821–1832) and the first post-independence years as a case study which shows that religious boundaries in the Balkans do not seem to have been as insurmountable as one might think. The bonds between people of different religious affiliations, including Christians and Muslims, were not so loose in the chaotic period of the nineteenth century. Even though religious differences have always existed in South-eastern Europe, the inhabitants of that region have not always seen fellow humans with different religious affiliations as estranged others. Muslim converts to Christianity were ready to compromise their Islamic faith in exchange for security, social status, and well-being in the changed political and social environment created by Greek nationalism, with a view to advancing their professional opportunities and material interests in the new state. The Greek case is not unique. Religious conversions from Islam to Christianity occurred elsewhere in the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Yet, while Balkan historiographical literature has focused on the Islamization of Christians in the region during the Ottoman period, it has paid little attention to the inverse processes of Christianization of Muslims in the age of nationalism.
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Battistini, Matteo. "Karl Marx and the Global History of the Civil War: The Slave Movement, Working-Class Struggle, and the American State within the World Market." International Labor and Working-Class History 100 (2021): 158–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547921000089.

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AbstractThis essay stitches together the fragments of Marx's work on the United States that are scattered in newspaper articles, letters, notes, in some digressions in his early writings, in his economic manuscripts and in Capital (1867). The main aim is to show that what we can call a “global history of the Civil War” emerges from his pen: a history that is global not simply in a geographical sense, that is, because it expands the European space beyond the Atlantic and towards the Pacific, but also because of the general meaning it takes on in the history of capitalism. The essay highlights how the Civil War opened the Marxian issue of emancipation, his vision of class struggle and his view of the working class, to the presence of a black proletariat that interacted with the struggle of the white working classes, the latter of which until then had been the main focus of his work. It also highlights how the different and disarticulated voices of labor – slave and free, black and white – on both sides of the Atlantic effected a revolutionary shift in the Civil War: interjecting a “revolutionary turn” into what we can call the “long constitutional history” of the political conflict between North and South that changed the economic and social shape of the nation. More importantly, the essay reconstructs what can be termed the “state moment,” which was entangled with the “long constitutional history” and the “revolutionary turn” of the Civil War. As the transnational calls for emancipation from slavery and wage labor impacted the transnational processes of accumulation of industrial capital, the American state became a player in the world market: its financial and fiscal policies became socially linked to the government of industrial capital. In this sense, as the essay underlines in the conclusion, the “global history of the Civil War” that Marx effectively drafted, outlined the theoretical and political hypothesis that formed the basis of his mature reflection in the pages of Capital: the “emancipation of labour” should be thought of as a global issue, “neither a local nor a national, but a social problem.”
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Chekalov, Kirill A. "“Your Letters are as Cordial as a Friend’s Handshake” (Correspondence between André Gide and Fyodor Rosenberg)." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 1 (2022): 508–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-1-508-519.

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St. Petersburg branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences stores a correspondence between a famous French writer André Gide and a renowned soviet Orientalist scholar, member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Fyodor Rosenberg (1867–1934). Part of the correspondence is kept in the Parisian library Jacques Doucet. In 1921, the University of Lyon published the epistolary in French (in total 338 letters). The correspondence covers a long period from 1896 to the date of death of the Russian academic. This letters allow to contemplate the spiritual world of two outstanding cultural figures of the fin de siècle, as well as to see once again how the revolution in Russia influenced the mindset and the way of life of academic life. The fact that the epistolary lacks a number of letters is mainly explained by the 1917 Revolution. Only a short collection of letters dates back to the 1920s (when Rosenberg was a senior research curator at the Asiatic Museum, now the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences), while the early 20th century is broadly represented in the correspondence. Social and political reality becomes more and more catastrophic as it invades that highly estheticized, sometimes explicitly Pre-Raphaelite-like universe into which Rosenberg, a refined expert in both Eastern and Western-European cultural traditions, would like to withdraw. “Beautiful Italy” occupies a significant place in the letters. Rosenberg’s deep emotions connected with his being a homosexual are also an important part of the epistolary. The edition is prepared by Nikol Dziub, professor at the University of Upper Alsace (UHA). The introductory note and an extensive pageby- page commentary provide a comprehensive view of the reality, cultural landmarks, and personalities that appear in the correspondence.
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Books on the topic "1821-1867 Political and social views"

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Europeiska eftertankar: Folken och ideologisk geografi i den napoleonska historieskrivningen på S:t Helena 1815-1821. Åbo: Åbo akademis förlag, 2007.

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Lamartine, Alphonse de. Correspondance d'Alphonse de Lamartine (1830-1867). Paris: Honoré Champion, 2000.

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Lamartine, Alphonse de. Correspondance d'Alphonse de Lamartine (1830-1867). Paris: Champion, 2000.

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Wagner, Wendy. Georg Büchners Religionsunterricht, 1821-1831: Christlich-protestantische Wurzeln sozialrevolutionären Engagements. New York: P. Lang, 1999.

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Walther Rathenau, ou, Le rêve prométhéen: Pensée politique et économique, 1867-1922. Sherbrooke, Québec, Canada: Naaman, 1987.

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Mișcarea antidualistă a românilor din Austro-Ungaria și Ilie Măcelariu: (1867-1891). București: Albatros, 2002.

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Material figures: Political economy, commercial culture, and the aesthetic sensibility of Charles Baudelaire. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2012.

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Plant, Helen. Unitarianism, philanthropy and feminism in York, 1782-1821: The career of Catherine Cappe. York: Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, University of York, 2003.

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Borthwick Institute of Historical Research., ed. Unitarianism, philanthropy and feminism in York, 1782-1821: The career of Catherine Cappe. York: Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, University of York, 2003.

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Dostoevsky and the idea of Russianness: A new perspective on unity and brotherhood. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "1821-1867 Political and social views"

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Lubotskaya, Anna. "200 Years Ago: Greek Revolution Today. Descendants’ views." In 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution), 245–54. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.15.

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place ― the Greek revolution for Independence. Its ideals are still the focus of today’s politics, and draw the attention of researchers, universities, church and ordinary Greeks. But how well modern Greek people know their history, especially the history of the Revolution of 1821? We can fi nd answers in the data collected during the extensive social research from 2007 and 2019. The results reflect the modern knowledge of the events as well as problems of school education and the evolution of perception of the main events and participants of the Revolution. Greek revolution in descendants’ view reflects the changing image of Greece, its ideology and public consciousness.
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Molendijk, Arie L. "The Conversion of Isaac Da Costa." In Protestant Theology and Modernity in the Nineteenth-Century Netherlands, 31–48. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898029.003.0003.

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In 1822 Isaac da Costa converted to Christianity, together with his wife Hanna Belmonte (1800–1867) and his friend the physician Abraham Capadose (1795–1874), who is well-known for his battle against vaccination. Da Costa presented his conversion as a quest for personal truth, which individuals have to appropriate for themselves. His own conversion narrative ultimately resolved the dialectics between free personal conversion and the outer personal and socio-political circumstances and constraints (the death of his father, the emancipation of the Jews in the Netherlands) in favour of the authenticity of the individual decision. From a structural point of view his choice of the ‘religion of my fathers’ was also a conversion to modernity. After his conversion Da Costa became a public figure in the Netherlands and he played a leading role in the early nineteenth-century Dutch revival movement, the Réveil.
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King, Matthew W. "Zava Damdin’s “A 1931 Survey of Mongolian Monastic Colleges”." In Sources of Mongolian Buddhism, 397–415. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0019.

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This chapter presents a 1931 survey of Buddhist institutional life in Outer and Inner Mongolia and in Buryatia. It is a ground-level view by a Buddhist author writing from within the increasingly embattled monastic worlds of socialist Mongolia, soon to be erased by state purges. Like a few other chapters in this volume, it is drawn from the writings of the Khalkha polymath of the revolutionary era, Zava Damdin Luvsandamdin (1867–1937). This survey is embedded in his famous 1931 history of the Dharma in Mongol lands, The Golden Book (Tib. Gser kyi deb ther), the last history of such scope and purpose by a Khalkha monk prior to the devastating socialist state violence of the late 1930s. The survey comes after synthetic presentations of the early, middle, and later spread of the Dharma into Mongol lands, the latter tied inextricably to the Géluk school and the Qing formation that had collapsed in 1911/1912. The survey translated here is a final statement about the translocalism that defined Buddhism in early twentieth-century Mongolia, where most major monasteries were woven at once into local political and social landscapes while also consciously mediating trans-Eurasian ritual, intellectual, and material culture traditions.
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