Academic literature on the topic '1815-1882 Criticism and interpretation'

As one of the disciples of Titu Maiorescu (1840–1917) together with Constantin Radulescu–Motru (1868–1957) and Petre Paul Negulescu (1872–1951), they are regarded as the most prolific thinkers in Romanian modern thought and founders of the Romanian modern culture. History changes which they could not foresee have left the marks upon the perception, reception and interpretation of their work and Ion Petrovici is no exception to that. In order to understand and interpret his work reflected in his writings on philosophy, logic, philosophical monographs, travel diaries, speeches and notes, biographical method, along with text analysis, hermeneutical approach and criticism have been adopted. Bridging his prolific philosophical endowment with his epoch realities remains a wish and an ideal to which this paper aims with the respect that it would offer us a much clear image of the past and would increase our wisdom as how to act upon the future. Keywords: Education, philosophy, Romanian culture.

This study aims to explore the policies of the Dutch colonial government towards people with disabilities. Nowadays, the practice of medicalization of disability remains being carried out, and it causes many losses. This paper explores the historical roots of the problem: why did disability medicalization occur and how? Historiographical studies on disability during the colonial period were still minimal. For this reason, the researcher uses historical research methods (heuristics, source criticism, and interpretation) in this article. This study found that the medicalization of the disability started in 1619 in military hospitals. It was then continued with the establishment of the first mental hospital in 1882 in Bogor. The practice of medicalization of disability carried out by the colonial authorities served as a means of social control.[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi kebijakan pemerintah kolonial Belanda terhadap difabel. Dewasa ini praktik medikalisasi disabilitas masih dilakukan dan banyak menyebabkan kerugian. Penelitian menelusuri akar historis masalah tersebut: mengapa medikalisasi disabilitas terjadi dan bagaimana? Studi historiografi tentang disabilitas pada masa kolonial masih sangat terbatas. Untuk itu, peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah (heuristik, kritik sumber, dan interpretasi) dalam artikel ini. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa medikalisasi terhadap difabel telah dilakukan sejak tahun 1619 di rumah sakit militer. Kemudian dilanjutkan dengan didirikannya rumah sakit jiwa pertama pada 1882 di Bogor. Praktik medikalisasi disabilitas dilakukan oleh penguasa saat itu berfungsi sebagai alat kontrol sosial di masyarakat.]

O propósito deste artigo é analisar a crítica ilustrada do naturalista Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira (1756-1815) às narrativas sobre a América – principalmente referentes ao Reino Animal – que, segundo ele, apresentavam caráter de “fábula”. Utilizaremos basicamente as memórias redigidas durante a viagem filosófica pelas capitanias do Grão-Pará, Rio Negro e Mato Grosso (1783-1792), em particular as “Observações gerais e particulares sobre a classe dos mamais” (1790) e outras referentes aos povos indígenas da América portuguesa. Inicialmente, descreveremos a formação do naturalista no curso filosófico da reformada Universidade de Coimbra após 1772 e as instruções de viagem que recebeu. Em seguida, discutiremos a análise que teceu dos corpos dos ameríndios, destacando particularmente sua concepção de “monstro”, e examinando a sua análise da suposta existência do Homo caudatus. Por fim, destacaremos outros casos em que utilizou a noção de “fábula”, isto é, para referir-se às crenças e práticas dos ameríndios e, em seguida, para questionar a interpretação que os missionários cristãos fizeram das mesmas crenças e práticas. Argumentaremos que sua crítica se baseou em autores que entendeu como “modernos”, em particular William Robertson.* * *The purpose of this article is to analyze the enlightened criticism of the naturalist Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira (1756-1815) to the narratives about America - mainly referring to the Animal Kingdom - which, according to him, presented a "fable" character. We will use basically the memoirs written during the philosophical journey by the captaincies of Grão-Pará, Rio Negro and Mato Grosso (1783-1792), in particular the "General and particular observations on the class of mamals" (1790) and others referring to indigenous peoples of Portuguese America. Initially, we will describe the formation of the naturalist in the philosophical course of the reformed University of Coimbra after 1772 and the travel instructions he received. Next, we will discuss the analysis he made of the Amerindian bodies, particularly highlighting his conception of "monster", and examining his analysis of the supposed existence of the Homo caudatus. Finally, we will highlight other cases in which he used the notion of "fable", that is, to refer to the beliefs and practices of the Amerindians, and then to question the interpretation that the Christian missionaries made of the same beliefs and practices. We will argue that his criticism was based on authors he understood as "modern", in particular William Robertson.

A disciple of Titu Maiorescu (1840–1917), Petre Paul Negulescu, along with Constantin Radulescu-Motru (1868–1957) and Ion Petrovici (1882–1972), is regarded as being among the most prolific thinkers in Romanian modern thought and one of the founders of the modern Romanian culture. Historical changes he could never envisage have left their mark upon the perception, reception and interpretation of his work. The paper reviews the key characteristics of Petre Paul Negulescu’s work as reflected in his studies on the origin of culture, the philosophy of Renaissance and two magnificent works, The History of Contemporary Philosophy and The Destiny of Humanity. The aim is to contextualise these works within the field of philosophy in terms of their sources, conceptual approach and hermeneutics. As well as furnishing the Romanian culture with a wealth of original thought, his pertinent analysis of social, economic, cultural and political changes, and his involvement in improving the educational system through his position as Minister of Instruction, have made him worthy of criticism and an outstanding reference point in times of revival. Keywords: Education, philosophy, culture.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui proses munculnya hukum adat pemali appa’ handanna, dinamika perkembangan pemali appa’ handanna, serta peranan pemali appa’ handanna terhadap kehidupan masyarakat di Buntu Malangka’. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemali appa’ handanna merupakan suatu adat yang di bawah oleh Pongkapadang dari Ulu Sa’dang pada abad ke-15. Latar belakang munculnya pemali appa’ handanna di Buntu Malangka’ adalah adanya proses penyelamatan adat dari keserakahan manusia di daerah Bambang. Perkembangan pemali appa’ handanna di Buntu Malangka’ di awali pada tahun 1816 – 1906, dimana pemali appa’ handanna mengatur segala kehidupan masyarakat baik jasmani maupun rohani. Masuknya Belanda dan Agama Kristen di Buntu Malangka’ pada tahun 1907, membawa beberapa dampak terhadap pemali appa’ handanna di Buntu Malangka’. Seperti larangan Belanda dalam melakukan ritual tertentu yang dianggap akan berdampak negatif bagi etika masyarakat. Contohnya ritual kesuburan ma’dondi dan ritual pangae. Selain itu, Belanda juga mengadakan perubahan dalam budidaya padi. Pemali appa’ handanna memiliki peranan dalam kehidupan masyarakat, seperti sebagai pedoman hidup bersosial, mengajarkan keteraturan dalam bertani, dan mengajarkan untuk lebih menaati hukum atau aturan yang ada. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahapan, yakni : heuristik (pengumpulan data dan sumber), kritik sumber, interpretasi atau penafsiran, dan historiografi atau penulisan sejarah.Kata Kunci : Pemali appa’ handanna, Masyarakat, Buntu Malangka’Abstract This study aims to determine the background of the emergence of the customary law of pemali appa' handanna, the dynamics of the development of pemali appa' handanna, and the role of pemali appa' handanna on people's lives in Buntu Malangka'. The results showed that pemali appa' handanna is a custom that was brought under by Pongkapadang from Ulu Sa'dang in the 15th century. . The development of pemali appa' handanna in Buntu Malangka' began in 1816 – 1906, where pemali appa' handanna governed all people's lives, both physically and spiritually. The entry of the Netherlands and Christianity in Buntu Malangka’ 'in 1907, bringing some impact on pemali appa' handanna in Buntu Malangka’. Such as the Dutch prohibition in performing certain rituals which are considered to have a negative impact on the ethics of society. Examples arefertility ma'dondi rituals and rituals pangae. In addition, the Netherlands also made changes in rice cultivation. Pemali appa' handanna has a role in people's lives, such as as a guide for social life, teaching regularity in farming, and teaching to obey existing laws or regulations more. This study uses historical research methods which consist of four stages, namely: heuristics (collection of data and sources), source criticism, interpretation , and historiography or historical writing. Keywords: Pemali appa' handanna, Society, Buntu Malangka'

El estreno de Les Contes d’Hoffmann, ópera de Jacques Offenbach, fue central para la difusión de la obra literaria de Hoffmann en México. A partir de la interpretación de las notas, críticas y anuncios aparecidos en la prensa se ha reconstruido el proceso de recepción de esta obra; un ejemplo ilustrativo de la forma en la que esta clase de espectáculos llegó a formar parte del gusto del público y un fenómeno que permite entender cómo se leyó la obra del alemán y dar cuenta del proceso de asimilación de su obra en México.The premiere of Les Contes d’Hoffmann, Jacques Offenbach’s opera, was central for the dissemination of Hoffmann’s literary work in Mexico. The reception of this work has been reconstructed from the interpretation of the notes, criticisms and announcements appeared in the press. This process is an illustrative example of the way in which this kind of shows became part of the public’s taste; also a phenomenon that allows us to understand how the work of the German was read and its assimilation in Mexico.

During most of the 19th century, an important body of literary works appeared outside of Cuba criticizing the institution of slavery on the island, the system’s inherent violence, its sexual practices, and its repercussions on the white population. Among the most famous works published at the time were Sab (1841), by Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda, and Cecilia Valdés ([1839] 1882), by Cirilo Villaverde. In this essay, I would like to explore a lesser known novel that was published by a Cuban writer of the following generation—El negro Francisco (1875), by Antonio Zambrana y Vazquez—in order to understand the principal role of the legal and anthropological archives in the novel, as well as the author’s use of newspaper reports and advertisements. How are these texts and styles intertwined in the novel to criticize institutional slavery on the Island? How does the authorial voice appear in the novel when we consider a tradition present since the beginning of the Spanish Conquest of the Americas—which reached the 20th century with novels such as Los pasos perdidos (1958) by Alejo Carpentier? I would base my arguments on Roberto González Echevarría’s interpretation of Latin American novel in Mito y Archivo, una teoría de la narrativa latinoamericana, in which he employs basic concepts of US critical anthropology in order to re-interpret various aspects of 19th century Latin American history.

Visibility of bodies and actions in the classroom is a major feature of modern schooling as a disciplinary institution. The mere fact that children attended elementary schools in early modern times did not mean that effective work took place. Old techniques of schooling were challenged by new proposals at the beginning of the 19th century. Among them, monitorial schooling represented a crucial movement towards an increased standardisation of educational practices and institutions. This British model of schooling was based on a strict routine in the classroom, carried out by numerous children in the role of helpers, also called monitors. In this system of teaching, a hierarchical structure of monitors guaranteed continuous activity of a well-ordered mass of pupils. The worldwide spread of monitorial schooling was a first attempt to extend a disciplined daily life into the classrooms before group teaching techniques took the forefront. Evidently, the challenge of teaching 200-300 pupils in a room made demands on control and surveillance, in order to interrupt possible alliances between children. This contribution describes different versions of the control of big groups of children through visibility in German and Spanish schools. In both contexts, educationalists and schoolteachers reformed many aspects of the “British” system, which foresaw “pyramidal” structure of gazes. In the German states, a general concern about the position of the teacher arose. Germans criticised the teaching role of monitors and reinforced the role of the adult’s gaze in ordering the classroom. In the Spanish case, educationists started copying the English original, but they reinforced later the stability of authority by giving a more substantive role to the "intermediate" gazes of the general monitors. Both developments are traced back to prevailing notions of teaching in each context. The different paths of reception and interpretation of this highly codified system of teaching display the existence of different “cultures of discipline”.

This article considers an important source on the evolution of Russian historical science. These are four letters written in 1926–1928 by the leading historian I.M. Grevs (1860–1941) to his colleague S.I. Archangelsky (1882–1958), a future corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Unfortunately, the response letters of S.I. Arkhangelsky have been lost. The letters under study focus on two main problems. I.M. Grevs unsuccessfully helped S.I. Arkhangelsky to publish the historical source he had translated – “The Edict on Maximum Prices” of Emperor Diocletian. In this connection, the problems of scientific formation and ideas of S.I. Arkhangelsky, the difficulties faced by the USSR historians of the 1920s who wanted to publish their scientific works, and the scholarly activity of I.M. Grevs in the Soviet period are considered. S.I. Arkhangelsky and I.M. Grevs adhered to different directions in interpreting world economic history – Eduard Meyer and Karl Bücher, respectively. S.I. Arkhangelsky refused to criticize I.M. Grevs, the reasons for which are discussed here. Another chief point of interest in the letters is the problems of local history studies. Based on the analysis of the exchange of views, new interpretations of the facts of I.M. Grevs’s biography – his travels along the Volga River, meetings with the figures of the Nizhny Novgorod Scientific Society for the Study of Local History – are offered. These and other issues are presented in the biographical context of communication ties between both the historians. The article is accompanied by the full texts of the letters and commentaries

The Young Grundtvig and NorwayBy Gustav AlbeckThis article is a revised and extended version of the lecture given by Professor Albeck on April 30th 1984 at the annual general meeting of the Grundtvig Society in Oslo. It describes Grundtvig’s close relationship to a number of Norwegian friends he made during his residence at the Walkendorf hostel in Copenhagen in the years 1808-11; this circle of friends lasted and widened to include other Norwegians in his later life.Grundtvig was 67 before he set foot on Norwegian soil, but from his early youth he had familiarised himself with the Norwegian landscape and history through Norwegian literature. His feeling of kinship with the spirit and history of Norway was for a time stronger than his consciousness of being Danish. In his youth Norway and the Norwegians played a major role in opinion-making in Denmark, and in this respect Grundtvig was no different from his contemporary Danes. But the idea of Norway’s future continued to concern him long after his youth was over. The lecture, however, confines itself to the way certain Norwegians regarded Grundtvig between 1808 and 1811.When Grundtvig returned to Copenhagen from Langeland in 1808 he had no friends in the capital. But at the Walkendorf hostel he met first and foremost Svend B. Hersleb, a Norwegian theologian, to whom he addressed a jocular poem in the same year, revealing that Grundtvig now felt himself young again and among young people following his unrequited passion for Constance Leth. Otherwise we have only a few witnesses to this first period of happiness, with Grundtvig gaining a foothold on the Danish parnassus through his first Norse Mythology and Scenes from Heroic Life in the North.The fullest accounts of Grundtvig’s relationship to the Norwegians in the period following his nervous breakdown and religious breakthrough in 1810 come from the journals of the Norwegian-Danish dean and poet, Frederik Schmidt, made during various trips to Denmark. These journals were published in extenso between 1966 and 1985 in three volumes, the last of which includes a commentary by the editors and a postscript by Gustav Albeck. Many of the valuable notes about Grundtvig are repeated in the lecture. Frederik Schmidt was the son of a Norwegian bishop; he became a rural dean and later a member of the first National Assembly at Eids voll in 1814. He was a Norwegian patriot but loyal to the Danes and in fact returned to Denmark in 1820. His descriptions of Grundtvig’s conversations with Niels Treschow, the Norwegian-born Professor of Philosophy at Copenhagen University, give an authentic and concentrated picture of Grundtvig’s reflections on his conversion to a strict Lutheran faith, which for a time threatened to hinder his development as a secular writer. Schmidt found their way of presenting their differing views “very interesting and human”, and Grundtvig’s Christian faith “warm, intense and sincere”. “In the animated features of his dark eyes and pale face there is something passionate yet also gentle”. When Schmidt himself talked to Grundtvig about a current paper which stated that in early Christianity there was a fusion between Greek thought and oriental feeling, Grundtvig exclaimed, “Yet another Christianity without Christ!” A draft of a reply to one of Schmidt’s articles shows that at that point, April 1811, Grundtvig did not believe in the working of “the living word” in its secular meaning. The draft was not printed and Grundtvig does not appear to have discussed it with Schmidt. There is a very precise description of Grundtvig’s appearance: “There is... something confused in his eyes; he sometimes closes them after a tiring conversation, as if he wants to pull his thoughts together again.” Schmidt in no way agrees with Grundtvig’s point of view, which he partly puts down to “disappointed hopes, humbled pride and the persecution... he has been subjected to...” But he does find another important explanation in Grundtvig’s “need for reassuring knowledge” and his conviction “that the misery of the age can only be helped by true religious feeling”.There are also descriptions of Grundtvig in a more jovial mood, for example together with Professor George Sverdrup, where Grundtvig repeated some rather unflattering accounts of the playwright Holberg’s behaviour towards a couple of professors who were colleagues. The same evening he and Schmidt set about attacking Napoleon while Treschow and Sverdrup defended him. Schmidt considered Grundtvig’s little book, New Year’s Eve, “devout to the point of pietist sentiment”, but thought the error lay rather in Grundtvig’s head than his heart. Lovely is the Clear Blue Night (Dejlig er den himmel blaa), published in April 1811 was even read aloud by Schmidt to a woman poet; but he criticised The Anholt-Campaign.After 1814 Schmidt adopted a somewhat cooler tone towards Grundtvig’s books. He was unable to go along with Grundtvig’s talk of a united Denmark- Norway as his fatherland. He criticised the poems Grundtvig published in his periodical, Danevirke, including even The Easter Lily for its “vulgar language”, which Grundtvig appeared to confuse with a true “language of power”. It is impossible to prove any close relationship between Schmidt and Grundtvig, but he was an attentive observer when they met in Copenhagen in 1811.With the opening of the Royal Frederik University in Christiania in 1813 Grundtvig became separated from his Norwegian friends, as Hersleb, Treschow and Sverdrup were all appointed to the new Norwegian university. They were keen for Grundtvig to join them as Professor of History. Sverdrup in particular was captivated by his personality, and in a letter dated April 21st 1812 he informed Grundtvig that he was among the candidates for the post proposed by the commission to the King. But Grundtvig himself hesitated; he felt “calm and quietly happy” in Udby “as minister for simple Christians”. To his friend, the Norwegian-born Poul Dons, he wrote, “... something in me draws me up there, something keeps me down here.” The fact that he never got the job was in many ways his own fault. His World Chronicle (1812) could not but offend scholars of a rationalist approach, in particular the prediction at the end of the book about the new university’s effect. It is linked to Grundtvig’s interpretation (1810) of the letters to the seven churches in Revelation, which are seen as a prediction of the seven great churches in the historical advance of Christianity.“It was an idea,” says Albeck, “which in spite of its obvious irrationality never left Grundtvig, and as late as 1860 it found poetic form in the great poem, The Pleiades of Christendom (Christenhedens Syvstjerne).” Grundtvig “was in no doubt that the sixth church was the Nordic, and that it would grow out of the Norwegian university, the new Wittenberg.” In 1810 Grundtvig felt himself “chosen to be the forerunner of a new reformer, a new Johan Huss before a new Luther.” From a scholarly point of view there is no reason to reproach the Danish selection panel for the negative judgment they reached regarding Grundtvig’s qualifications as a historian. His name was not even mentioned in the appointments for the new professorships. He had caused quite a stir not long before by writing a birthday poem for the King in which he directly expressed his wish that the new university might become a Wittenberg. The poem took the form of a series of accusations against Norway and the Norwegians, and in particular against Nicolai Wergeland, who in a prize-winning essay on the Norwegian university entitled Mnemosyne had stuck a few needles into Denmark and the Danes. Grundtvig accused the Norwegians of ingratitude to Denmark and unchristian pride. Even his good friend Hersleb reacted to such an attack.From the diaries of the Norwegian, Claus Pavels, we know how the Norwegian poet, Jonas Rein, wrote and told Grundtvig that “a greater meekness towards people with a different opinion would be more fitting for a teacher of Christianity.” Grundtvig replied that he had had to speak the truth loud and clear in a degenerate age. The Bishop of Bergen, Nordal Brun, also considered Grundtvig’s views as expressed to the King “misplaced and insulting”. He was particularly hurt that Norway “should have to thank Denmark for its Christianity and protestantism”. When Grundtvig printed the poem in Little Songs (Kv.dlinger) in 1815, Nicolai Wergeland was moved to write Denmark’s Political Crimes against the Kingdom of Norway, published in 1816.For Grundtvig’s Norwegian friends it was a matter of regret that he did not come to Norway, not least for Stener Stenersen, who in 1814 became a lecturer and in 1818 a professor of theology at the Norwegian university. His correspondence with Grundtvig from 1813 is now regarded as a valuable source for Grundtvig’s view of Christianity at that time. In his diary entry for August 27th 1813 Pavels notes that Stenersen had proposed that the Society for the Wellbeing of Norway should use all its influence to get Grundtvig to Norway. In his proposition Stenersen asked who possessed such unity and purity of thought as to be able to understand fully the importance of scholarship; he himself had only one candidate - Grundtvig. From a contemporary standpoint he had won his way to the Christian faith. But the rationalist Pavels, the source of our information, was far from convinced that “no man in the whole of Norway” possessed these abilities in equal measure to Grundtvig”. He therefore had misgivings about “requesting him as Norway’s last and only deliverer”.When Grundtvig heard of Stenersen’s proposition he sought an audience with the King on September 8th at which he clearly expressed his desire to become Professor of History at the Norwegian University. Two Danish professors, Børge Thorlacius and Laurids Engelsto. found it strange, however, that Treschow, Sverdrup and Hersleb could “deify Grundtvig”. And his great wish was never fulfilled. Nonetheless he did not give up. On November 15th he saw that the post of curate was being advertised at Aggers church near Christiania and applied for the job. From his book Roskilde Rhymes (published on February 1st 1814) it is clear that he believed that it was there that his great work was to be accomplished. But in those very days Frederik VI was signing the peace of Kiel which would separate Norway from Denmark, and Grundtvig from his wish.In the preface to Danevirke (dated May 1817) he realised that he had deserved the scorn of the Norwegians, for he had expected too much of them. But he never forgot his Norwegian friends. He named one of his sons after Svend Hersleb, and another son married Stenersen’s daughter. When he himself visited Norway in 1851 he was welcomed like a prince.

In the first segment of the critical part of my thesis, my thought lays on "L'art du roman" of Virginia Woolf. In the second part, while recognizing certain qualities in the critical work of the English writer, I take side in favor of the literary theories of Celine and Sartre. In the last part of this text, I am exposing my views according to which the Quebec's literature would have greater advantage of being more "engage". The creating part of my thesis takes shape as a "roman engage". The story is about a disillusioned nationalist Quebecer, graduate and unemployed, who decides to change his personality to be like an English Canadian to better start his career in Toronto. Though all the sustained efforts he made to become Canadian, he realizes that he is first and above Quebecer. In ... Dent pour dent, the political message plays a fundamental role, but the esthetical aspects like humor, repetition and rythm are in the first place.

At the height of their popularity in the mid-nineteenth century, a vast transatlantic readership conferred on Longfellow and Tennyson the title "The People's Poet." This examination of Anglo-American Victorian poetry attempts to account for that phenomenon. A poetic work is first defined as an aesthetic experience that occurs within a triangular matrix of text, author, and reader. As reception theorist Hans Robert Jauss contends, both the creator's and the receptor's aesthetic experiences are filtered through a historically determined "horizon of expectations" that governs popular appeal. A historical account of the publication and promotion of Longfellow's and Tennyson's poetry provides empirical evidence for how and why their poetic texts appealed to a widespread readership. This account is followed by an analysis of the class and gender of Victorian readers of poetry that considers the role of "consumers" in the production of both poetry and poetic personae as commodities for public consumption. The development of each poet's voice is then examined in a context of a gendered "separate-sphere" ideology to explain how both Longfellow's and Tennyson's adoption of "feminine" cadences in their respective voices influenced the nineteenth-century reception of their work. The final two chapters analyze select texts—lyric and narrative—to determine reasons for their popular appeal in relation to the level of active reader engagement in the poetic experience. Through affective lyricism, as in Longfellow's "Psalm of Life" and Tennyson's "Break, break, break," these poets demanded that their readers listen; through sentiment transformed into domestic allegory, as in Miles Standish and Enoch Arden, these poets demanded further that they feel. While both Victorian poets were later decanonized by their modern successors, contemporary critics, mainly academic, have restored Tennyson to the literary canon while relegating Longfellow to a second-rate schoolroom status. The conclusion speculates on the possible reasons underlying the disparate reputations assigned to the two poets, both of whom, during their lifetimes, shared equally the fame and fortune that attended their role as "The People's Voice."
Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate

No study of Virginia Woolf can do justice to the complexity of her life and work without taking into account the numerous contradictions present in her thought. Though Woolf is recognized as a revolutionary contributor to the development of modernism, it is also important to remember that she was born in 1882 and that the nineteenth century also left its mark on her. The first chapter will examine this double sensibility. The second chapter will trace the development of Woolf's modernist aesthetic. She was obviously rebelling against the realism valued by her Victorian and Edwardian predecessors when she conceived of a literary style capable of abstracting from purely formal elements a more "profound reality" than that captured by objective and representational descriptions. Despite this revolutionary tendency, she constructs a hierarchy of "realities" that is somewhat elitist in its mysticism and runs counter to the revolutionary feminist and Marxist thought evident in so much of her work. The last chapter will examine the contradictions that riddle Woolf's feminist writings.

The questions posed and examined in Violent Femmes take their genesis from psychoanalytic arguments which contend that identity is not a stable monadic thing but rather a continuing process of engagement and negotiation between the self and others. Sigmund Freud, Melanie Klein, D. W. Winnicott, and Christopher Bollas, amongst others, have noted the temporary, coalitional, and provisional nature of the ways in which identity is apprehended and experienced. This thesis expands upon such a theoretical framework of identity formation to specifically question the ways in which the formation and maturation of an artistic identity may, in part, be predicated upon the psychological capacity to enact violence within the realm of the imaginary. Violent Femmes examines the complex relationship between psychological violence and artistic identity as that relationship is recorded in the autobiographical writings of Virginia Woolf, Radclyffe Hall, and Emily Carr.
This project traces the written vestiges of Woolfs, Hall's, and Carr's individual internalised struggles to formulate an artistic identity in specific relationship with an already established 'model' of artistic creativity and identity. Woolfs, Hall's, and Carr's struggles to claim a personal artistic identity, in some ways from their individual model of the artist, are waged within the minds of the authors themselves. However, the violence enacted within their imaginations---the violence perpetrated against the models of the artist---is thrust into the external world, not only within the writings of these three women, but also by the ways in which each author resolves or fails to resolve her own violent conflict with her imaginary model of the artist.

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This dissertation discusses why and how Machado de Assis, in The Alienist , registers a certain cultural proximity among Carioca Imperial Court, French Court and the English one, between 1881 and 1882. For that, it was considered in our study that some narrative resources showed in this short story are developed into socio-cultural circumstances experienced by the author, between the 1860 s and 1880´s. Actually, it s in the process of his accommodation related to the job opportunities which are offered to him, in a condition of a chronicler and French and English translator, that the irony, the dialogal tone, the imaginary theater and the skepticism, are developed and elaborated by Machado de Assis in The Alienist . From this short story on, Machado de Assis addresses, as madness, the consumption without limit of hand-made products imported from France and England as well as the project of national identity, under influence of the relation between Rousseau s Romanticism and Positivism, of the Historical and Geographical Brazilian Institute (IHGB), and some political propositions made by intellectuals linked to Recife Faculty of Law, supported not only by Evolutionism and Social Darwinism, and from São Paulo Faculty of Law, but also by Positivism and Liberalism, as solution to promote the cultural progress of Brazil. Therefore, it s in the context of the second reign, characterized by a marked triumph of the cosmopolitism in the court, that Machado de Assis organizes characters to do ironies with this feature from a hidden methodology; learnt with Poe (1981), with an engaged posture under Hugo s influence (1982) and with a proposition of reflexion guided by Pirro s skeptical philosophy (2007). To sum up, to dramatize the life of the court from The Alienist , Machado de Assis seems to suggest that the supposed cause of Brazil s cultural backwardness, when compared to France and England, is not racial, but moral and political.
Essa dissertação discute porque e como Machado de Assis, em O Alienista, registra uma certa proximidade cultural da corte carioca com a França e com a Inglaterra, entre 1881 e 1882. Para isso, consideramos, em nosso estudo, que alguns recursos narrativos, trabalhados nesse conto, são desenvolvidos nas circunstâncias socioculturais vivenciadas pelo autor, entre as décadas 1860 e 1880. De fato, é no processo de sua acomodação ás oportunidades de trabalho que lhes são oferecidas, na condição de cronista e de tradutor da literatura francesa e inglesa, que a ironia, o tom dialogal, o teatro imaginário e o ceticismo são desenvolvidos e trabalhados por Machado de Assis, em O Alienista. A partir desse conto, Machado de Assis trata, como loucura, o consumo sem limites de manufaturas importadas da França e da Inglaterra, bem como o projeto de identidade nacional, sob a influência da relação entre o Romantismo rousseauniano e o Positivismo, do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (IHGB), e algumas propostas políticas de intelectuais ligados a Faculdade de Direito do Recife, apoiado no Evolucionismo e no Darwinismo Social, e da Faculdade de Direito de São Paulo, amparado por idéias oriundas do Positivismo e do Liberalismo, como solução para promover o progresso cultural do Brasil. Desse modo, é no contexto do Segundo Reinado, caracterizado por um triunfo marcante do cosmopolitismo na corte, que Machado de Assis organiza personagens para ironizar com essa característica a partir de uma metodologia velada, aprendida com Poe (1981), com uma postura engajada sob a influência de Hugo (1982), e com uma proposta de reflexão orientada pela filosofia cética de Pirro (2007). Enfim, ao dramatizar a vida da corte a partir de O Alienista, Machado de Assis parece sugerir que a suposta causa do atraso cultural do Brasil, quando comparado com a França e a Inglaterra, não é racial, mas moral e político.

This thesis explores the importance of the visionary experience in five novels by Virginia Woolf. In her fiction, Woolf portrays the phenomenal world as constantly changing and she uses the cycles of nature and the passing of time as a terrifying backdrop against which the mutability and transience of human life are set. Faced with the inevitability of change and the fact of mortality, the individual seeks moments of permanence. These stand in opposition to flux and lead to the experience of a visionary intensity. Woolf's presentation of time as a qualitative phenomenon and her stress on the importance of memory as a function which allows for the intermingling of past and present make possible the narrative rendering of moments which contradict perpetual change and the rigours of sequential time. Moments of stillness 'occur in the midst of and in spite of process and allow for individual contact with an experience that defies the relentless progression of time. Necessary for this experience is not only memory but also the imagination, a faculty which has the power to perceive patterns of harmony in the midst of the chaos that characterises the phenomenal realm. Fundamental to Woolf's writing, however, is the acknowledgement that visions are fleeting, as are the glimpses of meaning that emerge from them. Therefore, while several of her novels describe the artistic effort to create a structured order as a defense against change, Woolf uses the artist's struggle as a metaphor for the difficulties attached to describing the enigma that is life. None of her artist figures is able to formulate a construction that either sums up life or provides a permanence of vision. This study presents a chronological examination of the novels in order to demonstrate that the changing forms of Woolf's fiction trace the evolution of a style that accurately portrays both the workings of the human mind and the insubstantial and fragmentary nature of life. The chronology also reveals that her novels develop in terms of their presentations of the visionary experience. Woolf's final novel incorporates into its central vision the paradoxical fact of the permanence of time's progression and acknowledges that, beyond the individually mutable life, is a continuum that links pre-history to the future. This notion, which is explored in part in the earlier novels, but developed completely in Between the Acts, suggests that consolation can be found in the greater cycles of existence despite the fact of individual mortality.

This chapter looks at Snouck Hurgronje's interventions in the field in Holland, his criticisms of the juridical and missiological attacks on the orthopraxy of Islam in the Indies, and his alliance with those whom he deemed to have a more scholarly interpretation of Islam, and whose views he therefore promoted as beneficial to public well-being within a still Netherlandic Indies. In particular, the chapter will consider the distaste of Snouck and his allies for the varieties of populist mysticism that rival—and rather less juridically concerned—Muslim teachers could turn to their own purposes. Trained in the field of religious studies, Snouck had a decided aversion to legalistic scholarship that prioritized text over context. He urged instead that the observations of his academic and churchmen forebears should be twinned to a more professionally developed Orientalism, such as would more effectively service an empire contending with Islam as its primary threat.

This chapter shows the vital role of injury and suffering in redefining art practices and aesthetic experience from the 1750s onwards. It investigates the role of Burke’s sublime in the introduction of a new lust for pain, which was combined with an equally painful call for the amplification of visual experiences – real and imitated. Sarafianos stresses Burke’s uncivil redefinition of sympathy as a painful delight in the suffering of others, and argues that, despite established anti-visual interpretations of Burke’s sub lime, such extreme forms of suffering are at the root of the way in which his Philosophical Enquiry (1757) built powerful continuities between ‘real sympathy’ and the reality of imitations in painting or theatre. Moreover, this chapter demonstrates that the same principles led to the reorganisation of the entire visual field: bodies in pain, painstaking styles of representation and hurtful habits of seeing were tied up in ways that determined the bursting forth of a specially modern kind of realism. Sarafianos uses Sir Charles Bell’s gruesome surgical sketches from Waterloo (1815) in order to show that the same tangle of hurtful experiences, tailored on Burke’s precise guidelines, encapsulated drives and aspirations for a ‘sublime real’ with a long career in modern art and criticism.