Academic literature on the topic '1813-1899'

Abstract The discussion of floods in this paper covers the section of the Odra River basin from its source down to the mouth of the Nysa Klodzka River and the section of the Vistula River basin down to the Krakow profile. The area of the upper part of Odra River basin is 13,455 km2 and the length of the river bed in this section is ca. 273.0 km. In the reach examined, the Vistula River is 184.8 km long and has a catchment area of approximately 8,101 km2. Geographical and environmental conditions in the upper part of the Vistula and Odra Rivers basins are conducive to floods both in the summer and winter seasons. The analyses conducted for the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that two main types of floods can be distinguished. Floods with a single flood wave peak occurred in the following years in the upper Odra River basin: 1813, 1831, 1879, 1889, 1890 and 1896, and on the Vistula River they were recorded in 1805, 1813, 1816, 1818, 1826, 1830, 1834, 1844 and 1845. In the 20th century, similar phenomena were recorded on the Odra River in 1903, 1909, 1911, 1915, 1925, 1960, 1970 and 1985, and on the Vistula River they occurred in 1903, 1908, 1925, 1931, 1934, 1939, 1948, 1951, 1970, 1972, 1991, 1996, 1997 and 1999. The second category includes floods with two, three or more flood wave peaks. These are caused by successive episodes of high rainfall separated by dry periods that last for a few days, a fortnight or even several weeks. Such floods occurred on the upper Odra River in 1847, 1854, 1880, 1888, 1892, 1897 and 1899; while on the Vistula River only two (1839 and 1843) floods featured two flood wave peaks. In the 20th century on the upper Odra River, floods of this type occurred in 1902, 1926, 1939, 1940, 1972, 1977 and 1997; on the upper Vistula River, they were recorded in 1906, 1915, 1919, 1920, 1940, 1958, 1960 and 1987.

Four species of the genus Trifurcula Zeller, 1848 are described from Italy: Trifurcula (Trifurcula) aetnensis sp. n. on Genista aetnensis (Biv.) DC., T. (T.) cytisanthi sp. n. on Genista radiata (L.) Scop., both close to T. (T.) aurella Rebel, 1933; T. (T.) baldensis sp. n. on Genista radiata close to T. (T.) immundella (Zeller, 1839), and T. (T.) trasaghica sp. n. on Corothamnus decumbens (Durande) Spach similar to T. (T.) pallidella (Duponchel, 1843), but more close to T. (T.) beirnei Puplesis, 1984 and T. (T.) squamatella Stainton, 1849. Additional faunal data on the family Nepticulidae are given from Italy: 4 species are new for Italy: Stigmella irregularis Puplesis, 1994, Trifurcula thymi (Szöcs, 1965), T. ortneri (Klimesch, 1951) and T. austriaca van Nieukerken, 1990; 17 species are new for Sicily: Stigmella luteella (Stainton, 1857), S. glutinosae (Stainton, 1858), S. alnetella (Stainton, 1856), S. rolandi van Nieukerken, 1990, S. hybnerella (Hübner, 1813), S. salicis (Stainton, 1854), S. trimaculella (Haworth, 1828), S. plagicolella (Stainton, 1854), S. incognitella (Herrich-Schäffer, 1855), S. basiguttella (Heinemann, 1862), Acalyptris platani (Müller-Rutz, 1934), Trifurcula saturejae (Parenti, 1963), T. eurema (Tutt, 1899), T. subnitidella (Duponchel, 1843), T. aurella Rebel, 1933, Ectoedemia atrifrontella (Stainton, 1851) and E. gilvipennella (Klimesch, 1946).

- Udine into a Structured City Udine, the capital of Friuli, as well as the whole region, was introduced to a number of innovations, such as the cadastre, under French rule from 1805 to 1813. Such kinds of innovations were continued by the subsequent Austrian and the Italian royal governments (after the annexation of Friuli in 1866). The city plans of 1878 and 1880 aimed at regulating urban development after the demolition of the city walls. No overall city planning was adopted. Instead, local authorities tended to focus on political concerns that led them to deal with each specific situation separately. The choices made in Udine were in line with what was done in many more Italian and European cities at the time. These illustrate that urban planning was then generally a matter of sanitation rather than of architecture. Architecture came to the fore only at a later stage in the plan of 1899. The minutes of the town council meetings testify to the clash between private and public interests, especially around the issue of expropriation. In addition, they illustrate that developers making up a new class were strengthening their influence and that their interests were bound to modify the appearance of the city.

The article dedicated to the 200th anniversary of Dmytro Vasyliovych Pospiekhov (1821–1899), a philosopher, psychologist, theologian and translator, for the first time in the scientific literature, highlights the milestones of his academic biography and more than 50 years (1845–1899) of professor’s tenure at the Department of Philosophy of Kyiv Theological Academy. Based on the analysis of a significant array of printed sources and archival documents, memories of colleagues and students of Dmytro Pospiekhov, the content and specifics of his educational, administrative, editorial and publishing, translation activities at the Academy were revealed for the first time; his important role in the training of professional philosophers, the development of philosophical education and the spread of philosophical knowledge in the East Slavic territories was proven. Paying special attention to Dmytro Pospiekhov’s methods of teaching of philosophical disciplines, the author emphasizes his lecturing methodology, innovative for the theological academies of the time, as well as the heuristic, religious, educational, and moral impact on the students. A special emphasis is placed on Dmytro Pospiekhov’s scientific and editorial activities, his biographical and bibliographic studies, his role in the preservation and studying of the heritage of prominent philosophers and theologians of Kyiv Theological Academy of the 1820s‒1840s: Archpriest Ivan Skvortsov (1795‒1863), Archimandrite Theophanes (Petro Avseniev, 1810‒1852), Sylvestr Hohotskyi (1813‒1889). Analyzing Dmytro Pospiekhov’s printed works for the first time, the author reveals the content and significance of his theological and philosophical study of the Book of Wisdom, which emphasizes the direct connection of this Judaic source to the philosophical teachings of Philo of Alexandria, Plato, and the Stoics. The author also draws attention to the significant research potential of Dmytro Pospiekhov’s manuscript heritage, linking it with the study of the prospects of determining his role in the development of psychological science in theological academies and the expansion of modern scientific ideas about the content and specifics of teaching of philosophical disciplines in Kyiv of the second half of the 19th Century.

Speculation about igneous rock diversity began in the first half of the nineteenth century after acceptance of the existence of ancient volcanism and the recognition of two fundamental types of lava: basalt and trachyte. Before 1850, George Poulett Scrope (1797-1876), Charles Darwin (1809-1882), and James Dwight Dana (1813-1895) attributed diversity to intumescence of gas-rich lava, crystal settling, and differential fusion of minerals. In the 1850s, Robert Bunsen (1811-1899) maintained that lava is derived from two deep normal trachytic and normal pyroxenic sources. Wolfgang Sartorius von Waltershausen (1809-1876), Joseph Durocher (1817-1860), and Ferdinand von Richthofen (1833-1905) universalized Bunsen's sources by postulating a density-stratified Earth in which a layer of acid, feldspathic material rested above a layer of basic, basaltic material. Exploration of the complex volcanic terranes of western America in the 1860s and 1870s undermined the two-source theories and opened the way for the concept of fusion of already solid crust. Prior to 1880, speculations about diversity were typically suggested by naturalists, chemists, and geological generalists with strong interests in the geomorphic or geophysical aspects of Earth. Consequently, the problem of diversity was a peripheral concern to most of those proposing hypotheses. The hypotheses characteristically reflected the professional interests of their proposers. The content of the early speculations was further shaped by the nature of the field areas studied by proposers, and by their views on the correlation between geologic age and igneous rock type. Those, like Scrope, Darwin, Dana, Joseph Jukes (1811-1869), Carl Bernhard von Cotta (1808-1870), and Clarence Dutton (1841-1912), who rejected such correlations, located the source of igneous rock diversity at the surface, within a volcano, or within the acid crust. Those, like Bunsen, von Waltershausen, Durocher, von Richthofen, and Clarence King (1842-1901), who accepted the Wernerian idea that there had been changes in igneous rock type through time were more inclined to attribute diversity to multiple lava sources at great depth.

The date pineapple (Ananas comosus var. comosus) was introduced to Hawaii is not known, but its presence was first recorded in 1813. When American missionaries first arrived in Hawaii in 1820, pineapple was found growing wild and in gardens and small plots. The pineapple canning industry began in Baltimore in the mid-1860s and used fruit imported from the Caribbean. The export-based Hawaii pineapple industry was developed by an entrepreneurial group of California migrants who arrived in Hawaii in 1898 and the well-connected James D. Dole who arrived in 1899. The first profitable lot of canned pineapples was produced by Dole’s Hawaiian Pineapple Company in 1903 and the industry grew rapidly from there. Difficulties encountered in production and processing as the industry grew included low yields resulting from severe iron chlorosis and the use of low plant populations, mealybug wilt that devastated whole fields, inadequate machinery that limited cannery capacity, and lack of or poorly developed markets for the industry’s canned fruit. The major production problems were solved by public- and industry-funded research and innovation in the field and in the cannery. An industry association and industry-funded cooperative marketing efforts, initially led by James Dole, helped to expand the market for canned pineapple. Industry innovations were many and included: selection of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ pineapple as the most productive cultivar with the best quality fruit for canning; identification of the cause of manganese-induced iron chlorosis and its control with biweekly iron sulphate sprays; the use of mulch paper and the mechanization of its application, which increased yields by more than 20 t·ha−1; and the invention of the Ginaca peeler–corer machine, which greatly sped cannery throughput. Nematodes were also a serious problem for the industry, which resulted in the discovery and development of nematicides in the 1930s. As a result, by 1930 Hawaii led the world in the production of canned pineapple and had the world’s largest canneries. Production and sale of canned pineapple fell sharply during the world depression that began in 1929. However, the formation of an industry cartel to control output and marketing of canned pineapple, aggressive industry-funded marketing programs, and rapid growth in the volume of canned juice after 1933 restored industry profitability. Although the industry supported the world’s largest pineapple breeding program from 1914 until 1986, no cultivars emerged that replaced ‘Smooth Cayenne’ for canning. The lack of success was attributed in part to the superiority of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ in the field and the cannery, but also to the difficulty in producing defect-free progeny from crosses between highly heterozygous parents that were self-incompatible. Production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957, but the stage was set for the decline of the Hawaii industry when Del Monte, one of Hawaii’s largest canners, established the Philippine Packing Corporation (PPC) in the Philippines in the 1930s. The expansion of the PPC after World War II, followed by the establishment of plantations and canneries by Castle and Cooke’s Dole division in the Philippines in 1964 and in Thailand in 1972, sped the decline. The decline occurred mainly because foreign-based canneries had labor costs approximately one-tenth those in Hawaii. As the Hawaii canneries closed, the industry gradually shifted to the production of fresh pineapples. During that transition, the pineapple breeding program of the Pineapple Research Institute of Hawaii produced the MD-2 pineapple cultivar, now the world’s pre-eminent fresh fruit cultivar. However, the first and major beneficiary of that cultivar was Costa Rica where Del Monte had established a fresh fruit plantation in the late 1970s. Dole Food Co. and Maui Gold Pineapple Co. continue to produce fresh pineapples in Hawaii, mostly for the local market. All of the canneries eventually closed, the last one on Maui in 2007.

Background:the prevalence of gout and hyperuricemia (HU) in the world remains high, with a stable high incidence of severe gout [1]. There are no data on the prevalence and features of severe gout in the population of the Russian Federation (RF).Objectives:To determine the percentage of patients (pts) with severe gout in the RF among pts with gout who are looking for information about their disease on the Internet, to clarify their average age, gender distribution, comorbidity, difficulties in diagnosing and treating, to get an idea of the most relevant online requests in this cohort.Methods:We used technology for analyzing “big data” and processing unstructured information (semantic intelligence) (the Semantic Hub platform, which scans Google and Yandex environments). For efficient processing of text corpora, several specialized converters were used. The resulting format for these converters is an XML representation of the source data. The study was based on real-life patient cases (specialized social networks, forums, and other sources of user-generated content). Messages from pts with gout and their relatives were used. Severe gout is characterized by frequent polyarticular flares or chronic arthritis, subcutaneous tophi, the presence of concomitant conditions.Results:A total of 16253 messages were processed, with ‘gout’ entered as a search word. A total of 1691 gout pts were identified. The average age of online-active pts - 47.2 years. Men 60.5%. Severe gout was identified in 194 of 1691 (11.5%) pts, with 59% of pts aged 29 to 45 years. The proportion of men among pts with severe gout is 71%. Comorbidities most often include diabetes mellitus and metabolic syndrome - 24%, CKD - 51%, arterial hypertension-14%. Pts with severe gout have 1.9 comorbidities on average, while other pts with gout -1.1. The groups are comparable by age. Among 90 links related to medical specialties that pts visited before being referred to a rheumatologist, the first three leading positions were - orthopaedic surgeon (30%), general practitioner (25.8%), surgeon (21%). Sixty percent of pts reported that the time between the first attack and the diagnosis of gout was less than six months. The remaining 40% of pts report that this period lasted from 1 to 15 years. Less than 42% of pts were prescribed urate-lowering therapy (ULT) during internal consultation of a physician, and only 23% of physicians recommended ULT to pts with gout during online consultation. According to pts’ reports, treatment includes 3 main groups of drugs: NSAIDs, intra-articular corticosteroids and ULT. Compliance with life-time ULT is very low. The most commonly requested topic on the Internet - attacks during holidays - 2426 messages, the second is held by the topic of lifestyle – 1899 messages, the third place - problems of comorbidities – 1813 references, and only in the fourth position - 1662 messages- the topic of ULT.Conclusion:The percentage of pts with severe gout is 11.5% among gout pts who are looking for information about their condition on the Internet, which is consistent with the data from the largest original papers in the RF on the prevalence of severe gout [2]. More than a half of pts with severe gout (59%) are men aged 29 to 45 years. The decreased online activity of pts over 46 years old may be due to the low motivation for treatment of this cohort. Gout pts are rather more concerned about lifestyle than medical problems. This may also indicate the absence of the consistent compliance of this patient category to life-time therapy. Inadequate long-term therapy and late diagnosis may be the main factors for severe gout in young and active pts.References:[1]Kuo CF, Grainge MJ, Zhang W, Doherty M. Global epidemiology of gout: prevalence, incidence and risk factors. Nat Rev Rheumatol. 2015 Nov;11(11):649-62.[2]Eliseev MS, Barskova VG, Denisov IS. The dynamics of clinical manifestations of gout in men (data from 7-year retrospective surveillance). Terapevticheskii arkhiv. 2015;87(5):10–5Disclosure of Interests:Ekaterina Ilinykh: None declared, Maxim Elisеev Speakers bureau: Novartis, Menarini Group, Alium

A review of genus-group names for darkling beetles in the family Tenebrionidae (Insecta: Coleoptera) is presented. A catalogue of 4122 nomenclaturally available genus-group names, representing 2307 valid genera (33 of which are extinct) and 761 valid subgenera, is given. For each name the author, date, page number, gender, type species, type fixation, current status, and first synonymy (when the name is a synonym) are provided. Genus-group names in this family are also recorded in a classification framework, along with data on the distribution of valid genera and subgenera within major biogeographical realms. A list of 535 unavailable genus-group names (e.g., incorrect subsequent spellings) is included. Notes on the date of publication of references cited herein are given, when known. The following genera and subgenera are made available for the first time: Anemiadena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Cheirodes Gené, 1839), Armigena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nesogena Mäklin, 1863), Debeauxiella Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Hyperops Eschscholtz, 1831), Hyperopsis Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Hyperops Eschscholtz, 1831), Linio Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nilio Latreille, 1802), Matthewsotys Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Neosolenopistoma Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Eurynotus W. Kirby, 1819), Paragena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Nesogena Mäklin, 1863), Paulianaria Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Phyllechus Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Prorhytinota Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rhytinota Eschscholtz, 1831), Pseudorozonia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rozonia Fairmaire, 1888), Pseudothinobatis Bouchard & Bousquet, gen. nov., Rhytinopsis Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Thalpophilodes Strand, 1942), Rhytistena Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Rhytinota Eschscholtz, 1831), Spinosdara Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Osdara Walker, 1858), Spongesmia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Adesmia Fischer, 1822), and Zambesmia Bouchard & Bousquet, subgen. nov. (in Adesmia Fischer, 1822). The names Adeps Gistel, 1857 and Adepsion Strand, 1917 syn. nov. [= Tetraphyllus Laporte & Brullé, 1831], Asyrmatus Canzoneri, 1959 syn. nov. [= Pystelops Gozis, 1910], Euzadenos Koch, 1956 syn. nov. [= Selenepistoma Dejean, 1834], Gondwanodilamus Kaszab, 1969 syn. nov. [= Conibius J.L. LeConte, 1851], Gyrinodes Fauvel, 1897 syn. nov. [= Nesotes Allard, 1876], Helopondrus Reitter, 1922 syn. nov. [= Horistelops Gozis, 1910], Hybonotus Dejean, 1834 syn. nov. [= Damatris Laporte, 1840], Iphthimera Reitter, 1916 syn. nov. [= Metriopus Solier, 1835], Lagriomima Pic, 1950 syn. nov. [= Neogria Borchmann, 1911], Orphelops Gozis, 1910 syn. nov. [= Nalassus Mulsant, 1854], Phymatium Billberg, 1820 syn. nov. [= Cryptochile Latreille, 1828], Prosoblapsia Skopin & Kaszab, 1978 syn. nov. [= Genoblaps Bauer, 1921], and Pseudopimelia Gebler, 1859 syn. nov. [= Lasiostola Dejean, 1834] are established as new synonyms (valid names in square brackets). Anachayus Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. is proposed as a replacement name for Chatanayus Ardoin, 1957, Genateropa Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Apterogena Ardoin, 1962, Hemipristula Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Hemipristis Kolbe, 1903, Kochotella Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Millotella Koch, 1962, Medvedevoblaps Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. as a replacement name for Protoblaps G.S. Medvedev, 1998, and Subpterocoma Bouchard & Bousquet, nom. nov. is proposed as a replacement name for Pseudopimelia Motschulsky, 1860. Neoeutrapela Bousquet & Bouchard, 2013 is downgraded to a subgenus (stat. nov.) of Impressosora Pic, 1952. Anchomma J.L. LeConte, 1858 is placed in Stenosini: Dichillina (previously in Pimeliinae: Anepsiini); Entypodera Gerstaecker, 1871, Impressosora Pic, 1952 and Xanthalia Fairmaire, 1894 are placed in Lagriinae: Lagriini: Statirina (previously in Lagriinae: Lagriini: Lagriina); Loxostethus Triplehorn, 1962 is placed in Diaperinae: Diaperini: Diaperina (previously in Diaperinae: Diaperini: Adelinina); Periphanodes Gebien, 1943 is placed in Stenochiinae: Cnodalonini (previously in Tenebrioninae: Helopini); Zadenos Laporte, 1840 is downgraded to a subgenus (stat. nov.) of the older name Selenepistoma Dejean, 1834. The type species [placed in square brackets] of the following available genus-group names are designated for the first time: Allostrongylium Kolbe, 1896 [Allostrongylium silvestre Kolbe, 1896], Auristira Borchmann, 1916 [Auristira octocostata Borchmann, 1916], Blapidocampsia Pic, 1919 [Campsia pallidipes Pic, 1918], Cerostena Solier, 1836 [Cerostena deplanata Solier, 1836], Coracostira Fairmaire, 1899 [Coracostira armipes Fairmaire, 1899], Dischidus Kolbe, 1886 [Helops sinuatus Fabricius, 1801], Eccoptostoma Gebien, 1913 [Taraxides ruficrus Fairmaire, 1894], Ellaemus Pascoe, 1866 [Emcephalus submaculatus Brême, 1842], Epeurycaulus Kolbe, 1902 [Epeurycaulus aldabricus Kolbe, 1902], Euschatia Solier, 1851 [Euschatia proxima Solier, 1851], Heliocaes Bedel, 1906 [Blaps emarginata Fabricius, 1792], Hemipristis Kolbe, 1903 [Hemipristis ukamia Kolbe, 1903], Iphthimera Reitter, 1916 [Stenocara ruficornis Solier, 1835], Isopedus Stein, 1877 [Helops tenebrioides Germar, 1813], Malacova Fairmaire, 1898 [Malacova bicolor Fairmaire, 1898], Modicodisema Pic, 1917 [Disema subopaca Pic, 1912], Peltadesmia Kuntzen, 1916 [Metriopus platynotus Gerstaecker, 1854], Phymatium Billberg, 1820 [Pimelia maculata Fabricius, 1781], Podoces Péringuey, 1886 [Podoces granosula Péringuey, 1886], Pseuduroplatopsis Pic, 1913 [Borchmannia javana Pic, 1913], Pteraulus Solier, 1848 [Pteraulus sulcatipennis Solier, 1848], Sciaca Solier, 1835 [Hylithus disctinctus Solier, 1835], Sterces Champion, 1891 [Sterces violaceipennis Champion, 1891] and Teremenes Carter, 1914 [Tenebrio longipennis Hope, 1843]. Evidence suggests that some type species were misidentified. In these instances, information on the misidentification is provided and, in the following cases, the taxonomic species actually involved is fixed as the type species [placed in square brackets] following requirements in Article 70.3 of the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature: Accanthopus Dejean, 1821 [Tenebrio velikensis Piller & Mitterpacher, 1783], Becvaramarygmus Masumoto, 1999 [Dietysus nodicornis Gravely, 1915], Heterophaga Dejean, 1834 [Opatrum laevigatum Fabricius, 1781], Laena Dejean, 1821, [Scaurus viennensis Sturm, 1807], Margus Dejean, 1834 [Colydium castaneum Herbst, 1797], Pachycera Eschscholtz, 1831 [Tenebrio buprestoides Fabricius, 1781], Saragus Erichson, 1842 [Celibe costata Solier, 1848], Stene Stephens, 1829 [Colydium castaneum Herbst, 1797], Stenosis Herbst, 1799 [Tagenia intermedia Solier, 1838] and Tentyriopsis Gebien, 1928 [Tentyriopsis pertyi Gebien, 1940]. The following First Reviser actions are proposed to fix the precedence of names or nomenclatural acts (rejected name or act in square brackets): Stenosis ciliaris Gebien, 1920 as the type species for Afronosis G.S. Medvedev, 1995 [Stenosis leontjevi G.S. Medvedev, 1995], Alienoplonyx Bremer, 2019 [Alienolonyx], Amblypteraca Mas-Peinado, Buckley, Ruiz & García-París, 2018 [Amplypteraca], Caenocrypticoides Kaszab, 1969 [Caenocripticoides], Deriles Motschulsky, 1872 [Derilis], Eccoptostira Borchmann, 1936 [Ecoptostira], †Eodromus Haupt, 1950 [†Edromus], Eutelus Solier, 1843 [Lutelus], Euthriptera Reitter, 1893 [Enthriptera], Meglyphus Motschulsky, 1872 [Megliphus], Microtelopsis Koch, 1940 [Extetranosis Koch, 1940, Hypermicrotelopsis Koch, 1940], Neandrosus Pic, 1921 [Neoandrosus], Nodosogylium Pic, 1951 [Nodosogilium], Notiolesthus Motschulsky, 1872 [Notiolosthus], Pseudeucyrtus Pic, 1916 [Pseudocyrtus], Pseudotrichoplatyscelis Kaszab, 1960 [Pseudotrichoplatynoscelis and Pseudotrichoplatycelis], Rhydimorpha Koch, 1943 [Rhytimorpha], Rhophobas Motschulsky, 1872 [Rophobas], Rhyssochiton Gray, 1831 [Ryssocheton and Ryssochiton], Sphaerotidius Kaszab, 1941 [Spaerotidius], Stira Agassiz, 1846 (Mollusca) [Stira Agassiz, 1846 (Coleoptera)], Sulpiusoma Ferrer, 2006 [Sulpiosoma] and Taenobates Motschulsky, 1872 [Taeniobates]. Supporting evidence is provided for the conservation of usage of Cyphaleus Westwood, 1841 nomen protectum over Chrysobalus Boisduval, 1835 nomen oblitum.

Le philosophe français Francisque Bouillier, disciple de V. Cousin, renouvèle au XIXe siècle avec la pensée animiste d’Aristote et de Stahl. Ce travail n'est pas une étude biographique ni une étude de l'ensemble de la pensée de F. Bouillier, c'est seulement une analyse de sa position en tant qu'animiste, et telle quelle se manifeste dans son ouvrage du principe vital et de l'âme pensante, ou examen des diverses doctrines médicales et physiologiques sur les rapports de l'âme et de la vie, qui est le seul livre qu'il dédie à ce sujet. La pensée de F. Bouillier, et avoue par lui-même, est plutôt une pensée érudite qu'originale. Ce trait se reflète nettement dans sa défense de l'animisme. Ni le sujet, ni la plupart des arguments qu'il utilise lui appartiennent. Le renouveau même de l'animisme avait déjà commencé avec les écrits de J. -B. Cayol et J. Sales-Girons; avec le père Ventura et avec le philosophe J. Tissot, parmi d'autres. Comme l'animisme ne saurait se définir que contre le mécanisme (ou matérialisme), et contre le vitalisme dualiste, représente par les théories de Barthez et Bichat, pour mieux le comprendre il faut le confronter à ces deux positions. L'animisme de F. Bouillier, tout en distinguant ou ne confondant pas l'âme avec le corps, va essayer de prouver, dans une conception anticartésienne, que s'il y a l'âme et le corps, il y par contre un seul principe causal, l'âme, qui explique et les fonctions de la pensée et les fonctions du corps.

From the 1970s through the early 1990s numerous critics commented on an apparent “rebirth” of American opera. Subsequent scholarship has increasingly sanctioned a consensus view holding up Philip Glass and John Adams as the central figures in this opera resurgence. Although I do not dispute the importance of (post-)minimalism in these decades, my gambit in this dissertation is to reframe the idea of a late twentieth-century operatic renaissance by tracing a long relationship between jazz and the concept of American opera. The jazz genealogy of American opera that I develop in this study is intended not only to draw attention to a body of work that has been largely ignored but also to unfold antinomies of postmodern historical consciousness that were manifest in the operatic resurgence more generally. Although my inquiry extends as far back as the 1920s, this dissertation by no means presents a continuous history of opera from 1924 to 1994, as the subtitle might imply. The weight is squarely placed on the 1970s through the early 1990s. Chapter 1 explores racial dimensions of the concept of “modernity” through a study of Harlem Renaissance composer H. Lawrence Freeman’s never-performed “jazz opera” American Romance (1924-1929). Chapter 2 chronicles the Harlem Opera Society’s abandonment of its former European repertory and subsequent reinvention as the Afro-American Singing Theater/Jazz Opera Ensemble during the late 1960s and 1970s. Chapter 3 tracks the transformation of jazz in the 1980s into an increasingly historicist—or possibly posthistoricist—music through a series of works that I call “jazz-historical operas.” Chapter 4 works through a tension between “actuality” and allegory in Robert Ashley’s television opera trilogy (1978-1994) about American history. The name of Duke Ellington winds through the four chapters as a kind of red thread. “Ellington” functions as a multivalent trope, alternatively signifying hypermodern America, the black cultural tradition, composition, and improvisational “actuality.” In a brief epilogue I identify another figure whose name has somewhat more furtively shadowed my study: Richard Wagner. I suggest that the idea of an “Ellington-Wagner matrix” in American opera both symbolizes a tradition of cultural hybridity and identifies a problematic concerning history and sonic materiality (roughly, the distinction between “event” and “representation”) expounded in the preceding chapters. In some ways, my analysis of the deeply ambiguous status of historicity and modernity in twentieth century American culture will prove consonant with many previous discussions of the topic. But I hope that in certain fundamental respects my study may also be understood as a novel, even interventionist foray into historical theory. Race has scarcely been an overlooked topic in critical inquiry and cultural theory of the last three decades, but it is hard to ignore the Eurocentric—or Euro-American—thrust of much of the canonical discourse on postmodernity and historicity, some of which was surveyed above. My attempts to interpret transformations in historical consciousness through shifting relationships between two culturally and racially supercharged signifiers—“jazz” and “opera”—might be taken as a challenge to this tendency.

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec la Freie Universität Berlin. La version intégrale de cette thèse est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).
Ce travail aborde l’aspect spécifiquement compositionnel du phénomène wagnérien en France dans les dernières décennies du XIXe siècle, par le biais d’une étude de cas centrée sur l’opéra Le Roi Arthus d’Ernest Chausson (1855-1899). Exceptionnellement bien documenté grâce à de nombreuses sources dont une bonne part sont inédites (brouillons et esquisses du livret et de la partition, correspondance, etc.), cet opéra composé de 1886 à 1895 et créé en 1903 au Théâtre de la Monnaie de Bruxelles offre en effet un aperçu privilégié de la relation complexe qu’entretiennent les compositeurs français de cette époque avec l’imposante figure de Wagner. La question de l’influence wagnérienne dans Le Roi Arthus est abordée ici dans le cadre d’une démarche appliquant, dans une perspective historique, la méthode sémiologique développée par Jean Molino et Jean-Jacques Nattiez. L’analyse de la genèse, de la version finale et de la réception de l’oeuvre au moment de sa création permet d’obtenir une vue d’ensemble inédite des rapports s’établissant entre l’opéra de Chausson et les drames lyriques de Wagner, en particulier Tristan und Isolde. Il en ressort que des premières esquisses à la création de l’opéra, Le Roi Arthus a évolué dans une dialectique complexe avec un modèle à la fois craint et admiré. Ardent wagnérien dès son plus jeune âge, Chausson ne souhaite pas pour autant devenir un épigone de Wagner. Sur les conseils d’Henri Duparc, il déploie donc de grands efforts pour « déwagnériser » le livret du Roi Arthus, qu’il rédige lui-même à partir d’un sujet mythique rappelant fortement Wagner. La version finale du livret, si elle présente encore quelques points de contact avec Tristan und Isolde et Der Ring des Nibelungen, incarne cependant une vision du monde très éloignée de celle de Wagner, et dans laquelle des valeurs comme l’honneur et la fidélité l’emportent sur un amour interdit apparaissant condamné d’avance. Cette dramaturgie aux antipodes de celle de Tristan s’appuie, paradoxalement, sur des références musicales wagnériennes que Chausson intègre et précise graduellement au fil de la genèse de la partition, et dont la mise en oeuvre souligne habilement tout ce qui sépare Lancelot et Genièvre, amants dépareillés, du couple indissociable formé par Tristan et Isolde. Dans cet opéra conçu, mais jusqu’à un certain point seulement, dans l’ombre de Wagner, ce sont les ressemblances musicales et surtout dramatiques avec Tristan und Isolde qui ont le plus frappé les critiques des premières représentations, donnant lieu à une réception où la question de l’influence wagnérienne occupe une place prépondérante. Mais si tous les recenseurs abordent cette question, ils le font sous des angles variant en fonction de facteurs extérieurs à l’oeuvre, comme leur formation antérieure, leur propre position face à Wagner et les liens qu’ils ont entretenus avec Chausson alors qu’il était encore vivant. Au-delà des connaissances qu’elle permet d’acquérir sur l’oeuvre, et plus particulièrement sur sa genèse, l’étude du Roi Arthus dans une triple perspective poïétique, immanente et esthésique s’ouvre donc sur un portrait du rôle central joué par le « Maître de Bayreuth » dans l’imaginaire musical de la fin du XIXe siècle, tout en jetant les bases d’une synthèse encore à faire des stratégies créatrices employées par les compositeurs d’opéra français face au modèle de Wagner.
This thesis examines the compositional aspect of Wagnerism in France during the final decades of the 19th century, through a case study of Ernest Chausson’s (1855-1899) opera Le Roi Arthus. Exceptionally well documented thanks to a large number of sources, most of which are unpublished (drafts and sketches of the libretto and score, correspondence, etc.), this opera, composed between 1886 and 1895 and premiered at the Théâtre de la Monnaie in Brussels in 1903, in fact allows a remarkable glimpse into the relationship between French composers of the period and the imposing figure of Wagner. The question of Wagnerian influence in Le Roi Arthus is here approached through a methodology that applies the semiotic model developed by Jean-Jacques Nattiez and Jean Molino in a historical perspective. An analysis of the genesis of the opera, its final version and the reception of its premiere provides a fresh overall view of the connection between Chausson’s opera and Wagner’s music dramas, particularly Tristan und Isolde. What emerges is a complex dialectic between Le Roi Arthus—from the first sketches to the opera’s premiere—and a model that provoked both disquiet and admiration. Though an ardent Wagnerian from an early age, Chausson did not want to merely become an epigone of the German composer. Following advice from Henri Duparc, Chausson therefore expended considerable effort in “dewagnerizing” the libretto of Le Roi Arthus, which he wrote himself, based on a mythical subject strongly reminiscent of Wagner. The final version of the libretto, while it maintains some links with Tristan und Isolde and Der Ring des Nibelungen, otherwise projects a worldview quite unlike Wagner’s, in which values such as honor and fidelity outweigh a forbidden love that seems doomed from the start. Paradoxically, this un-Tristanesque dramatic setup rests in part on Wagnerian musical references that Chausson integrated and honed gradually as he composed the score, and whose treatment cleverly underscores what separates Lancelot and Genièvre, poorly matched lovers, from the integrated couple formed by Tristan and Isolde. In this opera conceived, but only up to a point, in Wagner’s shadow, the musical and especially dramatic resemblances with Tristan und Isolde are what have most struck the critics of the first performances, which has given rise to a reception where the question of Wagnerian influence dominates. However, even though all critics touched on this question, they did so from points of view that vary according to factors extrinsic to the work, such as their own prior training, their personal positions on Wagner and the relationships they had had with Chausson during his lifetime. Beyond the knowledge it allows us to gain on the work itself, and more particularly on its early development, the study of Le Roi Arthus from poietic, immanent and esthesic perspectives opens onto an understanding of the central role played by the “Bayreuth Master” in late 19th-century musical imagination, while creating the basis necessary to undertake a new synthesis of the creative strategies used by composers of French opera faced with the Wagnerian model.

Richard J Hand in ‘Populism and Ideology: Nineteenth-Century Fiction and the Cinema’ explores the adaptation of nineteenth-century fiction into film. The focus of the chapter is on the cinematic adaptation of four extremely different yet continuingly popular texts at opposite ends of the nineteenth century: Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice (1813), Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1816), Henry James’s Turn of the Screw (1898) and Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1899). After outlining the legacy of the selected examples of fiction on film, Hand explores the critical issues and the ideological ramifications that surface through these adaptive processes. The dramatization of each text brings out diverse issues relating to popularization and ideology. This is particularly pertinent with the processes of both inter-cultural adoption and inter-generic transposition, such as the relocating of Austen within a contemporary Indian context, the redeployment of Conrad’s narrative within the Vietnam War and the appropriation of Shelley and James into the populist contexts of the horror genre.

Greta Baars-Jelgersma schreef vanaf het midden van de jaren 1930 een veelzijdig en maatschappelijk geëngageerd vertaaloeuvre op haar naam van literaire en non-fictie werken uit Scandinavië, die later vaak klassiekers zijn geworden in het land van herkomst.1 Dat zij een breed scala aan Nederlandse uitgevers voor haar auteurs wist te interesseren, zegt zowel iets over de ontvankelijkheid in de jaren dertig van deze uitgevers voor vernieuwende literatuur uit Denemarken, IJsland, Noorwegen en Zweden als over het literaire netwerk dat Baars-Jelgersma om zich heen wist te weven. Een netwerk dat ze op eigen kracht opbouwde; Baars-Jelgersma was een selfmade woman en autodidact op het gebied van de Scandinavische talen en literaturen. In Scandinavië lag het zwaartepunt van haar netwerk in Noorwegen. Zo vertaalde ze in het interbellum werk van de progressieve journalist Odd Hølaas (1898-1968) die in de jaren dertig schreef over de positie van de Afro-Amerikanen in de VS, van de baanbrekende auteurs Aksel Sandemose (1899-1965) en de op latere leeftijd debuterende Cora Sandel (1880-1974) en van de door de gebroeders Grimm geprezen spookjesverzamelaars Per Chr. Asbjørnsen (1812-1885) en Jørgen Moe (1813-1882). Op de piano bij haar thuis stonden in 2010 de foto’s van haar man Herman Baars (1909-2004) en van haar favoriete auteur Knut Hamsun (1859-1952) zij aan zij. Ook na de Tweede Wereldoorlog koos ze als vertaler voor verrassende titels; zo vertaalde ze een bijzonder dagboek van de verzetsstrijder Petter Moen (1901-1944), werk van de communist Nordahl Grieg (1902-1943), van de controversiële Noorse ontdekkingsreiziger Thor Heyerdahl (1914-2002) en de Zweedse Nobelprijswinnaar Pär Lagerkvist (1891-1974). In 1951 zette ze een opmerkelijke stap. Als eerste vrouw in Nederland richtte ze een auteursbureau op, überhaupt een relatief nieuw verschijnsel in de internationale boekenbranche. Tot op hoge leeftijd bleef ze actief als vertaler en literair agent. Het feit dat ze autodidact was en de Nederlandse scandinavistiek zich vanaf de jaren vijftig steeds meer ging professionaliseren, was er misschien de oorzaak van dat er weinig aansluiting was tussen Baars-Jelgersma en de academische scandinavisten. Op latere leeftijd lijkt ze een einzelgänger te zijn geworden en in 2010 was ze als vertaler en literair agent in het vergeetboek terecht gekomen.