Journal articles on the topic '1805-1814'

Ludwig van Beethoven's 1805/6 Leonore and its 1814 revision, Fidelio, had contrasting political, biographical, and cultural contexts. Leonore took form against the background of contemporary French rescue operas and of Beethoven's commitment to heroism as a personal and social ideal. The 1814 version shifted its perspective to celebrate the benevolence of rulers, in anticipation of the impending Congress of Vienna and the restoration of monarchies after Napoleon's downfall.

Mireille Geering (Hg.), Als badischer Militärmusiker in Napoleons Kriegen, Balthasar Eccardts Erinnerungen an die Feldzüge nach Österreich, Preußen und Russland 1805–1814 (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg A 57), Stuttgart: Kohlhammer 2013. VIII und 226 S. mit 4 farb. Abb. ISBN 978-3-17-023031-6. € 22,–

Few operas foreground ethics as clearly as Beethoven’s Fidelio. Yet the heroic tale of liberation from political oppression resists narrowly historical interpretations, availing itself equally to revolutionary and reactionary interpretations. Allegory theory offers a new approach to the ethical meanings of Fidelio. Allegory, in which characters embody moral qualities, preserved a hierarchical and theocentric view of society, in opposition to the humanistic outlook of Enlightenment mimesis. Allegory and mimesis coexist in Fidelio, whose title character traces a lineage to the Christian morality play. This essay compares the 1805 original of Beethoven’s opera (Leonore) with the 1814 version (Fidelio), concentrating on the final scene and the character of Marzelline. I argue that the 1814 version enhances the allegorical dimension, simplifying the characters and reducing moral complexities. Fidelio models the traditional “consensus society” of pre-Revolutionary Europe, offering a vision congenial to Congress of Vienna audiences.

As part of ongoing studies on Fabaceae Lindl. (see e.g., Bernardo et al. 2019, Iberite et al. 2017, Iamonico et al. 2021), we here present a note about the names Onobrychis tenoreana Lacaita (1911: 276), O. laconica Orph. ex Boissier (1872–1873: 530) [= O. alba (Waldstein & Kitaibel 1803–1805: 111) Desvaux (1814: 83) subsp. pentelica (Haussknecht 1887: 71) Nyman (1889: 99)], and O. pentelica. The research is based on both analysis of the relevant literature and examination of specimens at BM, FI, JE, MPU, and P (Thiers 2021 onwards).

Los habitantes de las colonias españolas en el proceso de emancipación y conformación de las primeras repúblicas rediseñaron constantemente la alegoría de América tanto en su representación iconográfica como en su concepto. Por lo cual, este texto se propone estudiar el empleo de esta por parte de la Junta Patriótica para organizar, representar y legitimar un sistema administrativo independiente en la Provincia de Cartagena entre 1805 y 1814. En el primer aparte, se explora el uso de elementos iconográficos como parte del aparato simbólico independentista en los momentos de consumación y consolidación del Estado de Cartagena. Esto a partir de las monedas acuñadas y el sello de la primera página de la Constitución. En el segundo aparte, se analiza la producción y elaboración de la emblemática local en el seno de los enfrentamientos entre republicanos y realistas durante 1811 y 1814. Teniendo presente que, la representación institucional a partir de la imagen indígena un fue un elemento de disputa. Todo lo anterior, se desarrolla a partir de la consulta de documentos constitucionales, filatélicos e imágenes de las alegorías, en su mayoría grabados y dibujos, que reposan en libros y mapas.

No Arquivo Musical da Sé de Évora, existe um nome que se assume como um dos principais reformuladores de obras musicais aí presentes: fala-se de Francisco Ignácio Moreira, entre outros mestre de capela, mestre de solfa e de instrumentos. Neste arquivo, surge-nos pelas suas mãos, um Miserere composto no ano de 1805, e constantemente reformulado: em 1811 é-lhe acrescentado um clarinete e em 1814 um tercetto sobre o 16º verso. A presença de datas nestes manuscritos pode tornar-se indicadora de momentos chave na vida da cidade. De facto, 1814 é um ano particularmente activo na cidade no que diz respeito a performances musicais, pelo que o exercício de enquadrar esta obra em possíveis espaços interpretativos se torna relevante para uma melhor compreensão da relação entre património material, imaterial e agentes envolvidos. Pretende-se assim inserir esta obra no seu contexto geral, articulando-a com espaços e eventos decorridos em Évora ao longo dos nove anos em que esta peça foi sendo modificada.

"Riassunto. Luogo privilegiato della costruzione del consenso per Bonaparte, le feste politiche del Regno d’Italia napoleonico (1805-1814) costituiscono un caso di studio alquanto significativo per osservare il processo di progressiva laicizzazione della beneficenza che ebbe luogo nella tarda età Moderna. Nel conferire una profonda accelerazione alle novità introdotte dai sovrani illuminati alla metà del secolo XVIII, le iniziative che vennero promosse in questo ambito dal regime napoleonico favorirono infatti la graduale assunzione da parte governo – e specificamente del ministero dell’Interno – di prerogative in precedenza spettanti alle autorità ecclesiastiche e ai gruppi confraternali. Attraverso lo studio della distribuzione delle doti alle fanciulle indigenti in occasione delle feste politiche, il lavoro si propone pertanto di lumeggiare i tratti della profonda trasformazione che ebbe luogo nel corso della stagione francese e di porre altresì l’accento sul cospicuo ritorno, ricercato dal regime tramite la distribuzione delle elargizioni, nei termini del radicamento dell’adesione."

The paper presents Lewis Campbell (1830–1908), his research on Plato, and the collection of letters sent to this Scottish scholar by: James Martineau (1805–1900), William Hepworth Thompson (1810–1886), Paul Shorey (1857–1934), Wincenty Lutosławski (1863–1954), Eduard Gottlob Zeller (1814–1908), Franz Susemihl (1826–1901), and Theodor Gomperz (1832–1912). This collection supplements the knowledge of the research on Plato’s dialogues at the turn of the 20th century, since Plato scholars in their letters touched on the issues relating to the methods and results of the research on the chronology of Plato’s dialogues. They made judgements concerning the works of other academics, they sent to each other their own publications, and reported on the progress of their studies. They also did not shy away from making personal remarks and communicating personal reflections.

Abstract Joshua Marshman, English Baptist missionary in India, spent the decade between 1805 and 1814 studying the Chinese language. Marshman’s unique vantage point in India makes him stand out among European Sinologists of his time. Marshman’s familiarity with Indian languages and the local traditions of studying them informed his speculative publications on Chinese. Learning Chinese from a native informant was not enough for him. He thought that only through a mastery of both Sanskrit and Mandarin could the Chinese language be really comprehended and put to use by foreign missionaries and scholars alike. This article examines Marsh­man’s course of study and his publications on the Chinese language. It argues that although Marshman’s hope to forge a hybrid, Sanskrit-infused Sinology appeared as a dead end in his time, he was right to focus on the importance of foreign contacts in the formation of the modern Chinese language.

En las conmemoraciones del bicentenario de la independencia de los pueblos latinoamericanos, es importante conocer las explicaciones sobre las causas de su desarrollo y sus vinculaciones complejas. En la mayoría de los casos, las investigaciones identifican causas de orden interno y externo, sin considerar las relaciones existentes entre ellas. La propuesta de la investigación sobre las causas de la independencia ha permitido agruparlas en estructurales y coyunturales. Las primeras (las causas estructurales) nos permiten reconocer los cambios de larga duración que ya enfrentaba la humanidad al aproximarse al siglo XIX. En lo económico, el sistema feudal rivalizaba con el sistema capitalista; en lo político, las potencias de ultramar se enfrentaban por el dominio del mundo conocido; en lo social, las clases sociales enfrentaban serias contradicciones; en lo ideológico, el cambio del pensamiento teocéntrico al antropocéntrico terminó en un cuestionamiento del mundo existente. Las segundas (las causas coyunturales) son aquellas que aceleran y sacan a flote la crisis existente entre los años 1805 a 1814. Esta crisis se agudiza con la derrota de la flota española en Trafalgar en 1805, que permitió el control e influencia de Inglaterra en la economía y política de las colonias hispanoamericanas; otra causa fue la invasión napoleónica a España en 1808, que originó un vació de poder, que fue aprovechado por las provincias españolas en el nuevo mundo. Considerar las causas estructurales y coyunturales dentro del quehacer de la historia permitirá realizar las vinculaciones de dichas causas con las locales, permitiendo una adecuada interpretación histórica.

В статье анализируется деятельность, направленная на развитие культуры в Полтавской и Черниговской губерниях, одного из выдающихся государственных деятелей своего времени, героя Аустерлица (1805), генерал-губернатора Саксонского королевства (1813–1814), военного губернатора Полтавской и Черниговской губерний (1816–1835) – князя Николая Григорьевича Репнина (Волконского). Рассматривается роль Репнина в открытии и учреждении в Полтавской губернии: Полтавского института благородных девиц, училища Правоведения для бедных канцелярских служащих, "школы чистописцев". Рассказывается о его взаимоотношениях с актёром М. C. Щепкиным, который во многом благодаря Н. Г. Репнину, был освобождён от крепостной зависимости поэтом В. В. Капнистом, историком Д. Н. Бантыш-Каменским. Выявлено, что для Репнина открытие в регионе просветительских и учебных заведений, помощь видным представителям науки, искусства и образования была важной составляющей его административной деятельности. В современной отечественной и зарубежной историографии нам не известны исследования, посвящённые просветительской деятельности Н. Г. Репнина в Полтавской и Черниговской губерниях, а также его роли в открытии в Левобережной Украине образовательных учреждений. В работе использованы опубликованные источники, а также архивные материалы Государственного архива Черниговской области и Российского государственного исторического архива (Санкт-Петербург).

Józef Brzowski (1805–1888) był jedną z ważniejszych postaci warszawskiego życia muzycznego XIX wieku. Dotychczas data jego urodzenia nie była potwierdzono źródłowo. W wyniku kwerendy w księgach metrykalnych warszawskiej parafii św. Andrzeja odnalazłem metrykę chrztu Brzowskiego z 18 kwietnia 1805 roku, urodzonego w domu przy ulicy Leszno pod numerem hipotecznym 703, odpowiadający późniejszemu numerowi domu 62. Do metryki chrztu załączone zostało sprostowanie z 1835 roku dotyczącego błędnego zapisu nazwiska muzyka w pierwotnym dokumencie. Rodzice kompozytora, Karol Brzowski (ok. 1768 – 1831?) i Tekla z domu Przeździecka (ok. 1773 – 1851), mieli oprócz syna prawdopodobnie cztery córki (personalia trzech z nich są znane): Karolinę (1798?–1813), uczennicę Szkoły Dramatycznej, Zofię (1800–1879), aktorkę Teatru Narodowego zamężną z Karolem Kurpińskim, oraz Teklę Klementynę (1809–1811). Józef Brzowski ożenił się w 1835 roku z Anną Elżbietą Dückert z domu Ketschon (1795?–1843), wdową po Karolu Fryderyku Dückercie (ok. 1764 – 1834); córką Brzowskiego była Jadwiga Wawrzyna (1830 – po 1892), ochrzczona dopiero po ślubie rodziców. Muzyk w 1849 roku zawarł drugie małżeństwo z Florentyną Górecką (1819?–1905), z którą miał syna Aleksandra (1843–1858), ucznia Szkoły Dramatycznej, ochrzczonego – podobnie jak jego starsza siostra – po ślubie rodziców. Józef Brzowski zmarł 3 lub 4 grudnia 1888 roku; rozbieżności wynikają z różnych dat zapisanych w akcie zgonu i na nagrobku kompozytora oraz podanych w prasie. Jadwiga Wawrzyna Brzowska była pianistką międzynarodowej sławy, koncertującą od 1840 roku. Podczas pobytu w Nowym Orleanie w 1860 roku Brzowska wzięła ślub z francuskim konsulem Eugène’em Augustem Méjanem (1814–1874). Brzowska-Méjan zmarła po 1892 roku, być może po 1903 roku. Brzowski był jednym z ważniejszych muzyków w Warszawie, jednak krótko po śmierci został zapomniany. Być może relacje rodzinno-towarzyskie (choćby powinowactwo z Karolem Kurpińskim czy przyjaźń z Fryderykiem Chopinem), a nie talent kompozytorski, otworzyły mu drogę do kariery.

Il presente articolo intende rappresentare un contributo alla conoscenza della fonte documentaria conservata presso la Manuscripts Division del Department of Rare Books and Special Collections della Firestone Library dell'UniversitÀ di Princeton, nel New Jersey, nota come Beauharnais Collection. Essa raccoglie le carte di governo e private, che il principe Eugčne Beauharnais (1781-1824), viceré d'Italia e comandante in capo dell'esercito italico, portň con sé in esilio in Baviera alla caduta del Regno, nel 1814. Essa concerne soprattutto la storia militare del napoleonico Regno d'Italia, ed č stata sin qui assai poco consultata e utilizzata, in generale e dagli specialisti della materia, in particolare europei. Se ne evidenziano in dettaglio, con una serie di esempi direttamente frutto della sua consultazione, le peculiaritÀ e potenzialitÀ. Consente di valutare quali materie di governo avessero la prioritÀ dal punto di vista del vertice dell'esecutivo, assumendo la sua stessa lente focale di analisi della realtÀ; puň contribuire alla ricostruzione o rilettura di importanti questioni storiografiche, soprattutto se messa confronto con la documentazione conservata a Milano ed in Europa, di cui rappresenta un'indispensabile integrazione.

The French administration in Dalmatia (1805-1813) was short but is often praised by foresters as advanced in terms of woodland management because of their establishment of so-called sacred groves or sacri boschi. Based on archival sources and 19^th century maps, this research explores the establishment and demise of sacred groves and places them within the broader forest history of Dalmatia. It reveals that the literal translation of the term sacro bosco as sacred grove (sveti gaj) by the 19^th century foresters was not precise which caused misrepresentation and misunderstandings of what sacro bosco actually meant. The more appropriate translation would be forbidden groves (zabranjen gaj) as this also reflects the nature of these woodlands, which were in fact woodland sections where exploitation was prohibited. Establishment of forbidden groves was not a French invention since the practice was widely used before the French and during the Austrian Empire (1814-1918). In the second half of the 19^th century and with the change of official language, the Italian term sacro bosco was replaced with the Croatian term protected area (branjevina).

ZusammenfassungZusammenfassungDieser Artikel untersucht am Beispiel Erfurts die Verteilung humanitärer Hilfsgelder des Londoner „Committee for Relieving the Distresses in Germany and Other Parts of the Continent“ (1805–1815). Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Jahren 1814 und 1815, denn die Quellen zur ersten Hilfskampagne der Jahre 1805 und 1806 sind spärlich. In beiden Fällen spielten deutsche Immigrantennetzwerke innerhalb der britischen Bibelgesellschaft eine entscheidende Rolle, im hier vorgestellten Falle insbesondere der in Erfurt gebürtige Londoner Pastor Ernst August Schwabe. Der Artikel beleuchtet die organisatorische Abwicklung der Hilfe und zeigt, wie die Londoner und Erfurter Zivilgesellschaft über die Hilfskampagne miteinander verzahnt waren und wie das Erfurter Verteilungskomitee aufgrund seines lokalen Horizonts nicht in die ihm zugedachte überregionale Rolle hineinwuchs. Er macht divergierende Interessen der Geber auf unmittelbare Nothilfe und der Empfänger auf langfristige Nutzung der bereitgestellten Ressourcen deutlich. Ein Großteil der Hilfe kam am Ende einem Fonds für Kriegswaisen zugute, dessen Ausschüttungen in der Praxis vom örtlichen Frauenverein kontrolliert wurden.

Conducting further research and exerting more effort into field studies will aid the detection and recording of new, rare species of invertebrates in the Mediterranean and allow the examination of their biological and environmental characteristics. This article provides information on four species of sea crab (one of which is alien), two species of sea star, one species of sea urchin and two species of octopus, which have all been documented for the first time in Syrian waters. Samples were collected by fishing nets from a coastal area at medium depths (20–630 meters) from Ras al-Basit, Lattakia and Banias during 2020 and 2021. These species are: Actaea savignii (H. Milne Edwards, 1834); Dromia personata (Linnaeus, 1758);Geryon longipes (A. Milne-Edwards, 1882); Homola barbata (Fabricius, 1793); Peltaster placenta (Müller and Troschel, 1842); Chaetaster longipes (Bruzelius, 1805); Sphaerechinus granularis (Lamarck, 1816); Tremoctopus violaceus (Delle Chiaje, 1830);Ocythoe tuberculate (Rafinesque, 1814). Documenting the presence of these rare species is very important from an environmental and scientific perspective, and recording more of them requires coordination with the marine fishing sector in Syria. KEYWORDS Cephalopods, crustaceans, echinoderms, marine biodiversity, non-indigenous species,zoobenthos

On the occasion of the double anniversary - the seven hundred years since the death of Dante Alighieri and the two hundred years since the death of Napoleon Bonaparte - the essay deals with the monument of Dante and Beatrice sculpted by the neoclassical artist Giovanni Battista Comolli in 1810. His client was Francesco Melzi d’Eril, former Vice President of the Italian Republic (1802-1804), then Grand Chancellor Keeper of Seals of the Kingdom of Italy (1805-1814). Located in the gardens of the Villa Melzi d’Eril in Bellagio on Lake Como, the monument features the meeting of Dante and Beatrice in Canto XVIII of Paradiso, when the woman soothes the poet for the prophecy of exile announced by his ancestor Cacciaguida. The paper highlights how this subject implies on the part of the client the desire to celebrate the poet and his work as expressions of Italian values, at a time when Napoleon’s authoritarian turn had disappointed his aspirations for the country’s greater independence. The sculpture also marks some artistic novelties and, as a whole, can be considered an early example of a monument specifically designed around Dante and his Commedia, anticipating the artistic success of the poet in the following decades of the Nineteenth century.

Background: Ludwig van Beethoven was born 250 years ago on December 17th, 1770 in Bonn, Germany. Although he was one of the most brilliant composers of all time, his life was shaped by many illnesses. Many know that Beethoven was hard of hearing and later deaf and that he could not longer hear his own works. However, there are many diseases that were little and or not known and that still shaped his life significantly.Methods: This article reports the medical history of this artist, based on authoritative scientific sources.Results: Even when he was young, Beethoven fell ill with smallpox, which gave his face a typical appearance. Since 1804/1805 he had been unable to see properly and was wearing glasses. The first hearing disorders appeared in 1796, treatment began in 1800. From 1814, hearing loss worsened significantly. The cause of hearing disorders is still unclear. From the age of 25, there was colic, diarrhea and fever, probably caused by a chronic pancreatitis. It is certain that Beethoven suffered from hepatitis and cirrhosis of the liver, certainly significantly influenced by alcohol consumption. Liver cirrhosis and esophageal varices were the consequences, and certainly also psychological changes to his difficult personality. In 1825, there was a cough of blood, nosebleeds and ascites and until 1827, 30-40 l of ascites were punctured.. On March 26, 1827, Beethoven died in the liver coma.Conclusions: Beethoven was a brilliant musician and composer who had many illnesses in his life. Above all, his hearing impairment significantly influenced his life. He had also frequent gastroenterological diseases, especially pancreatitis, hepatitis and live cirrhosis. Alcohol certainly played an important role in his life and influenced many illnesses.

Abstract Dubious though the honour may be, if anybody dominated the anglophone epic poetry scene across the Romantic period it was Robert Southey. For forty years he was at work on one or another extended verse narrative, with topics that represented, on four continents, cultures from medieval Christendom, Islam, Hindustan, and the indigenous New World. Between the two quite different versions of Joan of Arc that he published in 1796 and 1837 appeared Thalaba the Destroyer (1801), Madoc (1805), The Curse of Kehama (1810), Roderick, the Last of the Goths (1814), and A Tale of Paraguay (1825). Southey’s chosen themes of contest and conquest threw into high relief the profile of each culture he seized on, as in a different register did his characteristically bookish and condescending notes. Enlightened skepticism about alien systems of belief, joined to antinomian indifference to the internal logic of social patterns, disposed Southey’s epics to forms of causal overdrive that impoverish their narrative interest, even as they fulfill a whole set of now widely discredited clichés about Romantic alienation, transcendence, unstoppable will and insatiable desire. To Southey’s known importance for his Laker contemporaries, and his impact on Byron and Shelley in the next generation, may be added an extensive legacy to Victorian verse and prose narrative art: an influence that is the stranger given the extremity of his example. Action after action in Southey’s epic poems illustrates the incompatibility with heroic virtue of any course of action – i. e., any plot – that does not result in personal, national, or (at the imaginative bedrock these slighter levels imply) cosmic catastrophe.

Une recherche menée en 2021 dans les archives de l’Académie des sciences, belles-lettres et arts de Lyon, société savante datant du début du xviiie siècle, a mis en évidence un ensemble de textes témoignant de l’existence de liens entre la Russie et Lyon avant la fondation de l’université locale (1896) et avant la création de la première chaire de slavistique lyonnaise (1920). Ces documents sont de trois natures différentes : lettres (de Russie ou sur la Russie), mémoires manuscrits et enfin discours, ayant donné lieu à publication ou non. Parmi ces textes, on trouve trace de deux ardents patriotes russes, l’un venu d’Ukraine et l’autre de Pologne. Le médecin Danilo Samojlovič (1742-1805) devient en 1785 associé de l’Académie de Lyon pour assurer la promotion et la diffusion de ses idées nouvelles sur le traitement de la peste. Karolina Oleśkiewicz est pour sa part l’auteur d’un long manuscrit intitulé Révélations sur la Russie, portrait légitimiste de sa patrie d’adoption rédigé entre 1839 et 1845, peut-être en réponse aux attaques de Custine ou Henningsen contre la Russie. Inversement, plusieurs Lyonnais ont eu à faire avec la Russie au xviiie et au xixe siècle, sans même parler du diplomate et écrivain marseillais Claude-Charles de Peyssonnel (1727-1790), auteur d’une Dissertation sur la langue Sclavone, prétendument Illyrique (1765), dont on trouve un fragment manuscrit dans les archives de l’Académie. Le médecin et naturaliste Jean-Emmanuel Gilibert (1741-1814) tire de son long séjour en Pologne-Lituanie, à la veille du dernier partage de la Pologne, la matière de mémoires pour l’Académie (sur la géographie de la région, ses mœurs, ses habitants), de même que son confrère le naturaliste et minéralogiste Louis Patrin (1742-1815), à propos de la Sibérie. Le contexte change radicalement avec Philippe Benoit (1793-1881), fait prisonnier lors de la campagne de Russie de 1812 : il rapporte de son séjour forcé une longue relation de captivité (Souvenirs d’un Ardéchois prisonnier de guerre en Russie de 1812 à 1814), des poèmes et une pièce de théâtre inédite (Fëdor ou une révolte de serfs en Russie). Deux lettres de Charles de Pougens (pour l’impératrice douairière Marie et son fils le grand-duc Constantin) et d’Alexandre Moreau de Jonnès (sur la propagation du choléra dans le Sud de la Russie) complètent au xixe siècle la collection des documents de l’Académie touchant à la Russie. La Révolution russe de 1917 fait une remarquable irruption dans deux discours de réception à l’Académie, ceux des avocats Pierre Villard (1857-1930) et Jules Millevoye (1852-1930), en 1918 et 1922. Après 1930 et jusqu’au xxie siècle, la Russie disparaît pratiquement des activités de l’Académie de Lyon où elle aura été surtout présente, logiquement, pendant la période où cette dernière avait pris l’initiative d’intensifier ses échanges avec l’Europe occidentale.

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. 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