Academic literature on the topic '1803-1869 Criticism and interpretation'

Prince V.F. Odoyevsky (1803-1869) was the Russian writer, philosopher, musicologist and subtle musical critic, public figure, founder of «Society of philosophy-lovers» and author of «Motley Tales with Witticisms», fascinating monument of native culture; the book was published only once during the life of the writer and afterwards was not republished as the cycle. In literary criticism «Motley Tales» as the unified and important cycle by V.F. Odoyevsky were given scant coverage, although this literary work marked the beginning of new period in the writer’s oeuvre; an image of narrator Homoseyko is especially interesting because it is not only the intellectual hero, but also the alter ego of the writer. «Motley Tales» manifest a unique opportunity of watching the rising of themes and motives which will be revealed in the writer’s creation later, as well as following the formation of philosophical, aesthetic and artistic principles of author, as his fairy tales include the patterns of philosophical grotesque, social and moralizing story, folklore/psychological fantasy.

Abstract The Canons of Dort had not only defenders, moderate accepters, and offenders, but also critical accepters. One of these was Herman Friedrich Kohlbrugge (1803–1875). In the first part of this article this agreement with the doctrine of Dort is investigated. It appears that he accepted the reformed tradition, including the doctrine of predestination, and disagreed with the Arminian interpretation of grace. In the second part of this article, Kohlbrugge’s criticism of Dort is highlighted and placed in context; an analysis which leads one to a deeper understanding of the way in which Kohlbrugge accepted the theological and spiritual content of Dort. The article concludes that Kohlbrugge remained faithful to the Canons of Dort throughout his life, that he understood the Canons to be an interpretative explanation of the Belgic Confession and the Heidelberg Catechism, and that he interpreted the Canons of Dort in a dynamic Christ-centred way.

This article analyzes, from the perspective of textual criticism, two stories by the Campeche writer Santiago Sierra (1850-1880): “Flor de fuego” and “Flor del dolor,” which are part of the series that he published under the title “Flores.” This work is intended to contribute to the construction of the genetic history of these texts, through the exposition and interpretation of the significant author variants that exist between the first version, which appeared in the Veracruz newspaper Violetas, in 1869, and the second and last version published in the pages of El Domingo, between 1871 and 1872. The comparison of the two versions of these “Flores” reveals interesting variants that allow us to appreciate the transition in his aesthetic proposal from the assimilation of the doctrine of Allan Kardec. The study shows the process of transformation from the occultist substrate to the spiritualist, as the foundation of the fantastic or the supernatural in the stories.

Abstract: Indonesian historiography notes that East Sumatra is known for its poor treatment of plantation companies towards their workers. Nevertheless, the presence of plantation companies also causes East Sumatra to grow rapidly. This study aims to uncover the contributions provided by Deli Maatschappij in transforming East Sumatra into a more modern one and its impacts on plantation communities and local communities. The study uses critical historical methods that include heuristic activities, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The approach of social science is used as an analytical tool. The sources used in this study include the Deli Maatschappij memorial books, magazines, and other sources from the period. The results showed that Deli Maatschappij had a significant contribution to East Sumatra's transformation process, primarily related to its role in changes in transportation systems, health services, water supply, and education. It can be concluded that the community also had a positive impact from these changes. Abstrak: Historiografi Indonesia mencatat bahwa Sumatera Timur dikenal dengan perlakuan buruk perusahaan perkebunan terhadap pekerjanya. Kendati demikian, kehadiran perusahaan perkebunan juga menyebabkan Sumatera Timur berkembang pesat. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap kontribusi yang diberikan oleh Deli Maatschappij dalam mengubah Sumatera Timur menjadi lebih modern dan dampaknya terhadap masyarakat perkebunan dan masyarakat lokal. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah kritis yang meliputi kegiatan heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Pendekatan ilmu sosial digunakan sebagai alat analisis. Sumber yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini antara lain buku peringatan Deli Maatschappij, majalah, dan sumber lain dari periode tersebut. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Deli Maatschappij memiliki kontribusi yang sangat signifikan terhadap proses transformasi di Sumatera Timur terutama terkait perannya dalam perubahan sistem transportasi, pelayanan kesehatan, penyediaan air bersih, dan pendidikan. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa masyarakat juga merasakan dampak positif dari perubahan tersebut. Â

Pada periode akhir masa kolonial Belanda di Hindia, justru semakin banyak turis yang berkunjung. Priangan yang merupakan primadona kunjungan wisata pada masa itu, tentunya harus menata diri sebagai persiapan menyambut dan melayani para turis yang berkunjung. Akomodasi penginapan dalam dunia pariwisata adalah hal yang pokok untuk tersedia dan memadai di lokasi-lokasi yang akan dituju oleh para turis. Berbagai kisah menarik mengenai perkembangan akomodasi penginapan membawa nilai positif bagi para turis yang berkunjung ke Priangan berdasarkan sumber-sumber yang ditemukan oleh penulis. Maka, untuk menjabarkan persoalan tersebut dibutuhkan kajian historis dengan menggunakan metode sejarah, terdiri atas heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Berdasarkan penelitian yang dilakukan ini, bahwa pariwisata baru mulai menggeliat ketika memasuki akhir dari Abad ke-19 dimana Pesanggrahan dan Hotel semakin berkembang sebagai jawaban untuk memenuhi kebutuhan penginapan bagi para turis. Setidak-tidaknya dari berbagai sumber yang coba penulis baca dan telaah dapat menjelaskan mengenai perkembangan akomodasi penginapan pariwisata pada masa kolonial Hindia Belanda. During the late Dutch colonial period in the Dutch East Indies, more and more tourists visited. As a result, Priangan, which was the most favorite tourist destination at that time, certainly had to manage itself better to serve the tourist visits. Therefore, the availability of adequate lodging accommodation in the world of tourism was a mandatory requirement, especially in tourist destinations. Referring the sources found by the author, there are various interesting stories about the development of lodging accommodation with a positive impact on tourists in Priangan. To describe this problem, a historical study is needed using the historical method consisting of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on the research conducted, it was revealed that tourism in Priangan first began to grow towards the end of the 19th century as indicated by the growing number of guest houses and hotels in response to meet the lodging needs of tourists. The results of the analysis of various sources used as a reference in this study indicate that the development of tourism accommodation during the Dutch East Indies colonial had a positive impact on the progress of tourism in Priangan.

Volume 52 of the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society contained two articles (Salisbury 1986; Tipping 1986) critical of our paper ‘The stratigraphy of Kirkhead Cave, an upper palaeolithic site in northern England’ (Gale and Hunt 1985). Here we reply.Before dealing with the criticisms made by Salisbury, we correct the factual errors in his paper.1. Bolton and Morris ‘… excavated through, and ultimately removed some 5 to 7 metres of cave earth…’ (Salisbury 1986, 321). In fact, the reports indicate a maximum depth of excavation of 7 ft (2.1 m) (Bolton 1864, cclii) or 8 ft (2.4 m) (Morris 1865–66, 360, 361; 1866, 169, 170; Bolton 1869, 167–68).2. Bolton and Morris's ‘… publications are of little value today, and both may be considered to have been “bone hunters” and collectors’ (Salisbury 1986, 321). The assertion that Bolton and Morris's excavation reports are of little value suggests that Salisbury is not familiar with the wealth of early literature on this site. The reports provide a picture of a rich and varied assemblage of artefacts and macrofauna in the unit overlying the stalagmite floor in the cave. Information is also provided on the lithology of that unit. Interpretation of these reports allows the reconstruction of the stratigraphic context of the finds: we direct Salisbury's attention to Gale and Hunt (1985, 296–97) for an indication of the stratigraphic reconstruction possible from the information given in these early publications.

Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) fue uno de los más influyentes catedráticos de derecho y políticos de la España contemporánea. Fue un miembro activo del denominado movimiento krausista que desempeñó un importante papel en la cultura y política española tras la revolución de 1868. Desde diferentes revistas y desde la propia Universidad defendió los principios liberales y democráticos que conducían al establecimiento de su ideal: Estado de derecho. En ese contexto apoyó la nueva constitución de 1869, que Azcárate considerará siempre un referente y el mejor código fundamental de la España moderna. Con la Restauración en 1874 de la Monarquía inspirada en el doctrinarismo francés Azcárate se mostró muy crítico y propuso dirigir la mirada hacia la constitución de Inglaterra como el modelo jurídico-político a tener en cuenta. A su juicio el sistema constitucional inglés se articulaba en torno al principio del self-goverment o soberanía de la sociedad a partir del cual se construía un régimen parlamentario democrático con una administración descentralizada, un poder judicial independiente y una opinión pública que actuaba a la vez como fuente, guía y límite de los distintos poderes del Estado. Entre 1886 y 1916 Azcárate fue Diputado en el Congreso de los Diputados por el partido republicano y se implicó activamente, como presidente del Instituto de Reformas Sociales (1903), en la mejora de las condiciones de vida las clases obreras.Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) was one the most influential Law professor and politician in Contemporary Spain. He was an active member of the so-call krausist movement that played a major role in Spanish culture and politics after the revolution of 1868. From both, journals and University he defended the liberal and democratic principles that lead to his ideal: a rule of law. In that context he supported the new constitution of 1869, regarded by Azcárate for the rest of his life as the best one in Spanish modern history. When the Restoration took place in 1874 and a constitutional Monarchy inspired in French doctinaires’ political theory was set up, Azcárate criticised it proposing to look over the Constitution of England as a model. According to his interpretation of English constitutional system, the principle of self-government or the sovereignty of society was the key principle for building a true democratic parliamentary government based on the free association of individuals, a decentralized administration, an independent judicial power and public opinion as the very source, guide and limit of all the powers of the State. From 1886 up to 1916 Azcárate became Member of the Parliament as representative of the republican party and was actively involve in the Intitute for Social Reforms (1903) that tried to improve the condition of the working classes.

Historians have often been compared with detectives; searching for clues as evidence of a mystery they are seeking to solve. I would prefer an association with food, making history like a trained cook who blends particular ingredients, some fresh, some traditional, using specific methods to create an object that is consumed. There are primary sources, fresh and raw ingredients that you often have to go to great lengths to procure, and secondary sources, prepared initially by someone else. The same recipe may yield different meals, the same meal may provoke different responses. On a continuum of approaches to history and food, there are those who approach both as a scientific endeavour and, at the other end of the spectrum, those who make history and food as art. Brought together, it is possible to see cookbooks as history in at least two important ways; they give meaning to the past by representing culinary heritage and they are in themselves sources of history as documents and blueprints for experiences that can be interpreted to represent the past. Many people read cookbooks and histories with no intention of preparing the meal or becoming a historian. I do a little of both. I enjoy reading history and cookbooks for pleasure but, as a historian, I also read them interchangeably; histories to understand cookbooks and cookbooks to find out more about the past. History and the past are different of course, despite their use in the English language. It is not possible to relive the past, we can only interpret it through the traces that remain. Even if a reader had an exact recipe and an antique stove, vegetables grown from heritage seeds in similar conditions, eggs and grains from the same region and employed the techniques his or her grandparents used, they could not replicate their experience of a meal. Undertaking those activities though would give a reader a sense of that experience. Active examination of the past is possible through the processes of research and writing, but it will always be an interpretation and not a reproduction of the past itself. Nevertheless, like other histories, cookbooks can convey a sense of what was important in a culture, and what contemporaries might draw on that can resonate a cultural past and make the food palatable. The way people eat relates to how they apply ideas and influences to the material resources and knowledge they have. Used in this way, cookbooks provide a rich and valuable way to look at the past. Histories, like cookbooks, are written in the present, inspired and conditioned by contemporary issues and attitudes and values. Major shifts in interpretation or new directions in historical studies have more often arisen from changes in political or theoretical preoccupations, generated by contemporary social events, rather than the recovery of new information. Likewise, the introduction of new ingredients or methods rely on contemporary acceptance, as well as familiarity. How particular versions of history and new recipes promote both the past and present is the concern of this paper. My focus below will be on the nineteenth century, although a much larger study would reveal the circumstances that separated that period from the changes that followed. Until the late nineteenth century Australians largely relied on cookbooks that were brought with them from England and on their own private recipe collection, and that influenced to a large extent the sort of food that they ate, although of course they had to improvise by supplementing with local ingredients. In the first book of recipes that was published in Australia, The English and Australian Cookery Book that appeared in 1864, Edward Abbott evoked the ‘roast beef of old England Oh’ (Bannerman, Dictionary). The use of such a potent symbol of English identity in the nineteenth century may seem inevitable, and colonists who could afford them tended to use their English cookbooks and the ingredients for many years, even after Abbott’s publication. New ingredients, however, were often adapted to fit in with familiar culinary expectations in the new setting. Abbott often drew on native and exotic ingredients to produce very familiar dishes that used English methods and principles: things like kangaroo stuffed with beef suet, breadcrumbs, parsley, shallots, marjoram, thyme, nutmeg, pepper, salt, cayenne, and egg. It was not until the 1890s that a much larger body of Australian cookbooks became available, but by this time the food supply was widely held to be secure and abundant and the cultivation of exotic foods in Australia like wheat and sheep and cattle had established a long and familiar food supply for English colonists. Abbott’s cookbook provides a record of the culinary heritage settlers brought with them to Australia and the contemporary circumstances they had to adapt to. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide is an example of the popularity of British cookbooks in Australia. Beeton’s Kangaroo Tail Curry was included in the Australian cooking section of her household management (2860). In terms of structure it is important for historians as one of the first times, because Beeton started writing in the 1860s, that ingredients were clearly distinguished from the method. This actually still presents considerable problems for publishers. There is debate about whether that should necessarily be the case, because it takes up so much space on the page. Kangaroo Tail CurryIngredients:1 tail2 oz. Butter1 tablespoon of flour1 tablespoon of curry2 onions sliced1 sour apple cut into dice1 desert spoon of lemon juice3/4 pint of stocksaltMethod:Wash, blanch and dry the tail thoroughly and divide it at the joints. Fry the tail in hot butter, take it up, put it in the sliced onions, and fry them for 3 or 4 minutes without browning. Sprinkle in the flour and curry powder, and cook gently for at least 20 minutes, stirring frequently. Add the stock, apple, salt to taste, bring to the boil, stirring meanwhile, and replace the tail in the stew pan. Cover closely, and cook gently until tender, then add the lemon juice and more seasoning if necessary. Arrange the pieces of tail on a hot dish, strain the sauce over, and serve with boiled rice.Time: 2-3 hoursSufficient for 1 large dish. Although the steps are not clearly distinguished from each other the method is more systematic than earlier recipes. Within the one sentence, however, there are still two or three different sorts of tasks. The recipe also requires to some extent a degree of discretion, knowledge and experience of cooking. Beeton suggests adding things to taste, cooking something until it is tender, so experience or knowledge is necessary to fulfil the recipe. The meal also takes between two and three hours, which would be quite prohibitive for a lot of contemporary cooks. New recipes, like those produced in Delicious have recipes that you can do in ten minutes or half an hour. Historically, that is a new development that reveals a lot about contemporary conditions. By 1900, Australian interest in native food had pretty much dissolved from the record of cookbooks, although this would remain a feature of books for the English public who did not need to distinguish themselves from Indigenous people. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide gave a selection of Australian recipes but they were primarily for the British public rather than the assumption that they were being cooked in Australia: kangaroo tail soup was cooked in the same way as ox tail soup; roast wallaby was compared to hare. The ingredients were wallaby, veal, milk and butter; and parrot pie was said to be not unlike one made of pigeons. The novelty value of such ingredients may have been of interest, rather than their practical use. However, they are all prepared in ways that would make them fairly familiar to European tastes. Introducing something new with the same sorts of ingredients could therefore proliferate the spread of other foods. The means by which ingredients were introduced to different regions reflects cultural exchanges, historical processes and the local environment. The adaptation of recipes to incorporate local ingredients likewise provides information about local traditions and contemporary conditions. Starting to see those ingredients as a two-way movement between looking at what might have been familiar to people and what might have been something that they had to do make do with because of what was necessarily available to them at that time tells us about their past as well as the times they are living in. Differences in the level of practical cooking knowledge also have a vital role to play in cookbook literature. Colin Bannerman has suggested that the shortage of domestic labour in Australia an important factor in supporting the growth of the cookbook industry in the late nineteenth century. The poor quality of Australian cooking was also an occasional theme in the press during the same time. The message was generally the same: bad food affected Australians’ physical, domestic, social and moral well-being and impeded progress towards civilisation and higher culture. The idea was really that Australians had to learn how to cook. Colin Bannerman (Acquired Tastes 19) explains the rise of domestic science in Australia as a product of growing interest in Australian cultural development and the curse of bad cookery, which encouraged support for teaching girls and women how to cook. Domestic Economy was integrated into the Victorian and New South Wales curriculum by the end of the nineteenth century. Australian women have faced constant criticism of their cooking skills but the decision to teach cooking shouldn’t necessarily be used to support that judgement. Placed in a broader framework is possible to see the support for a modern, scientific approach to food preparation as part of both the elevation of science and systematic knowledge in society more generally, and a transnational movement to raise the status of women’s role in society. It would also be misleading not to consider the transnational context. Australia’s first cookery teachers were from Britain. The domestic-science movement there can be traced to the congress on domestic economy held in Manchester in 1878, at roughly the same time as the movement was gaining strength in Australia. By the 1890s domestic economy was widely taught in both British and Australian schools, without British women facing the same denigration of their cooking skills. Other comparisons with Britain also resulted from Australia’s colonial heritage. People often commented on the quality of the ingredients in Australia and said they were more widely available than they were in England but much poorer in quality. Cookbooks emerged as a way of teaching people. Among the first to teach cookery skills was Mina Rawson, author of The Antipodean Cookery Book and the Kitchen Companion first published in 1885. The book was a compilation of her own recipes and remedies, and it organised and simplified food preparation for the ordinary housewife. But the book also included directions and guidance on things like household tasks and how to cure diseases. Cookbooks therefore were not completely distinct from other aspects of everyday life. They offered much more than culinary advice on how to cook a particular meal and can similarly be used by historians to comment on more than food. Mrs Rawson also knew that people had to make do. She included a lot of bush foods that you still do not get in a lot of Australian meals, ingredients that people could substitute for the English ones they were used to like pig weed. By the end of the nineteenth century cooking had become a recognised classroom subject, providing early training in domestic service, and textbooks teaching Australians how to cook also flourished. Measurements became much more uniform, the layout of cookbooks became more standardised and the procedure was clearly spelled out. This allowed companies to be able to sell their foods because it also meant that you could duplicate the recipes and they could potentially taste the same. It made cookbooks easier to use. The audience for these cookbooks were mostly young women directed to cooking as a way of encouraging social harmony. Cooking was elevated in lots of ways at this stage as a social responsibility. Cookbooks can also be seen as a representation of domestic life, and historically this prescribed the activities of men and women as being distinct The dominance of women in cookbooks in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries attested to the strength of that idea of separate spheres. The consequences of this though has been debated by historians: whether having that particular kind of market and the identification that women were making with each other also provided a forum for women’s voices and so became quite significant in women’s politics at a later date. Cookbooks have been a strategic marketing device for products and appliances. By the beginning of the twentieth century food companies began to print recipes on their packets and to release their own cookbooks to promote their products. Davis Gelatine produced its first free booklet in 1904 and other companies followed suit (1937). The largest gelatine factory was in New South Wales and according to Davis: ‘It bathed in sunshine and freshened with the light breezes of Botany all year round.’ These were the first lavishly illustrated Australian cookbooks. Such books were an attempt to promote new foods and also to sell local foods, many of which were overproduced – such as milk, and dried fruits – which provides insights into the supply chain. Cookbooks in some ways reflected the changing tastes of the public, their ideas, what they were doing and their own lifestyle. But they also helped to promote some of those sorts of changes too. Explaining the reason for cooking, Isabella Beeton put forward an historical account of the shift towards increasing enjoyment of it. She wrote: "In the past, only to live has been the greatest object of mankind, but by and by comforts are multiplied and accumulating riches create new wants. The object then is to not only live but to live economically, agreeably, tastefully and well. Accordingly the art of cookery commences and although the fruits of the earth, the fowls of the air, the beasts of the field and the fish of the sea are still the only food of mankind, yet these are so prepared, improved and dressed by skill and ingenuity that they are the means of immeasurably extending the boundaries of human enjoyment. Everything that is edible and passes under the hands of cooks is more or less changed and assumes new forms, hence the influence of that functionary is immense upon the happiness of the household" (1249). Beeton anticipates a growing trend not just towards cooking and eating but an interest in what sustains cooking as a form of recreation. The history of cookbook publishing provides a glimpse into some of those things. The points that I have raised provide a means for historians to use cookbooks. Cookbooks can be considered in terms of what was eaten, by whom and how: who prepared the food, so to whom the books were actually directed? Clever books like Isabella Beeton’s were directed at both domestic servants and at wives, which gave them quite a big market. There are also changes in the inclusion of themes. Economy and frugality becomes quite significant, as do organisation and management at different times. Changes in the extent of detail, changes in authorship, whether it is women, men, doctors, health professionals, home economists and so on all reflect contemporary concerns. Many books had particular purposes as well, used to fund raise or promote a particular perspective, relate food reform and civic life which gives them a political agenda. Promotional literature produced by food and kitchen equipment companies were a form of advertising and quite significant to the history of cookbook publishing in Australia. Other themes include the influence of cookery school and home economics movements; advice on etiquette and entertaining; the influence of immigration and travel; the creation of culinary stars and authors of which we are all fairly familiar. Further themes include changes in ingredients, changes in advice about health and domestic medicine, and the impact of changes in social consciousness. It is necessary to place those changes in a more general historical context, but for a long time cookbooks have been ignored as a source of information in their own right about the period in which they were published and the kinds of social and political changes that we can see coming through. More than this active process of cooking with the books as well becomes a way of imagining the past in quite different ways than historians are often used to. Cookbooks are not just sources for historians, they are histories in themselves. The privileging of written and visual texts in postcolonial studies has meant other senses, taste and smell, are frequently neglected; and yet the cooking from historical cookbooks can provide an embodied, sensorial image of the past. From nineteenth century cookbooks it is possible to see that British foods were central to the colonial identity project in Australia, but the fact that “British” culinary culture was locally produced, challenges the idea of an “authentic” British cuisine which the colonies tried to replicate. By the time Abbot was advocating rabbit curry as an Australian family meal, back “at home” in England, it was not authentic Indian food but the British invention of curry power that was being incorporated into English cuisine culture. More than cooks, cookbook authors told a narrative that forged connections and disconnections with the past. They reflected the contemporary period and resonated with the culinary heritage of their readers. Cookbooks make history in multiple ways; by producing change, as the raw materials for making history and as historical narratives. References Abbott, Edward. The English and Australian Cookery Book: Cookery for the Many, as well as the Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1864. Bannerman, Colin. Acquired Tastes: Celebrating Australia’s Culinary History. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1998. Bannerman, Colin. "Abbott, Edward (1801–1869)." Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University. 21 May 2013. . Beeton, Isabella. Mrs Beeton’s Book of Household Management. New Ed. London and Melbourne: Ward, Lock and Co. Ltd., n.d. (c. 1909). Davis Gelatine. Davis Dainty Dishes. Rev ed. Sydney: Davis Gelatine Organization, 1937. Rawson, Lance Mrs. The Antipodean Cookery Book and Kitchen Companion. Melbourne: George Robertson & Co., 1897.

IntroductionThe role, function, and future of the Western public intellectual have been highly contested over the last three decades. The dominant discourse, which predicts the decline of the public intellectual, asserts the institutionalisation of their labour has eroded their authority to speak publicly to power on behalf of others; and that the commodification of intellectual performance has transformed them from sages, philosophers, and men of letters into trivial media entertainers, pundits, and ideologues. Overwhelmingly the crisis debates link the demise of the public intellectual to shifts in public culture, which was initially conceptualised as a literary and artistic space designed to liberate the awareness of citizens through critique and to reflect upon “the chronic and persistent issues of life, meaning and representation” (McGuigan 430). This early imagining of public culture as an exclusively civilising space, however, did not last and Jurgen Habermas documented its decline in response to the commodification and politicisation of culture in the 20th century. Yet, as social activism continued to flourish in the public sphere, Habermas re-theorised public culture as a more pluralistic site which simultaneously accommodates “uncritical populism, radical subversion and critical intervention” (436) and operates as both a marketplace and a “site of communicative rationality, mutual respect and understanding (McGuigan 434). The rise of creative industries expanded popular engagement with public culture but destabilised the authority of the public intellectual. The accompanying shifts also affected the function of the curator, who, like the intellectual, had a role in legislating and arbitrating knowledge, and negotiating and authorising meaning through curated exhibitions of objects deemed sacred and significant. Jennifer Barrett noted the similarities in the two functions when she argued in Museums and the Public Sphere that, because museums have an intellectual role in society, curators have a public intellectual function as they define publics, determine modes of engagement, and shape knowledge formation (150). The resemblance between the idealised role of the intellectual and the curator in enabling the critique that emancipates the citizen means that both functions have been affected by the atomisation of contemporary society, which has exposed the power effects of the imposed coherency of authoritative and universal narratives. Indeed, just as Russell Jacoby, Allan Bloom, and Richard Posner predicted the death of the intellectual, who could no longer claim to speak in universal terms on behalf of others, so museums faced their own crisis of relevancy. Declining visitor numbers and reduced funding saw museums reinvent themselves, and in moving away from their traditional exclusive, authoritative, and nation building roles—which Pierre Bourdieu argued reproduced the “existing class-based culture, education and social systems” (Barrett 3)—museums transformed themselves into inclusive and diverse sites of co-creation with audiences and communities. In the context of this change the curator ceased to be the “primary producer of knowledge” (Barrett 13) and emerged to reproduce “contemporary culture preoccupations” and constitute the “social imagery” of communities (119). The modern museum remains concerned with explaining and interrogating the world, but the shift in curatorial work is away from the objects themselves to a focus upon audiences and how they value the artefacts, knowledge, and experiences of collective shared memory. The change in curatorial practices was driven by what Peter Vergo called a new “museology” (Barrett 2), and according to Macdonald this term assumes that “object meanings are contextual rather than inherent” or absolute and universal (2). Public intellectuals and curators, as the custodians of ideas and narratives in the contemporary cultural industries, privilege audience reception and recognise that consumers and/or citizens engage with public culture for a variety of reasons, including critique, understanding, and entertainment. Curators, like public intellectuals, also recognise that they can no longer assume the knowledge and experience of their audience, nor prescribe the nature of engagement with ideas and objects. Instead, curators and intellectuals emerge as negotiators and translators of cultural meaning as they traverse the divides in public culture, sequestering ideas and cultural artefacts and constructing narratives that engage audiences and communities in the process of re-imagining the past as a way of providing new insights into contemporary challenges.Methodology In exploring the idea that the public intellectual acts as a curator of ideas as he or she defines and privileges the discursive spaces of public culture, this paper begins by providing an overview of the cultural context of the contemporary public intellectual which enables comparisons between intellectual and curatorial functions. Second, this paper analyses a random sample of the content of books, newspaper and magazine articles, speeches, and transcripts of interviews drawn from The Australian, The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Sydney Institute, the ABC, The Monthly, and Quadrant published or broadcast between 1996 and 2007, in order to identify the key themes of the History Wars. It should be noted that the History War debates were extensive, persistent, and complex—and as they unfolded over a 13-year period they emerged as the “most powerful” and “most disputed form of public intellectual work” (Carter, Ideas 9). Many issues were aggregated under the trope of the History Wars, and these topics were subject to both popular commentary and academic investigation. Furthermore, the History Wars discourse was produced in a range of mediums including popular media sources, newspaper and magazine columns, broadcasts, blogs, lectures, and writers’ forums and publications. Given the extent of this discourse, the sample of articles which provides the basis for this analysis does not seek to comprehensively survey the literature on the History Wars. Rather this paper draws upon Foucault’s genealogical qualitative method, which exposes the subordinated discontinuities in texts, to 1) consider the political context of the History War trope; and 2) identify how intellectuals discursively exhibited versions of the nation’s identity and in the process made visible the power effects of the past. Public Intellectuals The underlying fear of the debates about the public intellectual crisis was that the public intellectual would no longer be able to act as the conscience of a nation, speak truth to power, or foster the independent and dissenting public debate that guides and informs individual human agency—a goal that has lain at the heart of the Western intellectual’s endeavours since Kant’s Sapere aude. The late 20th century crisis discourse, however, primarily mourned the decline of a particular form of public authority attached to the heroic universal intellectual formation made popular by Emile Zola at the end of the 19th century, and which claimed the power to hold the political elites of France accountable. Yet talk of an intellectual crisis also became progressively associated with a variety of general concerns about globalising society. Some of these concerns included fears that structural shifts in the public domain would lead to the impoverishment of the cultural domain, the end of Western civilisation, the decline of the progressive political left, and the end of universal values. It was also expected that the decline in intellectuals would also enable the rise of populism, political conservatism, and anti-intellectualism (Jacoby Bloom; Bauman; Rorty; Posner; Furedi; Marquand). As a result of these fears, the function of the intellectual who engages publicly was re-theorised. Zygmunt Bauman suggested the intellectual was no longer the legislator or arbiter of taste but the negotiator and translator of ideas; Michel Foucault argued that the intellectual could be institutionally situated and still speak truth to power; and Edward Said insisted the public intellectual had a role in opening up possibilities to resolve conflict by re-imagining the past. In contrast, the Australian public intellectual has never been declared in crisis or dead, and this is probably because the nation does not have the same legacy of the heroic public intellectual. Indeed, as a former British colony labelled the “working man’s paradise” (White 4), Australia’s intellectual work was produced in “institutionalised networks” (Head 5) like universities and knowledge disciplines, political parties, magazines, and unions. Within these networks there was a double division of labour, between the abstraction of knowledge and its compartmentalisation, and between the practical application of knowledge and its popularisation. As a result of this legacy, a more organic, specific, and institutionalised form of intellectualism emerged, which, according to Head, limited intellectual influence and visibility across other networks and domains of knowledge and historically impeded general intellectual engagement with the public. Fears about the health and authority of the public intellectual in Australia have therefore tended to be produced as a part of Antonio Gramsci’s ideological “wars of position” (Mouffe 5), which are an endless struggle between cultural and political elites for control of the institutions of social reproduction. These struggles began in Australia in the 1970s and 1980s over language and political correctness, and they reappeared in the 1990s as the History Wars. History Wars“The History Wars” was a term applied to an ideological battle between two visions of the Australian nation. The first vision was circulated by Australian Labor Party Prime Minister Paul Keating, who saw race relations as central to 21st century global Australia and began the process of dealing with the complex and divisive Indigenous issues at home. He established the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation in 1991; acknowledged in the 1992 Redfern speech that white settlers were responsible for the problems in Indigenous communities; and commissioned the Bringing Them Home report, which was completed in 1997 and concluded that the mandated removal of Indigenous children from their families and communities throughout the 20th century had violated their human rights and caused long-term and systemic damage to Indigenous communities.The second vision of Australia was circulated by Liberal Prime Minister John Howard, who, after he came to power in 1996, began his own culture war to reconstruct a more conservative vision of the nation. Howard believed that the stories of Indigenous dispossession undermined confidence in the nation, and he sought to produce a historical view of the past grounded in “Judeo-Christian ethics, the progressive spirit of the enlightenment and the institutions and values of British culture” (“Sense of Balance”). Howard called for a return to a narrative form that valorised Australia’s achievements, and he sought to instil a more homogenised view of the past and a coherent national identity by reviewing high school history programs, national museum appointments, and citizenship tests. These two political positions framed the subsequent intellectual struggles over the past. While a number of issues were implicated in the battle, generally, left commentators used the History Wars as a way to circulate certain ideas about morality and identity, including 1) Australians needed to make amends for past injustices to Indigenous Australians and 2) the nation’s global identity was linked to how they dealt with Australia’s first people. In contrast, the political right argued 1) the left had misrepresented and overstated the damage done to Indigenous communities and rewritten history; 2) stories about Indigenous abuse were fragmenting the nation’s identity at a time when the nation needed to build a coherent global presence; and 3) no apology was necessary, because contemporary Australians did not feel responsible for past injustices. AnalysisThe war between these two visions of Australia was fought in “extra-curricular sites,” according to Stuart Macintyre, and this included newspaper columns, writers’ festivals, broadcast interviews, intellectual magazines like The Monthly and Quadrant, books, and think tank lectures. Academics and intellectuals were the primary protagonists, and they disputed the extent of colonial genocide; the legitimacy of Indigenous land rights; the impact of the Stolen Generation on the lives of modern Indigenous citizens; and the necessity of a formal apology as a part of the reconciliation process. The conflicts also ignited debates about the nature of history, the quality of public debates in Australia, and exposed the tensions between academics, public intellectuals, newspaper commentators and political elites. Much of the controversy played out in the national forums can be linked to the Bringing Them Home: National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families report Stolen Generation inquiry and report, which was commissioned by Keating but released after Howard came to office. Australian public intellectual and professor of politics Robert Manne critiqued the right’s response to the report in his 2001 Quarterly Essay titled “In Denial: The Stolen Generation and The Right”. He argued that there was a right-wing campaign in Australia that sought to diminish and undermine justice for Aboriginal people by discounting the results of the inquiry, underestimating the numbers of those affected, and underfunding the report’s recommendations. He spoke of the nation’s shame and in doing so he challenged Australia’s image of itself. Manne’s position was applauded by many for providing what Kay Schaffer in her Australian Humanities Review paper called an “effective antidote to counter the bitter stream of vitriol that followed the release of the Bringing Them Home report”. Yet Manne also drew criticism. Historian Bain Attwood argued that Manne’s attack on conservatives was polemical, and he suggested that it would be more useful to consider in detail what drives the right-wing analysis of Indigenous issues. Attwood also suggested that Manne’s essay had misrepresented the origins of the narrative of the Stolen Generation, which had been widely known prior to the release of the Stolen Generation report.Conservative commentators focused upon challenging the accuracy of those stories submitted to the inquiry, which provided the basis for the report. This struggle over factual details was to characterise the approach of historian Keith Windschuttle, who rejected both the numbers of those stolen from their families and the degree of violence used in the settlement of Australia. In his 2002 book The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Volume One, Van Diemen’s Land 1803–1847 he accused left-wing academics of exaggerating the events of Aboriginal history in order to further their own political agenda. In particular, he argued that the extent of the “conflagration of oppression and conflict” which sought to “dispossess, degrade, and devastate the Aboriginal people” had been overstated and misrepresented and designed to “create an edifice of black victimhood and white guilt” (Windschuttle, Fabrication 1). Manne responded to Windschuttle’s allegations in Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, arguing that Windschuttle arguments were “unpersuasive and unsupported either by independent research or even familiarity with the relevant secondary historical literature” (7) and that the book added nothing to the debates. Other academics like Stephen Muecke, Marcia Langton and Heather Goodall expressed concerns about Windschuttle’s work, and in 2003 historians Stuart Macintyre and Anna Clark published The History Wars, which described the implications of the politicisation of history on the study of the past. At the same time, historian Bain Attwood in Telling the Truth About Aboriginal History argued that the contestation over history was eroding the “integrity of intellectual life in Australia” (2). Fractures also broke out between writers and historians about who was best placed to write history. The Australian book reviewer Stella Clarke wrote that the History Wars were no longer constructive discussions, and she suggested that historical novelists could colonise the territory traditionally dominated by professional historians. Inga Clendinnen wasn’t so sure. She wrote in a 2006 Quarterly Essay entitled “The History Question: Who Owns the Past?” that, while novelists could get inside events through a process of “applied empathy,” imagination could in fact obstruct the truth of reality (20). Discussion The History Wars saw academics engage publicly to exhibit a set of competing ideas about Australia’s identity in the nation’s media and associated cultural sites, and while the debates initially prompted interest they eventually came to be described as violent and unproductive public conversations about historical details and ideological positions. Indeed, just as the museum curator could no longer authoritatively prescribe the cultural meaning of artefacts, so the History Wars showed that public intellectuals could not adjudicate the identity of the nation nor prescribe the nature of its conduct. For left-wing public intellectuals and commentators, the History Wars came to signify the further marginalisation of progressive politics in the face of the dominant, conservative, and increasingly populist constituency. Fundamentally, the battles over the past reinforced fears that Australia’s public culture was becoming less diverse, less open, and less able to protect traditional civil rights, democratic freedoms, and social values. Importantly for intellectuals like Robert Manne, there was a sense that Australian society was less able or willing to reflect upon the moral legitimacy of its past actions as a part of the process of considering its contemporary identity. In contrast right-wing intellectuals and commentators argued that the History Wars showed how public debate under a conservative government had been liberated from political correctness and had become more vibrant. This was the position of Australian columnist Janet Albrechtsen who argued that rather than a decline in public debate there had been, in fact, “vigorous debate of issues that were once banished from the national conversation” (91). She went on to insist that left-wing commentators’ concerns about public debate were simply a mask for their discomfort at having their views and ideas challenged. There is no doubt that the History Wars, while media-orchestrated debates that circulated a set of ideological positions designed to primarily attract audiences and construct particular views of Australia, also raised public awareness of the complex issues associated with Australia’s Indigenous past. Indeed, the Wars ended what W.E.H Stanner had called the “great silence” on Indigenous issues and paved the way for Kevin Rudd’s apology to Indigenous people for their “profound grief, suffering and loss”. The Wars prompted conversations across the nation about what it means to be Australian and exposed the way history is deeply implicated in power surely a goal of both intellectual debate and curated exhibitions. ConclusionThis paper has argued that the public intellectual can operate like a curator in his or her efforts to preserve particular ideas, interpretations, and narratives of public culture. The analysis of the History Wars debates, however, showed that intellectuals—just like curators —are no longer authorities and adjudicators of the nation’s character, identity, and future but cultural intermediaries whose function is not just the performance or exhibition of selected ideas, objects, and narratives but also the engagement and translation of other voices across different contexts in the ongoing negotiation of what constitutes cultural significance. ReferencesAlbrechtsen, Janet. “The History Wars.” The Sydney Papers (Winter/Spring 2003): 84–92. Attwood, Bain. Telling the Truth about Aboriginal History. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2005.Bauman, Zygmunt. Legislators and Interpreters: On Modernity, Post Modernity and Intellectuals. Cambridge, CAMBS: Polity, 1987. Barrett, Jennifer. Museums and the Public Sphere. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, 2010. Bloom, Allan. Closing of the American Mind. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987.Bourdieu. P. Distinctions: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. R. Nice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1984. Bringing Them Home: National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families. Commonwealth of Australia. 1997.Carter, David. Introduction. The Ideas Market: An Alternative Take on Australia’s Intellectual Life. Ed. David Carter. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2004. 1–11.Clendinnen, Inga. True Stories. Sydney: ABC Books, 1999.Clendinnen, Inga. “The History Question: Who Owns the Past?” Quarterly Essay 23 (2006): 1–82. Foucault, Michel, and Giles Deleuze. Intellectuals and Power Language, Counter Memory and Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews. Ed. and trans. David Bouchard. New York: Cornell UP, 1977. Gratton, Michelle. “Howard Claims Victory in National Culture Wars.” The Age 26 Jan. 2006. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/news/national/pm-claims-victory-in-culture-wars/2006/01/25/1138066861163.html›.Head, Brian. “Introduction: Intellectuals in Australian Society.” Intellectual Movements and Australian Society. Eds. Brian Head and James Waller. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1988. 1–44.Hohendahl, Peter Uwe, and Marc Silberman. “Critical Theory, Public Sphere and Culture: Jürgen Habermas and His Critics.” New German Critique 16 (Winter 1979): 89–118.Howard, John. “A Sense of Balance: The Australian Achievement in 2006.” National Press Club. Great Parliament House, Canberra, ACT. 25 Jan. 2006. ‹http://pmtranscripts.dpmc.gov.au/browse.php?did=22110›.Howard, John. “Standard Bearer in Liberal Culture.” Address on the 50th Anniversary of Quadrant, Sydney, 3 Oct. 2006. The Australian 4 Oct. 2006. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/opinion/john-howard-standard-bearer-in-liberal-culture/story-e6frg6zo-1111112306534›.Jacoby, Russell. The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe. New York: The Noonday Press, 1987.Keating, Paul. “Keating’s History Wars.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 Sep. 2003. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/09/05/1062549021882.html›.Macdonald, S. “Expanding Museum Studies: An Introduction.” Ed. S. Macdonald. A Companion to Museum Studies. Oxford and Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. 1–12. Macintyre, Stuart, and Anna Clarke. The History Wars. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2003. ———. “The History Wars.” The Sydney Papers (Winter/Spring 2003): 77–83.———. “Who Plays Stalin in Our History Wars? Sydney Morning Herald 17 Sep. 2003. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/09/16/1063625030438.html›.Manne, Robert. “In Denial: The Stolen Generation and the Right.” Quarterly Essay 1 (2001).———. WhiteWash: On Keith Windshuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History. Melbourne. Black Ink, 2003.Mark, David. “PM Calls for End to the History Wars.” ABC News 28 Aug. 2009.McGuigan, Jim. “The Cultural Public Sphere.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 8.4 (2005): 427–43.Mouffe, Chantal, ed. Gramsci and Marxist Theory. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979. Melleuish, Gregory. The Power of Ideas: Essays on Australian Politics and History. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2009.Rudd, Kevin. “Full Transcript of PM’s Apology Speech.” The Australian 13 Feb. 2008. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/full-transcript-of-pms-speech/story-e6frg6nf-1111115543192›.Said, Edward. “The Public Role of Writers and Intellectuals.” ABC Alfred Deakin Lectures, Melbourne Town Hall, 19 May 2001. Schaffer, Kay. “Manne’s Generation: White Nation Responses to the Stolen Generation Report.” Australian Humanities Review (June 2001). 5 June 2015 ‹http://www.australianhumanitiesreview.org/archive/Issue-June-2001/schaffer.html›. Shanahan, Dennis. “Howard Rallies the Right in Cultural War Assault.” The Australian 4 Oct. 2006. 6 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/howard-rallies-right-in-culture-war-assault/story-e6frg6nf-1111112308221›.Wark, Mackenzie. “Lip Service.” The Ideas Market: An Alternative Take on Australia’s Intellectual Life. Ed. David Carter. Carlton, VIC: Melbourne UP, 2004. 259–69.White, Richard. Inventing Australia Images and Identity 1688–1980. Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1981. Windschuttle, Keith. The Fabrication of Australian History, Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803–1847. Sydney: McCleay, 2002. ———. “Why There Was No Stolen Generation (Part One).” Quadrant Online (Jan–Feb 2010). 6 Aug. 2015 ‹https://quadrant.org.au/magazine/2010/01-02/why-there-were-no-stolen-generations/›.

The unique stylistic particularity of the novel as a literary form is that it is the presentation of the speaking human and his words (Bakhtine, 1978). The speaker in a novel is an exponent of a specific ideology and his words serve to express this ideology. For all its ideological components, the novel's dialogues form the characteristic feature of the narrative gender. The characters fill concrete social roles and they speak from within the limits of those roles, their speech emerging from different social languages. Prosper Merimee's short story, Arsene Guillot (1927: 85-145), offers an ensemble of character's constrained voices, of speakers imprisoned by their own social positions. The novel is developed as a sequence of carnivalesque reversals. Paradoxically, the text establishes a prostitute as an admirable figure (Arsene Guillot) and deposits a pious French bourgeoise from her social acknowledgements. Philippe Hamon, in his book Texte et Ideologie (1984), presents a theory of the semiotic of character's normative knowledge. This factorisation of the ideology notion, in separated normative elements, form a group of knowledges composing the text's ideology-effect. With the assistance of the critical concepts of speech universe, power and position struggle, discourse insignia and speaker's desire of fulfillment elaborated by Francois Flahault (1978), we apply the ideas of Hamon to the non-exclusive study of the dialogues in Arsene Guillot. Our pragmatic analysis emphasizes on how the dialogue contributes to the construction of the novel's ideology-effect.

This thesis examines a selection of verses taken from the Urdu divan of Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib. Ghalib is considered by many to be the preeminent writer of the classical Urdu ghazal (circa 1750-1850). Although the examination is restricted to Ghalib's verse, the problem it investigates is broader in nature and involves questions which some aspects of the ghazal raise with respect to the reader's involvement. An essential feature of the ghazal form is the fact that, although the ghazal poem consists of a set of couplets, each couplet of a ghazal is itself a complete text with respect to its content The question, then, is "how does the reader become involved in a form limited to two lines of text?" This thesis discusses the question from a narratological perspective: the couplet involves the reader by telling a story. The narrative of the couplet differs from what one normally thinks of as narrative in that the significance of its plot is derived, not from a series of episodes arranged in chronological order, but from a thematic continuity which links couplet to couplet within the tradition as a whole. The world of the ghazal is inhabited by a few characters, the principal being the lover and the beloved, whose behaviour and attitudes are determined largely by a set of well-defined conventions. The characters who appear in the individual couplet are already familiar from the dramas to which these characters have been subjected in previous readings of other couplets. However, unlike the characters in a traditional novel whose histories connect a great variety of events within a chronological framework, the couplet is extremely limited in term of the number of chronological connections it can establish. The depiction of time in the ghazal is radically different from the often elaborate histories presented in forms such as the novel. The world of the ghazal is merely suggested. Consequently, the reader's role in reconstructing the world of the text is of particular importance in compact forms such as that of the ghazal. The contention of this thesis is that the restrictions imposed by the couplet on plot structure has been compensated for by the cultivation of a narrative style in the ghazal text which often forces the reader to become aware of the process of discovering the drama of the text. The first chapter begins with an introduction to the thesis, and is followed by an introduction to the formal features of the ghazal text and some of the important themes of the tradition. The second chapter presents a review of critical writings in English on the Urdu ghazal. The third chapter presents a discussion of methodology. In this chapter I use Peter Rabinowitz' analysis of the reader's beliefs in my attempt to define what I mean by the reader's involvement in the world of the text. According to Rabinowitz, a fictional work invites its reader to pretend that its plot is a historical account, even though the reader knows that the world of the text is imaginary. To account for the reader's dual role, Rabinowitz divides the reader's beliefs into what he calls the "authorial audience" and the narrative audience." Briefly, the authorial audience can be viewed as the competent reader, the one who possesses the required knowledge to understand the text, to decipher its allusions, but who knows the world of the text is a fiction. The narrative audience sees the fictional text as a description of events that "really" happened. My investigation of the reader's attempt to discover the world of the text is from the point of view of the narrative audience. The third chapter attempts to apply Rabinowitz' views to some general features of the plot structure in the ghazal text. The fourth and final chapter examines the ways in which the ghazal text forces the reader to become aware of the process of discovering the world of the text.
Arts, Faculty of
Asian Studies, Department of
Graduate

Nous espérons montrer dans cette thèse que le développement du type de l'individu exceptionnel dans les romans du dix-huitième siècle en France est le résultat des courants philoso-phiques et artistiques de la période. Les Liaisons dangereuses de Laclos reflète mieux que tout autre roman du siècle ces deux influences, mais elles se font aussi sentir dans Manon Lescaut de Prevost, La Vie de Marianne de Marivaux, et Jacques le fataliste de Diderot. L'introduction démontre que les philosophes du siècle désiraient le bonheur personnel de l'individu, la tolérance et la raison au lieu de l'ascétisme, l'intolérance et la foi aveugle qui dominaient la pensée du dix-septième siècle. Les philosophes voyaient l'aristocratie comme un obstacle à la réalisation d'un meilleur monde car cette classe ne voulait pas un changement de l'ordre établi. Puisque la pensée d'une période influeence souvent l'art, le fait que les romanciers du dix-huitième siècle adoptaient le point de vue des philosophes en critiquant l'aristocratie n'est pas surprenant. L'individu exceptionnel devient par la suite un moyen idéal pour voiler de telles critiques aussi bien que pour satisfaire des instincts créateurs chez les romanciers. Dans le premier chapitre nous indiquons que Prévost, Marivaux et Diderot critiquaient l'aristocratie à mesure qu'ils analysaient les raisons pour lesquelles les personnages princi-paux de leurs romans étaient exceptionnels. Des influences à l'extérieur du roman comme le conflit philosophique entre la raison et la sensibilité semblent définir à première vue la nature extraordinaire de Des Grieux, Marianne et Mme de la Pommeraye; ces individus veulent nous convaincre qu'ils sont spéciaux à cause de leur sensibilité ou de leur intelligence. Cependant des influences à l'intérieur du roman, comme la forme, nous donnent les vrais clefs du caractère unique de ces personnages. Les protagonistes racontent leur propre histoire au lecteur et leur talent de duper autrui afin de se montrer dans une image flatteuse est ce qui les distingue enfin des autres. Néanmoins, les protagonistes se sentent obligés de se faire valoir car la société leur est presque toujours hostile. Le deuxième chapitre introduit les protagonistes des Liaisons dangereuses, le vicomte de Valmont et la marquise de Merteuil. Chacun d'eux se croit un libertin sans pareil et dans ce chapitre nous étudions comment ils exploitent leur sagacité pour prouver leur supériorité l'un à l'autre. Nous expliquons la tradition libertine qui est la base de la philosophic personnelle de Valmont et de Merteuil. Le roman est dans la forme épistolaire; les protagonistes échangent des lettres. La forme du roman, une influence à l'intérieur, révèle encore une fois que ce que Valmont et Merteuil croient les rendre exceptionnels est illusoire. C'est de nouveau leur capacité de tromper autrui et eux-mêmes dans leurs lettres sur leur qualité spéciale qui est vraiemnt leur qualité distinctive. Les lettres soutiennent l'illusion de l'invincibilité de Valmont et Merteuil dans le deuxième chapitre, mais elles les détruisent dans le troisième chapitre en leur révélant toutes leurs faiblesses émotionnelles. La rivalité entre les libertins s'intensifie vers la fin du roman et l'influence de la raison sur leur conduite s'affaiblit. Nous voyons que la façade intellectuelle cède rapidement à la force des émotions violentes, longuement supprimées. La forme épistolaire du livre révèle done que cette oeuvre suit l'exemple des romans précédents du siècle. L'illusion du point de vue du protagoniste et la réalité du point de vue du lecteur existent en meme temps; cette juxtaposition indique une attitude des romanciers envers la société contemporaine. Dans la conclusion nous montrons que cette attitude est une critique de l'aristocratie qui ne permet pas aux protagonistes de se réaliser complètement car chaque protagoniste symbolise le bouleversement de l'ordre établi. Des Grieux, Marianne, Mme de la Pommeraye, et surtout Valmont et Merteuil outragent la société en brisant les règles de conduite qu'ils devraient suivre. Qu'ils n'atteignent pas le bonheur personnel malgré leurs efforts reflète le sentiment de frustration que les romanciers veulent partager avec le lecteur. Prévost, Marivaux, Diderot et Laclos créent des romans dans lesquels les influences de la philosophic et de l'art romanesque de l'époque aident ces auteurs à critiquer une société décadente et à créer un personnage unique. Les Liaisons dangereuses est l'exemple le plus brillant des possibilités inhérantes à cette combinaison d'influences.
Arts, Faculty of
French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of
Graduate

This study demonstrates that Edwin Arlington Robinson's keen interest in mystery is reflected in his poetry. However, he creates an unusual subgenre--the unresolved mystery. Definitions from the Oxford English Dictionary, religious treatises, and philosophical works, helped formulate a working definition of the word mystery. I then selected eight murder poems from The Collected Poems -- "The Tavern," "The Whip," "Stafford's Cabin," "Haunted House," "Avon's Harvest," "Cavender's House," "The Glory of the Nightingales," and "The March of the Cameron Men" and three poems from the Uncollected Poems and Prose of Edwin Arlington Robinson --"The Miracle," "For Calderon," and "The Night Before." In these murder mystery poems, Robinson fails to provide definite motives or conclusive evidence or reliable narrators--all necessary components to solve a mystery. These violations of mystery writing rules appear both in his long and short poems.In the short poems, without exception, Robinson provides no motives. Dead bodies indicate that crimes have been committed, but none of the perpetrators is brought to justice, and in some cases, not even identified. Hence, the presence of relevant, but skimpy details disallow solving the mystery with any degree of certainty. In addition, the long poems exclude clear motives, hard evidence or reliable narrators--all of which prevent the reader from reaching a sound conclusion. Other poems suggest the involvement of supernatural beings. Consistently, all his murder mystery poems conclude with the mystery either partially or completely unresolved.
Department of English

This thesis explores the role of Nihilism in Oscar Wilde's thought and writing, beginning with the depiction of Russian Political Nihilism in Wilde's first play; Vera, or the Nihilists and tracing the engagement with philosophical Nihilism in his fiction, drama and essays, up to and including De Profundis. It is argued that Russian Political Nihilism derives from the same sources and expresses the same concerns as the philosophical Nihilism discussed by Nietzsche in The Will to Power, and that Nietzsche and Wilde, working independently, came to a strikingly similar understanding of Nihilism. Philosophical Nihilism is defined in two ways; as the complete absence of values (Absolute Nihilism) and as a sense that, while absolute values may exist, they are unattainable, unknowable or inexpressible (Relative Nihilism). Wilde uses his writing to express Nihilism while simultaneously seeking aesthetic and ethical counterforces to it, eventually coming to see Art and the life of the Artist as the ultimate forms of resistance to Nihilism. Wilde's philosophical views are examined in the context of his time, and in the light of his exceptionally wide reading. He is compared and contrasted with Nietzsche, the philosopher who has done most to shape our view of what Nihilism means, in his ethical and aesthetic response to Nihilism. The conclusion also considers the reception of Wilde's expression of Nihilism and his employment of Art as the only superior counterforce in the first half of the twentieth century, with particular reference to the works of Gide and Proust. Their engagement with Nihilism is explored both in historical context and as a way of addressing a problem which has become uniquely pervasive and pressing in the modern era.

This dissertation attempts to demonstrate how Nathaniel Hawthorne's lifelong friendship with Franklin Pierce influenced the author's literary imagination, often prompting him to transform Pierce from his historical personage into a romanticized figure of notably Jacksonian qualities. It is also an assessment of how Hawthorne's friendship with Pierce profoundly influenced a wide range of his work, from his first novel, Fanshawe (1828), to the Life of Franklin Pierce (1852) and such later works as the unfinished Septimius romances and the dedicatory materials in Our Old Home (1863). This dissertation shows how Pierce became for Hawthorne a literary device—an icon of Jacksonian virtue, a token of the Democratic party, and an emblem of steadfastness, military heroism, and integrity, all three of which were often at odds with Pierce's historical character. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the Hawthorne-Pierce friendship. The chapter also assesses biographical reconstructions of Pierce's character and life. Chapter 2 addresses Hawthorne's years at Bowdoin College, his introduction to Pierce, and his early socialization. Chapter 3 demonstrates how Hawthorne transformed his Bowdoin experience into formulaic Gothic narrative in his first novel, Fanshawe. Chapter 4 discusses the influence of the Hawthorne-Pierce friendship on the Life of Franklin Pierce, Hawthorne's campaign biography of his friend. The friendship, the chapter concludes, was not only a context, or backdrop to the work, but it was also a factor that affected the text significantly. Chapter 5 treats the influence of Hawthorne's camaraderie with Pierce on the author's later works, the Septimius romances and the dedicatory materials in Our Old Home. Chapter 6 illustrates how Hawthorne's continuing friendship with the controversial Pierce distanced him from many of the prominent and influential thinkers and writers of the day, including Ralph Waldo Emerson and Elizabeth Palmer Peabody. Chapter 7 offers a final summation of the influence of Pierce on Hawthorne's art and Hawthorne's often tenuous role as political artist. Finally, the chapter shows how an understanding of Hawthorne's relationship with Pierce enhances our perceptions of Hawthorne as writer.

Orientador: Verônica Fabrini Machado de Almeida
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa propõe uma investigação sobre os aspectos políticos presentes nas obras de Antonin Artaud e as implicações do trabalho deste autor na relação entre teatro e poder. Levando em consideração a extensa obra de Artaud e sua grande contribuição para o teatro e para a cultura, visando fazer um recorte para este trabalho, escolhemos dar maior ênfase em escritos produzidos em dois períodos da vida do autor: a participação no movimento surrealista e o período de internação em asilos da França, principalmente em Rodez. Com intuito de trazer um caráter híbrido à pesquisa teatral, procuramos analisar o estudo das obras de Artaud à luz de conceitos advindos da filosofia, principalmente às questões que se referem às relações de poder abordadas por Michel Foucault. No último capítulo, propomos uma aproximação entre as propostas artaudianas e sua contribuição para o teatro hoje através de autores como Antônio Negri e Hans-Thie Lehman, visando discutir qual é o espaço do teatro atual nas relações de poder contemporâneas
Abstract: This research proposes an investigation about the political aspects in the works of Antonin Artaud and its implications to the relation between theater and power. Due the extension of his entire work and the impact through theater and culture, we decided to focus in his writings done in two periods of his life: the participation in the surrealist movement and the period of hospitalization in French asylums, mainly Rodez. In order to bring a hybrid character to theater research, we analised the study of Artaud's works through filosofical concepts, especially issues related to power relations pointed by Michel Foulcault. In the last chapter, we approach Artaud's proposals and contributions for today theater through authors such as Antonio Negri and Hans-Thie Lehman, trying to discuss which space is left to theater in contemporary power relations
Mestrado
Artes
Mestre em Artes

Orientador: Fabio Akcelrud Durão
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A proposta deste trabalho é pensar o estatuto literário e político de uma escrita, que nomeio Escrita do Suporte, partindo da imagem habitual de um suporte lido como sustentáculo ou mediador neutro, terreno sobre o qual edificar instituições, a que nomear "pátria" ou em que fundar um Estado. Esse terreno neutralizado funciona como lugar de arquivamento e violência, que representa, para as Escritas do Suporte, uma impostura que se deve expor, publicar em seu centro regulador, para que se possa repensar a História. Essa impostura do suporte neutro, que se pretende exposta pelas Escritas do Suporte, mobiliza questões políticas e jurídicas, filosóficas, psicanalíticas e autobiográficas. O trabalho parte de textos de Jacques Derrida e Antonin Artaud, em especial compreendendo a Escrita do Suporte compartilhada entre uma carta de Artaud a André Rolland de Rénéville, escrita em 1932, o ensaio Enlouquecer o subjétil (1998b), no original Forcener le subjectile (1986a), em que Derrida retoma essa carta de Artaud, e a pictografia de Lena Bergstein, no ensaio em português, que se inscreve no lugar da ausência dos desenhos de Artaud, retirados pela artista brasileira do ensaio original, que fazia parte do livro Antonin Artaud: dessins et portraits, de Derrida e Paule Thévenin (1986a). Pela leitura desses textos, trazemos ao questionamento khôra, que Derrida faz intercambiar com o subjétil. Khôra é o suporte metafísico de Platão que excede a dialética. Na leitura do Timeu, de Platão (2011), pensamos tanto esse excesso, como o problema do estrangeiro e da política externa de guerras para a validação da técnica interna grega, a partir de um elemento aparentemente acessório e "pouco sério", a introdução de Sócrates. O problema dessa relação com o estrangeiro, todavia, é destinado ao rodapé por Derrida em Khôra, livro escrito sete anos após o ensaio sobre Artaud (1995b), bem como por Rousseau, como retoma Derrida em nota. Para nossa Escrita do Suporte, trazemos ao centro essa questão, da mesma maneira como a Escrita do Suporte traz ao centro da cena os elementos que nela pareciam acessórios, reservados à margem. Nesse deslocamento, pensamos o problema da língua e da pátria, que Derrida traz a Enlouquecer o subjétil, e, em especial, a questão de um "habitar a casa na apatridade", que lemos com Vilém Flusser (2007). Juntamente com khôra, pensamos outro excesso que Derrida faz intercambiar com o subjétil: cruauté, e com ela relemos os textos de Antonin Artaud. Por fim, compreendemos as estratégias de antecipação, justaposição/sobreposição (l'air surajoutée) e encenação de um arrancamento de cena como técnicas compartilhadas por Artaud, Derrida e Bergstein nessa Escrita do Suporte, em seus quatro movimentos: uma primeira neutralização do suporte, seguida pelo desarquivamento de suas variantes, passando para uma denúncia ou publicação da violência dessa neutralidade e, por fim, pela antecipação epistolar do teatro, que compreenderemos como uma dimensão "missiva", referente às cartas que pedem o compartilhamento entre desencontros, recuando as remissões. Esses quatro movimentos são também lidos por um questionamento das políticas do presente, pois é justamente essa a necessidade que se impõe para tais escritas
Abstract: This paper presents the political and literary status of a different kind of writing, called here as Support Writings. This concept comes from the habitual image of a support read as the basis or mediator for institutions to be built upon, as somewhere to be called homeland or as somewhere to found a State. This neutral foundation site works as a place of an "archive of violence", that represents, for the Support Writings, an imposture that needs to be exposed, published, in order for History to be thought differently. The neutral foundation imposture involves political, juridical, philosophical, psychoanalytical and autobiographical issues. The paper starts by reading Jacques Derrida and Antonin Artaud, specially understanding the Support Writings shared by a letter from Artaud to André Rolland de Rénéville, written in 1932, and an essay by Jacques Derrida, Maddening the subjectile, in Portuguese Enlouquecer o subjétil (1998b), from the original Forcener le subjectile (1986a), in which Derrida brings this letter by Artaud. The Support Writings is also shared by the graphic work of a Brazilian artist, Lena Bergstein, who removes the drawings by Artaud, included as part of the book Antonin Artaud: dessins et portraits, by Derrida and Paule Thévenin (1986a), and inserts her own, in the Portuguese version. From these texts, we bring the image of khôra, which Derrida thinks as part of the image of his subjectile. In Plato's text Timeu (2011), khôra is the metaphysical support that exceeds dialectics. Reading Timeu, we considered this excess also in relation to the question of the "foreigner" and the external politics of war as a validation of the internal Greek technique, by reading the apparently "accessory" and "less serious" introduction by Socrates. These questions are destined to footnotes by Derrida in Khôra, written seven years after the essay about Artaud (1995b), as well as by Rousseau, who Derrida talks about in the footnote. To our Support Writings, we bring this problem back to the center or the argument, the same way as the Support Writings bring back to the center its elements destined to the margins, considered accessories. With this displacement, we think about language and homeland, together with Derrida in Maddening the subjectile, specially through the topic of an "habitar a casa na apatridade", read with the Czech- Brazilian critic Vilém Flusser (2007). Together with khôra, we consider another "excess" that Derrida thinks as the subjectile: cruauté, and with it we read Antonin Artaud's texts. At last, we present the strategies of anticipation, juxtaposition (l'air surajoutée) and the scene of a scene displacement as shared techniques by Artaud, Derrida and Bergstein in these Support Writings, with its four movements: a first support neutralization, followed by a disorganization of the archive and its variants, then an exposure or publication of its "neutral violence", and, at last, an epistolary anticipation of the Theater, which we understand as a "missive" dimension, referring to the letters, asking for the displacement to be shared, retreating language's remissions. These four movements are also read by a questioning of the politics of the present, because that is the first necessity imposed by these writings
Doutorado
Teoria e Critica Literaria
Doutor em Teoria e História Literária

La pratique des interprètes de Berlioz qui créèrent Benvenuto Cellini, La Damnation de Faust et Béatrice et Bénédict gagne à être mieux connue : ils observaient d’autres traditions que les nôtres, et saisir leurs usages et leur contexte artistique offre un autre regard sur les œuvres. La présente thèse examine le cadre de travail de ces artistes, c’est-à-dire leurs formations, leurs carrières, le déroulement des répétitions d’une œuvre et les corps de métier convoqués, mais aussi les écoles de jeu, de chant, et les étapes de préparation d’un rôle. Ces artistes seront aussi présentés, en particulier ceux qui jouèrent dans les scènes comiques des œuvres concernées. Les derniers chapitres, qui explorent la manière dont les œuvres du corpus furent interprétées sur les scènes de l’Opéra et du théâtre de Bade, ainsi qu’à l’Opéra-Comique et au théâtre de Weimar, mêlent l’ensemble de ces sources et croisent aspect scéniques et musicaux
The practices of the performers who first produced Berlioz’s Benvenuto Cellini, La Damnation de Faust and Béatrice et Bénédict deserves to be better known: they followed other traditions than ours, and to understand their habits, practices and artistic context offers another way of conceiving these musical works. The present thesis considers the framework in which these artists worked, that is to say their training, their careers, the progress of the rehearsal of an opera and the trades involved, as well as the schools of acting, of singing, and the preparation of a role. The individual artists will also be introduced, in particular those who played in the comic scenes of the concerned works. The last chapters, which explore the way in which the corpus’ works were performed on the stage of the Paris Opera and the theater of Bade, as well as at the Paris Opera-Comic and the theater of Weimar, mix all these sources and documents and combine musical and scenic elements

This dissertation explores what it is that makes Les nuits d’été such an effective musical composition. This is done by analysing the song cycle according to Terry Eagleton’s four categories of psychoanalytical literary criticism. The death of Berlioz’s mother, with whom he had an unresolved conflict at the time of her death, is proposed as the emotional trigger that led to the composition of these songs. The content and form of the music to which he set them reveals a narrative that closely corresponds to Freud’s description of the Oedipal conflict and its successful resolution. Using the psychoanalytical theories of Lacan, Barthes, Kristeva and others, the subliminal catharsis of Berlioz’s song cycle, in the way that it is transposed to the listener through the mediation of the music, is proposed as the reason why Les nuits d’été is such an effective musical composition.
Art History, Visual Arts & Musicology
M.A. (Musicology)

Burns’s tomb became the focus of Keats’s concerns about poetic fame and the complex relationship between poets and their audiences. This essay presents a new interpretation of his sonnet ‘On Visiting the Tomb of Burns’ by demonstrating how Keats’s response is inflected by several intricately connected frames of reference. Keats considers Burns’s suffering with an awareness of his poetry, the public judgement that had determined his cultural afterlife, and the poet’s two graves—the mausoleum and the obscure grave in which Burns was originally buried. These associations lead him to draw on Dante’s representation of Minos as an infernal judge. Comparing Keats’s response in 1818 with those of William and Dorothy Wordsworth, who visited Burns’s grave in 1803, I demonstrate that Keats’s ideas in the sonnet are bound up with Wordsworth’s fear of public judgement in A Letter to a Friend of Robert Burns (1816) and Hazlitt’s criticism of Wordsworth.

This chapter seeks to chart the lively debate about the evolutionary origins and development of morality as it occurred at the Metaphysical Society, a debate that began with the first paper delivered at the Society in 1869 and, after the intervention of several subsequent papers on the topic, came to an end in 1875. Proponents of an evolutionary ethics included the Darwinians John Lubbock and William Kingdon Clifford, while the critics included the journalist and editor Richard Holt Hutton, the classicist Alexander Grant, and the moral philosopher Henry Sidgwick. Much of the debate focused on competing interpretations of the historical record and the nature of historical evidence itself. For the critic of an evolutionary morality, the evidence for the origins and development of morality had to be sought in written records; for the proponent, the evidence needed to be sought much further back in time, in the era known as ‘prehistory’. This important distinction brought to the fore a related area of contention, namely the relationship between civilized European and contemporary aboriginal societies, and what that relationship meant for understanding the deep history of human moral development. The debate largely came to an end when Sidgwick challenged the unjustifiable normative claims that were often embedded in evolutionary descriptions of the origins and development of morality. He showed that a supposedly naturalist account of ethical principles was just as fraught as was the intuitionist account it sought to critique.

Abstract This chapter discusses the continuities and changes in the interpretation and recreation of Chaucer’s work that occurred between the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It concentrates particularly on the work of Thomas Tyrwhitt, William Lipscomb, George Ellis, William Godwin, William Hazlitt, Charles Cowden Clarke, and Leigh Hunt, and on the collection of Chaucerian translations edited by Richard Hengist Horne as Poems of Geoffrey Chaucer Modernised (1841). The chapter suggests that writings on Chaucer in the early nineteenth century cannot easily be categorized under such conventional headings as ‘Romanticism’, ‘Medievalism’, ‘the Gothic’, or ‘Historicism’. Biographies of Chaucer—most extensively that of William Godwin (1803)—continued to relay misinformation from dubious sources. Chaucer’s obscenity continued to worry some critics and editors. The times in which he wrote were still dismissed by some as ‘barbaric’. An interest in the ‘Gothic’ elements in his poems was by no means thought incompatible with an interest in the ‘classical’ dimension of Chaucer’s work or the classical interests of some of his earlier critics. No absolute distinction in the period can be maintained between poetical, antiquarian, and historical interest in Chaucer. Godwin’s attempts to ‘contextualize’ Chaucer’s work are often dubiously grounded, and some of the more memorable parts of his Life present Chaucer not as merely a fourteenth-century writer but as a model of the ideal poet for all times: ‘the legislator of generations and the moral instructor of the world’.

Heinrich Heine’s poem ‘Das ist ein schlechtes Wetter’ (Die Heimkehr 29) can be read as a meta-poem about the ambivalence of his ironic art. The poet looks through his window into the stormy darkness, and we cannot tell if his perceptions of a mother carrying groceries and her daughter sitting at home are real or imagined. Reception of the poem has been similarly divided, with some critics likening the poem to a genre painting in a realist vein, and others citing it as another manifestation of Heine’s love-hate relationship with Romantic idealism. Literary translations and musical settings of the poem each take their own stand on the poem’s ambiguities, but the manner and context of performance will be crucial to what any presentation or adaptation of the poem might mean. A particularly cosmopolitan example of such a context is Pauline Viardot’s intimate Karlsuhe salon in the winter of 1869. In performing her own musical setting of the poem in this environment, Viardot seems to have identified with the mother represented in the poem and performs herself as a caring, nurturing matriarch to her own daughters. Ivan Turgenev must have been present at this performance, and his Russian singing translation of Viardot’s song corroborates this sentimental interpretation. Meanwhile, Louis Pomey’s French singing translation, decidedly more acerbic and cutting, may have been prepared for a more public audience interested primarily in Heine’s wit rather than Viardot’s personal family relationships. Finally, a contemporaneous passage in Viardot’s correspondence reveals her offense at Richard Wagner’s recently re-published essay Das Judentum in der Musik and suggests a political performance context for her song in which Viardot now expresses quasi-maternal sympathy for her Jewish colleagues maligned by Wagner’s screed and defends the notion of a cosmopolitan, international family of artists.