Journal articles on the topic '1750-1752'

The Banten Rebellion of 1750 has been described in two recent standard accounts in totally different ways. M. C. Ricklefs emphasizes the political conflicts between the ruler and the elite in court circles as a principal cause of the uprising, while J. Kathirithamby-Wells views this event as a consequence of the economic exploitation of an oppressed people. Why has this same event been depicted so differently?

A Querela dos Bufões que durou de 1752 a 1754 e colocou a tradição operística francesa contra a italiana serve de pano de fundo para o artigo. Rameau foi acusado de estar ultrapassado e sua música de ser complicada demais, em comparação com a "simplicidade" e "naturalidade" da ópera cômica La Serva Padrona, de Pergolesi. Em meados de 1750 Rameau criticou os verbetes sobre música que Rousseau havia escrito para a Encyclopédie, levando a uma disputa com os filósofos D'Alembert e Diderot.

En este trabajo vamos a analizar el proceso de cierre del monte de El Pardo en tiempos de Fernando VI, un espacio de aprovechamiento mixto, tanto de la corona como de particulares, en donde el monarca ejercía, por los límites de caza, el control jurisdiccional de todo el espacio, instrumento fundamental de la corona para delimitar y proteger sus propiedades. La construcción de este cordón y el reglamento de 1752 permitió conseguir el control pleno de este espacio singular, por lo que analizaremos los gastos que ocasionó este proceso y las adquisiciones de tierras que se llevaron a cabo, entre 1750 y 1764, y que triplicaron el espacio previo, hasta alcanzar en 1769 las 67.490 fanegas de tierras

Abstract En 2007, la bibliothèque du Congrès a acquis une carte manuscrite de la main d’Antoine-Simon Le Page du Pratz, colon de la Louisiane française et auteur de l’Histoire de la Louisiane (1758). La carte a été faite peu après le retour de l’auteur en France en 1734. Pour les historiens de la colonie française et de sa cartographie, cette nouvelle carte est très intéressante. D’abord, elle ne fait aucune référence à Moncacht-apé, un indien Yazoo qui, selon les œuvres du Pratz des années 1750, a voyagé du Mississippi à l’Océan Pacifique bien avant Lewis et Clark. De plus, la nouvelle carte suggère que Le Page du Pratz consultait le cartographe Jean-Baptiste Bouguignon d’Anville quand il était en débat avec les cartographes de la famille Delisle en 1752-53.

Abstract In the earlier paper (Paprotny, 2022b) I have presented all known states of maps encountered in the 1750 (i.e. 1752) edition of Atlas Silesiae, together with the composition of several Atlas copies from this edition (in terms of states of included maps). The present paper for the first time compares this composition with copies of the Atlas published after 1800. It demonstrates that the latter are most probably compilations of the partially updated material available at the moment of publication, appearing irregularly at dates differing by years and in few copies only. For this reason, they should not be considered a genuine “second edition” of the Atlas as sometimes called in cartographical literature. The appendix with an update to Paprotny (2022b) presents newly identified states of two Atlas maps.

El presente artículo muestra el influjo dominador de las ideas de progreso social a partir de la ilustración y el racionalismo actuantes en el espacio educativo venezolano. Se aborda el método sociohistóricos en la modalidad documental, bajo el enfoque de la historia social, orientado hacia la línea de investigación de la historia de las ideas pedagógicas. Las nuevas ideas del racionalismo e ilustración incidieron en la educación y la pedagogía como base conceptual de una nueva conciencia que arribó a América y Venezuela a raves de sus pensadores ilustrados. Estos proponían cambios radicales en la estructura social, política y educativa como base del progreso. El ideario educativo de los siglos XVII al XIX se muestra en importantes pensadores ilustrados venezolanos como Baltasar de los Reyes (1752-1809), Juan Agustín de la Torre (1750-1808), Simón Rodríguez (1777-1809), Francisco de Andújar (1706-1817), Miguel José Sanz (1756-1814) y Andrés Bello (1781-1854).

A partir da História da Matemática, como um recurso metodológico para o ensino de conceitos matemáticos, o presente artigo visa abordar, o método conhecido como Regra de Cramer. Os autores se baseiam na publicação de 1750, intitulada Introduction à l'analyse des lignes courbes algébriques (Introdução a análise das linhas curvas algébricas), em que Gabriel Cramer (1704-1752) discorre a respeito de curvas e equações, além de apresentar originalmente a regra utilizada para resolver sistemas lineares. Neste artigo, mantém-se a linguagem e estética matemática do período, bem como, procura-se dar um breve panorama contextual da referida obra e algumas passagens da biografia do matemático. Esta pesquisa se apoia nas classificações de Fried (2014), em que considera elementos culturais, curriculares e motivacionais para relacionar a História da Matemática e a Educação Matemática. Conclui-se que a inserção deste tema, por meio de uma perspectiva histórica, pode fornecer elementos para o professor desmistificar a visão da matemática como uma ciência pronta e acabada.

David Hume (1711–1776) is arguably the most esteemed philosopher to have written in the English language. During his lifetime, however, Hume was as well if not better known for his contributions to political economy, particularly for the essays published as the Political Discourses (1752). Hume left his mark on the economic thought of the physiocrats, the classical economists, and the American Federalists. Adam Smith, who met Hume circa 1750, was his closest friend and interlocutor for some 25 years. Among modern economists, Hume's essays on money and trade have informed theorists of both Keynesian and Monetarist persuasions. In this essay, we begin by discussing Hume's monetary economics, and then spell out his theory of economic development, noting his qualified enthusiasm for the modern commercial system. We end with an assessment of his views on the scientific standing of economics, specifically his counterintuitive argument that economics could be epistemologically superior to physics.

The Scottish physician Sir John Pringle (1707–1782) was known as the father of modern military medicine. This was due to his 1752 book, Observations on the Diseases of the Army in Camp and Garrison, which arose out of his experience as physician-general to the forces in Flanders during the 1740s, where he made significant advances to medical practice. After moving to London, he had also published, in 1750, an influential work on fevers in hospitals and in prisons. Pringle was friends with several significant people beyond the medical world, including Benjamin Franklin and the Scottish Law Lord James Burnett, Lord Monboddo. Above all, Pringle was regarded as a mentor and father figure by James Boswell, who looked to him for advice on matters of health and on personal issues like his career, relations with his father, and even the choice of a wife. In April 1752, Pringle married Charlotte, daughter of Bath physician William Oliver. She died in December 1753. In 1754, Oliver wrote a poem, Myra: A Pastoral Dialogue, in which a shepherd, ‘Philemon’, is grieving for the loss of his daughter. He tells of the marriage he promoted for her to ‘a cruel spoiler’ whose ‘native fierceness’ caused her death in the face of the ‘Northern Blast’. Charlotte and Pringle had indeed separated in May 1753, with Charlotte writing her husband out of her will. Quite clearly, Oliver regarded his fellow physician as effectively murdering his daughter. This essay develops these issues: medicine, mentoring and (suspected) manslaughter.

This article studies the Lithuanian treatise „Stebuklingo Meile warginga Griekininko=Szirdis priesz Jezaus kruwinos Ronus“, published in 1752 and currently stored in Berlin, in the Secret Archive of Prussian Cultural Heritage. Questions are raised regarding the attribution of the original version as well as the translation of the treatise, its composition and contents are discussed. The article provides the historical context of the 18th c. as well as the penetration of the Moravian movement and its attempts to consolidate within Prussian Lithuania. It was determined that the treatise is a Lithuanian translation of a theological treatise written by Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700–1760), leader of the Moravian movement, and titled „Die erstaunliche Verliebtheit eines armen Sünder-Herzens gegen die blutigen Wunden Jesu“. This publication is unknown to book historians and is not registered in Lithuanian bibliographical issues. The translation was most probably done by Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig the Younger (1699–1763), Priest of Papelkiai, a well-known author of Prussian Lithuania, editor of the Lithuanian Bible (1755), translator of religious hymns and compiler of the official Evangelical Lutheran Church hymnal (1750).

AbstractIn 1779 Chabanon noted the potential danger inherent in gesture because it might produce instantaneous and harmful effects. This article examines how Rameau, Rousseau and Grétry incorporated putatively dangerous gestures into the pantomimes they wrote for their operas, and explains why these pantomimes matter at all. In Rameau's Pygmalion (1748), Rousseau's Le Devin du village (1752–3) and Grétry's Céphale et Procris (1773, 1775), pantomime was presented as a type of dance opposite to the conventional social dance. But the significance of this binary opposition changed drastically around 1750, in response to Rousseau's own moral philosophy developed most notably in the First Discourse (1750). Whereas the pantomimes in Rameau's Pygmalion dismiss peasants as uncultured, it is high culture that becomes the source of corruption in the pantomime of Rousseau's Le Devin du village, where uncultured peasants are praised for their morality. Grétry extended Rousseau's moral claim in the pantomime of Céphale et Procris by commending an uneducated girl who turns down sexual advances from a courtier. Central to these pantomimes are the ways in which musical syntax correlates with drama. Contrary to the predictable syntax in most social dances, these pantomimes bring to the surface syntactical anomalies that may be taken to represent moral licence: an unexpected pause, a jarring diminished-seventh chord, and a phrase in a minuet with odd-number bars communicate danger. Although social dances were still the backbone of most French operas, pantomime provided an experimental interface by which composers contested the meanings of expressive topoi; it thus emerged as a vehicle for progressive social thinking.

Wiele sztuk Carla Goldoniego ma cechy metateatralne. Autorka szuka motywu teatru w teatrze i autorefleksyjności w pięciu zachowanych osiemnastowiecznych polskich przekładach komedii Goldoniego i porównuje je z włoskimi i francuskimi oryginałami: La moglie saggia (1752; Żona poczciwa, 1766), La vedova scaltra (1748; Panna rozumna, 1774), L'avvocato veneziano (1749/1750; Mecenas poczciwy, 1779), L'amante militare (1751; Miłość żołnierska, 1781) i Le Bourru bienfaisant (1771; Dziwak dobroczynny, 1785). Dokładna analiza pokazuje, że w polskich wersjach słownictwo związane z teatrem pojawia się rzadziej niż w oryginalnych sztukach; zarazem jednak polscy tłumacze mają wyraźną tendencję do wymieniania tytułu komedii w replice zamykającej sztukę, co jest podstawową formą jeu de miroirs. Tłumacze La moglie saggia i L'avvocato veneziano, którzy zgodnie z oświeceniową ideą unarodowionej adaptacji pozbawili sztuki Goldoniego praktycznie wszystkich obcych kulturowo elementów, ograniczyli także aspekty związane z tradycją komedii dell'arte. Jedynie Marianna Maliszewska w Miłości żołnierskiej zachowała imiona postaci kojarzonych z komedią dell’arte, podkreślając nawet metateatralne walory scen z Trufaldynem (Arlekin). Tłumacze ograniczyli rolę niektórych motywów metateatralnych, ale zachowali wszystkie sceny wykorzystujące mechanizm teatru w teatrze w Żonie poczciwej, Miłości żołnierskiej i Pannie rozumnej. Ostatnia z nich, najbardziej metateatralna ze sztuk Goldoniego przetłumaczonych przez ludzi oświecenia na język polski, nosi ślady pewnych zabiegów adaptacyjnych, mających zrekompensować utratę wiarygodnego kontekstu dla efektów metateatralnych, które w oryginale zapewniały wenecki karnawał i tradycja dell’arte, nieuchronnie utracone w wyniku zastąpienia oryginalnej oprawy polską.

Ring-width chronologies have been developed for alpine larch (Larixlyallii Pari.) at six tree-line sites in the Banff–Kananaskis area of the southern Canadian Rockies. Evaluation of all chronologies confirms that alpine larch ring-width series have higher mean sensitivities, lower autocorrelation, and greater common variance than series from other tree species growing at tree line in this area. Missing and very narrow rings created cross-dating difficulties at all sites but were most problematic for the sites along the Continental Divide. Up to 1% of the rings were missing from entire chronologies, but for specific years, up to 77% of the rings were missing at one site. Marker (narrow) rings were present at all sites for the years 1610, 1654, 1715, 1720, 1723, 1752, 1799, 1824, 1842, 1844, 1915, 1925, 1951, and 1971. Tree growth rates were reduced for the periods 1675–1710, 1815–1850, and 1960–1978 whereas increased growth occurred during 1650–1680, 1750–1800, 1850–1900, and 1920–1950. The only factor that could affect all sites over such a broad geographic area is climate. Principal components analysis indicated that the first eigenvector derived from the six chronologies accounted for 70.7% of their common variance and the first three components accounted for 91.6%. The high correlation between the six first principal component and standard chronologies suggested that either method may be used for standardizing tree-ring data from alpine larch.

The volcanics of the Navysh complex of the Lower Riphean Ai Formation in the Southern Urals are well studied petrochemically and dated by several methods. In 2013 zircons from a trachybasalt porphyrite (sample 2152) gave a concordant SHRIMP date 1752±11 Ma, which was used as a fundamental for the lower boundary of the Riphean with no special arguments against it. The later attempts to repeat this date for the Navysh volcanics were not successful: the collected zircons were either more ancient (> 2500 Ma), or more young (< 500 Ma). From the beginning, the zircons with such ages were regarded as xenogenic or secondary metasomatic, or belonging to paleozoic dykes intruding the Riphean volcanics. However, the clearly expressed mineralogical properties of the Paleozoic zircons and their frequent presence in volcanics, not dykes, led to a conclusion that the zircons and Navysh volcanics, containing them, and exposed within the area of development of the Ai Formation, are polychronous. To support this conclusion, the authors studied in more detail the zircons of the Navysh trachybasalts, developed in the Ai Formation. The main conclusion, obtained from this new data, was that the volcanics attributed to the Navysh complex, form a polychronous system, including both the Lower Riphean (1750 Ma) and Paleozoic (450 Ma) rocks. The zircons of these age groups differ in their mineralogical and geochemical properties supporting the idea that they belong to different primary sources which may be due to repeating plume processes, which partly reanimated – heated and melted-rocks of the previous cycle and/or created new sources of melts.

BackgroundHLA-B27 is a genetic marker strongly associated with axial spondyloarthritis (axSpA). However, the strength of this association varies worldwide. Although some regional studies have assessed the effect on HLA-B27 status on clinical features of axSpA, no worldwide study has been performed.ObjectivesTo characterize differences in the clinical features, extra-articular manifestations, and treatment utilizations in a global axSpA cohort based on their HLA-B27 status.MethodsWe performed a post-hoc analysis of the ASAS-PerSpA study (Peripheral involvement in Spondyloarthritis) dataset that includes patients with axial (axSpA) and peripheral SpA(pSpA), psoriatic arthritis (PsA), juvenile SpA, SpA associated with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) and reactive arthritis based on their rheumatologist’s diagnosis. We identified patients that had been diagnosed with axSpA meeting the 2009 ASAS classification criteria and been typed for HLA-B27. The patient characteristics were compared between the HLA-B27(+) and HLA-B27(–) subgroups using Student’s t-test and the Mann-Whitney U test. Multivariable logistic regression with backward stepwise selection was conducted to identify predictors of HLA-B27 positivity. Variables with p-value <0.15 on univariate analysis were included in the multivariable model. All tests were two-tailed with p-value <0.05 considered significant.ResultsA total of 4465 patients with axSpA from 24 countries were identified. We observed that 2910 patients fulfilled the 2009 ASAS classification criteria. Of these patients, 2269 were tested for HLA-B27 (HLA-B27+: 1753 and HLA-B27-: 516). Significant differences were observed between these two groups in age of symptom onset and manifestations of the disease as shown in Table 1. The HLA-B27(-) patients had a significantly later age of symptom onset and disease diagnosis, more often had concomitant IBD, psoriasis, peripheral arthritis, enthesitis and were more often treated with csDMARDS. On multivariable logistic regression factors significantly associated with HLA-B27 positivity included male sex (OR: 1.99), family history of axSpA (OR: 2.26), and occurrence of anterior uveitis (OR: 2.72).Table 1.Patient Characteristics Based on HLA-B27 StatusTotal N = 2269HLA-B27 (+) N = 1753HLA-B27 (-) N = 516p-valueMultvariate Logistic Regression Analysis using variables <0.15 OR (95%CI)Mean age (SD)41.3 (12.8)40.6 (12.8)43.4 (12.6)<0.0011.04 (1.03 – 1.06)Gender (male %)1554 (68.0)1264 (72.1)280 (54.3)<0.0011.99 (1.60 – 2.49)University studies (%)1056/2267 (46.6)837/1751 (47.8)219 (42.4)0.032Family history of axSpA (%)601 (26.5)522 (29.8)79 (15.3)<0.0012.26 (1.72 – 3.01)Mean age of symptoms onset (%)26.8 (10.0)25.9 (9.4)30.0 (11.1)<0.001Mean age of diagnosis in yrs (%)33.0 (11.5)31.6 (10.9)37.7 (12.1)<0.0010.93 (0.91 – 0.94)BMI (%)25.9 (5.1)25.7 (4.9)26.5 (5.6)0.0010.98 (0.96 – 0.99)Past or current peripheral arthritis (%)981/2266 (43.3)736/1750 (42.1)245 (47.5)0.029Past or current enthesitis (%)1165/2268 (51.4)873/1752 (49.8)292 (56.6)0.0070.79 (0.54 – 0.98)Past or current dactylitis (%)205 (9.0%)153 (8.7)52 (10.1)0.347Past or current uveitis (%)520 (22.9)461 (26.3)59 (11.4)<0.0012.72 (2.00 – 3.76)Past or current psoriasis (%)279/2268 (12.3)179/1752 (10.2)100 (19.4)<0.0010.54 (0.40 – 0.74)Past or current IBD (%)125 (5.5)59 (3.4)66 (12.8)<0.0010.21 (0.14 – 0.31)NSAIDs ever (%)1606 (70.8)1240 (70.7)366 (70.9)0.932csDMARDs ever (%)1281 (56.5)965 (55.0)316 (61.2)0.013bDMARDs ever (%)1377 (60.7)1070 (61.0)307 (59.5)0.529ConclusionIn a large heterogeneous cohort of AxSpA patients from 24 countries, we found that male sex, family history, and occurrence of anterior uveitis are significant predictors of HLA-B27 positivity. In contrast, the HLA-B27(-) have a significantly later age of onset and longer delay in diagnosis, more often have concomitant IBD, psoriasis, peripheral arthritis and enthesitis, and also more often receive treatment with csDMARDs.AcknowledgementsASAS for sponsoring the ASAS- PerSpA studyDisclosure of InterestsMarina Magrey Consultant of: Novartis, Abbvie, Pfizer, Janssen, Eli Lilly, UCB Pharma, Clementina López-Medina: None declared, Muhammad Asim Khan: None declared

This paper provides a detailed analysis, for the first time, of the stucco decorations in the representative salons on the second floor of the Sugar Refinery Palace in Rijeka. Despite being an extremely important group of secular stuccos, it has, until now, lacked a thorough iconographic and stylistic analysis and contextualization. Furthermore, no models or masters who produced them have been identified. The Sugar Refinery Palace, specifically its administration building, served as the headquarters of the Privileged Trieste-Rijeka Company, founded in Trieste in 1750 to establish sugar trade in the Habsburg lands. Administration and production were relocated to Rijeka in 1752, when the central industrial complex was organized, and the Administration building was erected. Following the devastating fire of 1785, the building underwent reconstruction, and it was raised in height while acquiring a new representative staircase. It was assumed that the architect behind the renovation was Andrea Menini from Treviso, and recently discovered archival data confirm his presence in Rijeka during 1786. The stone decoration, part of the restoration, also reveals the contribution of Sebastiano Petruzzi, the most prominent sculptor and builder in Rijeka at the time, and his workshop. Between 1786 and 1789, the period to which the frescoes in the western salon with architectural capriccios have been dated, the decoration of the central Ceremonial Hall and the two flanking salons on the western and eastern sides along the façade was executed. The central hall features Corinthian pilasters with beams and is covered by a cloister vault decorated with war trophies and four figural medallions. Although the exact iconography of these compositions has not been determined, it is assumed that they depict scenes from the lives of Roman emperors, possibly the reigns of two “bad” emperors - Domitian and Vitellius - who met violent death, and their “good” counterparts Vespasian and Titus. The overall decoration of this hall reflects late Baroque or Josephine Classicism characteristic of the enlightened Joseph II Habsburg’s reign (1780-1790), manifesting renewed enthusiasm for the art of ancient Rome, its rationality, simple austerity, and cold sublimity. Therefore, the decoration of this hall incorporates numerous models derived from ancient and Renaissance traditions, reshaped in the manner typical of the second half of the 18th century. Notably, the early neo-Classical style in Italy and in Habsburg Tuscany during the time of Joseph’s brother, Grand Duke Peter Leopold II, played a crucial role, with his Florentine residence in Poggio Imperiale, decorated by two stucco masters, brothers Giocondo and Grato Albertolli. In the lateral salons, the finely detailed decoration is still executed in the spirit of late Rococo and painted in soft pastel tones. The cornice under the vault features stucco cameos depicting famous ancient statues, such as Venus Callipyge or Cupid and Psyche, while the ceiling is adorned with war trophies collaged from various graphic templates of the time. Based on stylistic and formal analysis, the stuccos from Rijeka can be associated with the brothers Clemente (Montagnola, 1758 - Kaštel Lukšić, after 1810) and Giacomo (Montagnola, 1763-1838) Somazzi from the Swiss Canton of Ticino. They left a significant stucco oeuvre in numerous churches across Kvarner, the Croatian Littoral, and northern Dalmatia during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The stuccos from Rijeka would be their earliest and only preserved secular work. It is plausible that the brothers worked as part of a larger workshop in Rijeka before starting their career as independent masters in the last decade of the 18th century. It may have been the workshop of Sebastiano Petruzzi, where Clemente is mentioned as an associate and partner in Rab during 1790.

Este artigo analisa a viagem da "real escolta", uma expedição de reconhecimento enviada de Belém do Pará, em 1749, para explorar a comunicação fluvial entre o Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará e o Mato Grosso através da rota formada pelos rios Madeira, Mamoré e Guaporé, e seu impacto na cartografia deste espaço. As grandes diferenças entre o mapa traçado por José Gonçalves da Fonseca e o Mapa das Cortes criaram grande perplexidade aos responsáveis políticos portugueses antes de darem início às demarcações de limites acordadas com a coroa espanhola no Tratado de Madri de 1750.

Estudam-se os trabalhos produzidos por Miguel Ciera tendo como pano de fundo a viagem realizada pela Terceira Partida de Limites, que, por ordem de Portugal, percorreu o interior da América Meridional entre 1752-1756. Na função de astrônomo e cosmógrafo da equipe demarcadora, este engenheiro paduano subiu o rio Paraguai até alcançar a boca do Jauru e ali, junto com seus companheiros, fixou o marco divisório, substanciando in loco o Tratado de Limites. Foi durante esta viagem que Ciera colheu informações para construir o seu Mappa geographicum quo flumen Argentum, Paranà et Paraguay [...], um belo atlas, com o qual presenteou o rei Dom José I em 1758. Nele, além de precisas cartas geográficas, registrou a lápis e a aquarela elementos da fauna, tipos populares e vistas de paisagens, criando o primeiro conjunto iconográfico da região que, no século XVIII, passou a receber o nome de Pantanal. Neste artigo, analisa-se esta obra, buscando demonstrar que ela não se constituiu apenas num belo atlas, mas que se trata de um refinado documento visual com o qual Miguel Ciera oferece ao monarca de Portugal as mais primorosas informações sobre os territórios interiores nos quais se traçou a linha de limites.

William Ansah Sessarakoo, the son of a powerful Fante slave trader on the Gold Coast, was tricked and sold into slavery in Barbados by a British ship’s captain during the 1740s. He was emancipated and brought to Britain in 1748, where he enjoyed a brief period of national celebrity before returning to the Gold Coast in 1750. This paper examines the specific political and cultural circumstances surrounding his remarkable journey, through the lens of the media generated about him during his time in Britain. It demonstrates that the most extensive contemporaneous account of Sessarakoo’s story,The Royal African, was in reality an attempt to generate popular support for a moribund Royal African Company and incorporate slave trading into narratives of national identity, based on notions of economic responsibility and honour. Adhering to conventions typified in Thomas Southerne’s stage adaptation ofOroonoko, further popular representations of Sessarakoo emphasised his aristocratic status and putatively inherited ‘noble’ characteristics. In doing so, they emphasised perceived differences between him and the majority of African peoples, who were deemed suitable for enslavement. The paper closes with an examination of some of the effects of Sessarakoo’s visit on Euro-African trade and diplomacy on the Gold Coast.

Maria Gaetana Agnesi (1718-1799) was a prominent figure in eighteenth-century Milan. A child prodigy, and an attraction in the scientific and philosophical disputes organized in the paternal home, she was the first woman to publish a mathematical treatise, the Instituzioni analitiche ad uso della gioventù italiana (1748), a clear and systematic presentation of both Cartesian geometry and infinitesimal analysis. Among the curves studied in that work is the versiera, (witch) the cubic curve that is still associated with her name. Appointed by Pope Benedict XIV in 1750 on the chair of mathematics at the University of Bologna, she did not accept that assignment. After her father’s death in 1752, she left mathematics to devote herself entirely to pious works, and to taking care of poor and infirm women in the Pio Albergo Trivulzio, where she spent the last fifteen years of life.

In the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the diet was the most important state institution and an integral part of the democracy of the nobility. An analysis of the parliamentary activities of the Vilnius dietine envoys at the diet of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth showed that in the 1717–1793 period, their becoming permanent (in 1778) diet marshals did not indicate an especially big difference among the other envoys of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter the GDL). This was probably determined by the circumstance that whether the exceptionally important position of the diet marshal fell to one person or another depended not on the rank of the dietine but on the suitability and personal traits of a specific individual and on the political situation. That the pro tem marshal positions (in 1722, 1746, 1786, and 1780) fell to the Vilnius dietine envoys was directly connected with their prestigious status and the right possessed by the GDL to chair the diet on a rotating basis. The Vilnius dietine envoys actively participated in the activities of both temporary and permanent deputations (commissions) of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth diet. Specialised deputations were fairly frequently elected and sent to the ruler or senate, usually in the initial phase of the diet’s activities after a diet marshal had been successfully elected (in 1744, 1748, 1752, and 1764). The Vilnius dietine envoys were also not uncommonly elected to delegations which performed mediation functions (in 1733, 1750, and 1766). On 11 occasions, the Vilnius dietine envoys actually became members of the deputation for the preparation of the principal constitutions, which was one of the primarily deputations (in 1717, 1718, 1719–1720, 1722, 1726, 1740, 1767–1768, 1778, 1780, 1782, and 1784). In the sessions of the province of the GDL, eight Vilnius dietine envoys were elected diet court judges (in 1744, 1775 (2 envoys), 1780, 1782, 1784, and 1791 (2 envoys)).

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