Academic literature on the topic '1712-1778 contributions in political science'

In this article, an attempt has been to focuss on Rousseau and his educational philosophy. Rousseau is called the father of modern educational theory and practice. After long experiences and struggle of life, he was become a successful writer, in the age of 38 years. At Geneva ,he had simple ,happy and pure life. He was emerged as revolutionary philosopher. His philosophy was based on a reaction against the contemporary social and political set up. He was a philosopher, writer and composer whose political philosophy influenced the France revolution and the development of liberal conservative and socialist theory. He was made important contribution to music as theorist and a composer. He was written two major books,Du contract social, principles du droit politique in April, then Emile or on education in May. The books criticized religion and were banned in France and Geneva. He was born in Geneva on June 28,1712 and in 1778 died in Paris. He remained vagabond for a long time. His important writing are (1) progress of the art and sciences (2) the origin of inequality Among Men.(3) social contract (4) Emile or concerning education. During his life he were attempted so many occupations like private tutor, music tutor, composer secretary and dramatist. He was become a successful writer at the age of 38. His full name is Jean Jacques Rousseau. He was of dignity of man. He was naturalist. He said that “civilized man borns,lives and dies in a state of slavery”

In this article, an attempt has been to focuss on Rousseau and his educational philosophy. Rousseau is called the father of modern educational theory and practice. After long experiences and struggle of life, he was become a successful writer, in the age of 38 years. At Geneva ,he had simple ,happy and pure life. He was emerged as revolutionary philosopher. His philosophy was based on a reaction against the contemporary social and political set up. He was a philosopher, writer and composer whose political philosophy influenced the France revolution and the development of liberal conservative and socialist theory. He was made important contribution to music as theorist and a composer. He was written two major books,Du contract social, principles du droit politique in April, then Emile or on education in May. The books criticized religion and were banned in France and Geneva. He was born in Geneva on June 28,1712 and in 1778 died in Paris. He remained vagabond for a long time. His important writing are (1) progress of the art and sciences (2) the origin of inequality Among Men.(3) social contract (4) Emile or concerning education. During his life he were attempted so many occupations like private tutor, music tutor, composer secretary and dramatist. He was become a successful writer at the age of 38. His full name is Jean Jacques Rousseau. He was of dignity of man. He was naturalist. He said that “civilized man borns,lives and dies in a state of slavery”

Is there a relationship between science and happiness and, if so, what is it? Clearly, since the Enlightenment, science has increased life expectancy and bodily comfort. Is this happiness, or do humans long for something more? To examine these questions, I investigate the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Specifically, I focus on the Discourses and the Emile, as he states in the Confessions that these works form a whole statement concerning the natural goodness of man. I agree with the literature that finds happiness, for Rousseau, is a sentiment one experiences when their faculties correspond to their desires, as this produces wholeness. In this dissertation, I find a form of modern science is necessary for humans to experience higher forms of happiness. This form of science is rooted in utility of the individual. To fully explain this finding, I begin with Rousseau's concept of being. By nature, our being experiences a low form of wholeness. I show Rousseau's investigation of being exposes a catch-22 situation for developing it to experience higher forms of wholeness. While freedom allows us to develop reason and judgment, we need reason and judgment to properly direct our freedom to perfect our individual being. I then show how three different types of tutors and educators, which include a scientific education, are directed by the single goal of maintaining wholeness in Emile's being so he can achieve the happiness of romantic love. Finally, I find that Emile's scientific education is an elaboration of the First Discourse and that his relationship with science, even from birth, plays a critical role for achieving romantic love in the future.

Orientador: José Oscar de Almeida Marques
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A pesquisa apresentada compreende a antropologia rousseauniana, abrangendo desde as investigações sobre o homem e a sua natureza originária até a idealização, no campo político, de uma sociedade fundada sobre a vontade legítima de cada cidadão que a compõe. O objetivo que se impôs alcançar está ancorado no pressuposto de que os princípios antropológicos estabelecidos por Rousseau no Segundo Discurso norteiam o seu pensamento político. Assim, busca-se demonstrar que uma das noções cruciais da sua filosofia política, a vontade geral, tem como fundamento o princípio antropológico do amor de si. Entretanto, para derivar a vontade geral do amor de si, interpretando-a como a vontade que o indivíduo tem pelo todo porque o considera como a si mesmo, é importante compreender como Rousseau justifica e relaciona a existência e a prevalência desse sentimento de preferência por si mesmo com a extrema exigência ética, expressa pela conformação da vontade particular do indivíduo à vontade geral do Estado. A compreensão desse componente primordial da natureza individual exige examinar, mais profundamente, a concepção de indivíduo e o papel específico que o princípio do amor de si desempenha na estruturação da identidade individual. Isto permitirá considerar a pertinência de, por um lado, apontar o amor de si como o vetor do desenvolvimento do indivíduo, e de outro, admitir a possibilidade de que ele constitua o liame social da ordem política legítima, uma vez que permite ao indivíduo buscar seu bem-estar sem se opor a outrem. Em decorrência da primazia desse princípio, a noção de interesse se mostra nuclear no pensamento de Rousseau, pois se apresenta como único objeto possível da vontade. Pretende-se mostrar como a temática do interesse, resultante dos desdobramentos das noções de amor de si e amor próprio, é retomada por Rousseau, que dá a ela uma nova direção e a requalifica segundo uma lógica própria, a lógica de imanência. Nessa perspectiva, a noção de interesse, vista por Rousseau como o bem do ser que deseja, passa a ser uma relação que ganha sua força no ser do indivíduo que, a partir da sua relação consigo mesmo, estabelece a relação com outro e com o mundo. Desse modo, acredita-se que a articulação entre as noções de indivíduo (movido pelo amor de si), interesse (de ser) e vontade geral possa dar conta da possível unidade de interesse do corpo político com o interesse particular de cada indivíduo, o que forma o corolário da vontade geral
Abstract: The present research comprises Rousseau's anthropology, ranging from investigations about man and his original nature to an idealization, in the political field, of a society founded on the legitimate will of every citizen who composes it. The goal proposed is based on the assumption that the anthropological principles established by Rousseau in his Second Discourse guided his political thought. Thus, we seek to demonstrate that the crucial notion to his politics, the notion of general will, is based on the anthropological principle of amour de soi. However, in order to derive the general will from this love by interpreting it as the will that the individual has towards the whole because he feels it as himself, it is important to understand how Rousseau justifies and relates the existence and prevalence of this feeling of preference for itself to the extreme ethical requirement expressed by the particular conformation of the will of the individual to the general will of the State. Understanding this primary componentof the nature of the individual requires a deep look into the concept of the individual and the specific role that the principle of amour de soi plays in the structuring of individual identity. This will permit to consider the relevance, on the one hand, of pointing the amour de soi as the vector of development of the individual, and on the other, of admitting the possibility that it constitutes the social bond of the legitimate political order. Because of the primacy of this principle, the notion of interest appears as the core of Rousseau's thought, because it presents itself as the only possible object of desire. I intended to show how the topic of interest follows the developments of the amour de soi and amour-propre notion's and how Rousseau covers this notion requalifying and redirecting it according to its own logic, the logic of immanence. In this perspective, the notion of interest, that Rousseau sees as the good of the being who desires, becomes a relationship which gains its strength in the being of the individual who, from his relationship with himself, establishes a relationship with others and with the world. In this way, by articulating the notions of individual, amour de soi (interest) and general will, I intended to account for the possible unity of interest of the body political with the private interest of every individual, which forms the corollary of general wil
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutora em Filosofia

Rousseau's work often seems contradictory, but the author himself insists that his works comprise a consistent system based on the principle that man is naturally good. In order that individuals might live up to this natural goodness in society, Rousseau advocates a division of labour between general and particular aspects of reason. This division is exemplified in the different roles that Rousseau assigns to the sovereign and the government in the political sphere, and men and women in the domestic sphere. The difficulties faced by man in the absence of these divisions of labour are illustrated in Rousseau's autobiographical writings. When his various works are examined in light of the principle of man's natural goodness, the apparent contradictions between democratic and authoritarian aspects of his thought and between the roles his ascribes to men and women are resolved.

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A figura do Legislador na obra Do Contrato Social de Jean-Jacques Rousseau surge em meio a uma forma de legislação popular, sendo o povo o próprio Soberano e encarregado, por meio da vontade geral, de legislar para o próprio povo. Para tanto, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a definição que o autor dá ao Legislador, seus exemplos e a necessidade real para a existência deste Legislador. Posteriormente, analisaremos a utilidade para esta função recorrente na filosofia rousseauniana.
The figure of the Legislator in The Social Contract work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau comes amid a popular form of legislation, being the Sovereign own people and charge through the general will, to legislate for the people themselves. Therefore, this paper aims to examine the definition that the author gives to the legislator, his examples and the real need for the existence of this Legislator. Later, we will examine the usefulness for this recurring role in Rousseau's philosophy.

Ni la science politique, ni l’histoire du comparatisme ne se sont jamais véritablement saisies de l’œuvre politique de Voltaire. Or l’examen des textes, attentif au contexte du siècle où ils sont produits, peut permettre de dégager une nouvelle perspective sur sa dimension politique et comparative. Égrenées dans de très nombreux ouvrages, souvent dans des opuscules qui ont cessé de nous être familiers, les théories de l’auteur de l’Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations rivalisent et discutent avec celles de l’Esprit des lois et du Contrat social, mais sont aujourd’hui négligées. L’esprit de l’œuvre voltairienne est animé par une philosophie de l’action qui nourrit un examen rigoureux, quoiqu’obscurci par la lancinante question religieuse, des principaux faits politiques de l’histoire. Ce comparatisme historique, à peu près inédit par son ambition et ses dimensions, participe à l’édification d’une philosophie de l’histoire – la première du genre – qui constitue la grille de lecture voltairienne du politique. Sous les auspices de la comparaison, le corps de l’œuvre dessine alors les contours d’un « bon gouvernement » éclairé par la raison et la religion naturelle d’une part, et réglé par les droits naturels et la suprématie de la loi d’autre part. Inspiré des États de l’Europe et de l’Asie et mêlant les trois formes classiques de régime, ce modèle mixte matérialise le système politique de Voltaire
Neither political science nor the history of comparatism has ever really grasped Voltaire's political work. However, an examination of the texts, attentive to the context of the century in which they were produced, can bring a new perspective on its political and comparative dimension. The theories of the author of the Essai sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations, found in numerous works, often in pamphlets that have ceased to be familiar to us, compete and discuss with those of De l’esprit des lois and Du Contrat social, but are today neglected. The spirit of the Voltairian work is driven by a Philosophy of action, which conveys a rigorous examination, of the main political facts of history, albeit obscured by the haunting theme of religion. This historical comparatism, almost unprecedented by its ambition and dimensions, leads to the construction of a Philosophy of history - the first of its kind - which constitutes the Voltairian reading grid of politics. Through comparison, the body of the work then outlines a "good government" enlightened by Reason and natural religion on the one hand, regulated by natural rights and the supremacy of the law on the other. Inspired by European and Asian countries, blending the three classical forms of regime, this mixed model materialises Voltaire's political system

Notion irréductible de notre univers politique, la souveraineté semble aujourd’hui dépassée, et appelée à céder sa place à d’autres modes de représentation de l’État et de la collectivité. Pourtant, les difficultés liées à son dépassement recèlent le fait que ce concept n’a rien en réalité rien d’évident :abstraite et mystérieuse, la souveraineté l’est par nécessité. Le cœur de cette abstraction, fossile théologico-politique, fonde sa légitimité. Ainsi, la souveraineté est surtout le produit d’un refoulement des sources et de la nature violente de l’autorité vers le Tiers autoritaire, notion médiane caractérisant la nécessaire conceptualisation de l’autorité légitime comme troisième terme institutionnalisé de la relation entre celui qui exerce l’autorité et celui qui la subit.

Ce Tiers, au sortir de la théologie médiévale, s’est d’abord incarné dans le concept de Corps ;le corps de l’État dérive en droite ligne du corps du Christ d’abord, de celui de l’Église ensuite, et a offert à l’autorité, alors pensée sur un registre hétéronome, divin et naturel, un écrin la liant à une légitimité et une nécessité naturelles. Le mythe du Corps, pourtant, va petit à petit devenir celui du Père au fur et à mesure de la constitution de l’État, et singulièrement de la monarchie absolue. Le Père campe alors le caractère nécessaire de l’autorité devant être exercée par le créateur sur sa chose créée, mais permet de continuer dans le même temps à faire bénéficier les structures existantes de l’empreinte théologique représentée sur terre par des mandataires héréditaire – les princes. L’institutionnalisation de l’État, et la relative stabilité qui va en découler, va toutefois fournir le cadre apte à permettre à une pensée du sujet d’émerger, faisant naître des concepts qui, tels la multitude et le peuple, posent de plus en plus directement la question de la légitimité par la prise en compte de la volonté de ceux sur lesquels elle s’exerce. C’est ainsi que naîtront les théories du pacte social, qui tentent chacune à leur manière de concevoir un moment méthodologique où l’octroi du pouvoir soit a été cédé dans le passé, soit est toujours exercé par le peuple à chaque instant. Le mythe du contrat, ainsi, est celui par lequel la légitimité de l’autorité est conciliée avec l’origine du pouvoir. Cette liaison est rendue possible par le meurtre du Père, c’est-à-dire la suppression de l’autorité naturelle et nécessaire au profit d’une autorité conventionnelle et contingente. Or, le mythe du contrat est fragile ;il nécessite, pour juguler le flux de contingence qui émerge dès lors que la question de la légitimité se pose, que la question de la nature du pouvoir soit dûment maîtrisée. Cela demande que l’autorité ne prenne pas sa source dans le repli sur le présent permanent, c’est-à-dire sur le peuple, mais sur un critère de représentativité. Cela nécessite surtout un refoulement conscient de la nature et de l’origine de l’autorité vers un sur-moi qui constituera, à l’apogée de la modernité, le cœur abstrait de la notion de souveraineté.

Or cette conception de l’autorité se fissure elle-même sous le poids d’une contingence qui, comme flux permanent, tend par nature à excéder son cadre. A terme, ainsi, l’étiolement de la souveraineté coïncide-t-il avec l’avènement du dogme des droits de l’homme, appelés sur un registre immanent à compenser la perte de sens induite par l’insuffisance de verticalité assumée par la modernité.

Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis is a study of the imaginative rationale governing three figureheads of the radical political imagination, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Karl Marx and Michel Foucault." "[It] focuses upon Kant’s contribution to political and moral philosophy in the limited sense of its critical functions, and, as such, concentrates upon the impairment such a radical manifestation of this critical position can exact upon history.
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2007

My dissertation seeks to restore the sentiment of pity to Rousseau’s moral and political system. Rousseau scholarship tends to offer a proto-Kantian interpretation of Rousseau’s concepts of moral liberty and the general will. I argue that these readings neglect Rousseau’s own definition of virtue as the product of an individual’s pity moderating rational self-interest (amour de soi). I offer an account of Rousseau’s moral liberty dependent on this concept of virtue that incorporates the sentiments. I then argue that pity must perform a similar role in the general will because it is through the general will that people express their moral agency. To do so, I explore how Rousseau’s account of pity as a social sentiment is more expansive and active than standard interpretations allow, and thus it is better described as expanded pity or sympathy. Understanding pity’s role in the general will also affects Rousseau’s accounts of equality and individuality. Because virtue demands that pity moderate impulses to excess, the general will that arises from a virtuous citizenry will tend toward distributive equality. A state then best achieves equality by cultivating virtue through private institutions like education and public institutions like civil religion. Finally, I argue that Rousseau’s account of pity alleviates the perceived conflict, first posed by Judith Shklar, between the individual life of man and the homogenized life of citizen. In its expanded form, pity motivates individuals to care about others’ pursuits of their own personal interests while also maintaining a separation between self and other. Exploration into Rousseau’s pity thus has important implications for the kind of political emotions we should look to revitalize in modern democratic society.