Academic literature on the topic '1710-1719'

The period 1709 to 1720 was of historic importance in the Ukrainian struggle for freedom and independence. On April 5, 1710, on Turkish territory in Bendery, Ukraine’s first constitution was inaugurated. The main author was Orlyk. After the Battle of Poltava in June 1709 King Charles XII of Sweden and the newly elected Hetman Pylyp Orlyk were in exile. In the fall of 1709 Hetman Ivan Mazepa had died in Moldavian Bendery. Orlyk, his chancellor, was elected hetman of Ukraine in the spring of 1710. The Bendery Constitution is not only an expression of the rights of a free Ukrainian people. It may be the main earliest document in modern Ukrainian intellectual history. The constitution is probably also the oldest constitution in the world of the modern era. The first Ukrainian constitution confirmed the status of the “ancient Cossack nation” and its century long struggle for freedom and independence. It guarantees the supremacy of a Kyiv metropolitan. A large number of the rights of the Cossacks are provided for as well as the protection by the king of Sweden. In 1714 around 40 of the Ukrainians in Moldavia left for exile together with Swedes returning home. The journey across Europe first ended in Stralsund (Swedish Pommerania) in May 1715. Later that year to avoid capture Hetman Orlyk and the Ukrainians (including parts of the government) left Stralsund by ship for Ystad, Sweden. Orlyk and family came to reside in the fortress city of Kristianstad in southern Sweden 1716 to 1719 while his government continued to Stockholm. During 1719 to 1720 Orlyk joined them in the Swedish capital. The Ukrainian government-in-exile in Stockholm was supported by the Swedish government of Frederic I and especially by the prominent Swedish politician Daniel von Höpken. The latter aided Orlyk and his ministers financially and most likely with living quarters. In June 1720 von Höpken in a letter advised the king that Orlyk should be financially supported and be given the opportunity to leave Sweden to continue the fight for freedom and independence of Ukraine and lead the Ukrainian Cossacks against Russia. In January 1719 Orlyk had been greatly encouraged by the Treaty of Vienna between Austria, Hannover and Saxony against Russia and its aggressive policy in Eastern Europe. In a last letter dated Stockholm October 10, 1720, Orlyk wrote in Latin to King Frederic I that when leaving Sweden he first planned to visit the King of Great Britain, then Vienna and after that via Hungary go further east. In foreign policy Orlyk’s best hope was King George I of Great Britain. He was willing to go to war against Russia but in the end could find no partners. British naval squadrons entered the Baltic Sea from 1719 to 1721 but could not attack Russian ports. The result was that George I advised Frederic I to conclude peace with Peter I on what terms he could. At Nystad in 1721, however, the question of Ukraine’s freedom and independence was not on the agenda of the Swedish negotiators. The Bendery constitution of 1710 remains as a monument to Ukraine’s first main attempt to break away from Russian domination. Full freedom and independence of Ukraine was finally achieved in 2014.

Seweryn Szczuka (ur. 1651) pochodził z drobnej szlachty mazowieckiej. W latach 1670-1672 uczęszczał do kolegium jezuickiego w Rössel na Warmii. Początkowo Szczuka wybrał drogę kariery wojskowej i przez kilka lat brał udział w walkach z Turkami, ale ostatecznie zdecydował się wstąpić do duchowieństwa. W 1678 wstąpił do nowicjatu kongregacji lazarystów, ale w 1680 opuścił ten zakon. Na początku 1682 r. Seweryn Szczuka przyjął święcenia kapłańskie i został proboszczem w Łomszy. Wraz ze swoim krewnym, wicekanclerzem Litwy – Stanisławem Antonim Szczuką, pracował nad nabywaniem rodzinnych majątków w okolicach Szczuczyna na północno-wschodnim Mazowszu. Od 1687 był kanonikiem Kulmera, który czynnie uczestniczył w pracach tej kapituły katedralnej, a od 1689 był proboszczem w kościele parafialnym Thorna. Po śmierci kolejnych biskupów kulmskich Szczuka był dwukrotnie administratorem biskupstw, w 1693 i 1694-1699. Od 1700 do 1710 był kanonikiem gnieźnieńskim. W 1703 został sufraganem Kulmera. Seweryn Szczuka, choć nie związany z Zakonem Łazarzów, stał się zwolennikiem tego Zakonu i jego żeńskiej gałęzi Sióstr Miłosierdzia. Szczególnie w czasie Wielkiej Wojny Północnej wspierał finansowo Dom Łazarzystów Kulmerów. W 1710 ponownie podarował klasztor Sióstr Miłosierdzia w Kulm. Szczuka podarował też szkołę dla dziewcząt prowadzoną przez siostry. W 1709 r. przeznaczył pokaźną sumę 30 000 zł na uposażenie seminarium duchownego w Płocku, pod warunkiem prowadzenia go przez lazarystów. W 1709 został także kanonikiem płockim. W 1712 sprowadził do Mławy lazarystów, powierzając im prowadzenie parafii. W latach 1712-1719 był administratorem diecezji kulmskiej. W 1722 r. utworzył reprezentację Sióstr Miłosierdzia w Szczuczynie i powierzył siostrom prowadzenie szkoły żeńskiej i przytułku. Seweryn Szczuka zmarł 11 grudnia 1727 r. Pełnił funkcję zręcznego administratora i gorliwego ministra, ale cechą charakterystyczną jego działalności było wsparcie lazarystów i prowadzonych przez nich szkół.

The British theological world was stirred at the beginning of the eighteenth century by what the learned and staunchly orthodox Presbyterian historian James Seaton Reid has called “latitudinarian notions on the inferiority of dogmatic belief and the nature of religious liberty.” In the 1690s John Locke had published his Reasonableness of Christianity and Letters on Toleration, followed by John Toland's Christianity Not Mysterious. In 1710 “Honest Will” Whitson, Sir Isaac Newton's successor as Professor of Mathematics at Cambridge, was expelled from the University for embracing Arian views. His departure was accompanied by rumors—long since substantiated—about his great predecessor's heterodox theology. Traditional theologians were shocked next by the appearance of Dr. Samuel Clark's Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity which resulted in the author's arraignment before Convocation of the Church of England in 1714. The very same year John Simson, Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, was first tried before the General Assembly of the Scottish Presbyterian Church for teaching Arian and Pelagian errors. In 1729, after three more trials, Simson was suspended from his professorship for denying the numerical oneness of the Trinity. Fierce doctrinal contentions also began to occupy English Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and Baptists, erupting during the famous Salters’ Hall meeting early in 1719.

Human vision can detect spatiotemporal information conveyed by first-order modulations of luminance and by second-order, non-Fourier modulations of image contrast. Models for second-order motion have suggested two filtering stages separated by a rectifying nonlinearity. We explore here the encoding of stationary first-order and second-order gratings, and their interaction. Stimuli consisted of 2-D broad-band static visual noise sinusoidally modulated in luminance (first-order, LM) or contrast (second-order, CM). Modulation thresholds were measured in a two-interval forced-choice staircase procedure. With increasing noise contrast, first-order sensitivity decreased (owing to masking) but sensitivity to contrast modulation increased. Weak background gratings present in both intervals produced order-specific facilitation: LM background facilitated LM detection (the ‘dipper function’) and CM facilitated CM detection. LM did not facilitate CM, nor vice versa, and this is strong evidence that LM and CM are detected via different mechanisms. Nevertheless, suprathreshold LM gratings masked CM detection, but not vice versa. High-amplitude CM masks had little or no effect on CM or LM detection. A broadly tuned divisive gain-control mechanism applied to the first-order filtering stage has been proposed by Foley (1994 Journal of the Optical Society of America A11 1710 – 1719) to account for masking of luminance gratings, and this might also explain the masking of second-order by first-order stimuli. First-order maskers would drive down the effective contrast of the carrier, thus reducing second-order sensitivity. But for second-order maskers the mean contrast, and hence contrast gain, remained constant, independent of modulation depth. Thus second-order gratings would produce no masking effects, as observed.

Summary Studies on the history of Spanish grammar generally pay less attention to the period that follows the works of Gonzalo Correas and ends with the publication of the grammar of the Spanish Royal Academy (i.e., 1640–1770) than to both what precedes and what follows this period. Focusing specifically on the 18th century, the importance of the publication of the first grammar of the Royal Academy (1771) diminished interest in authors who published works on grammar during the preceding seven decades. That part of the 18th century that, from a grammatical perspective, may be called ‘preacademic’, is usually considered uninteresting, particularly when compared with the grammatical achievements of the 16th and 17th centuries. The most important Spanish grammarian of this period, Benito de San Pedro (1723–1801), stands out for anticipating the adoption of rationalist positions taken from French grammatical studies; his work of 1769 is in contrast with that of Benito Martinez Gayoso (c.1710–1787) of 1743, which represents a less interesting traditional approach to grammar. In this article these two opposing approaches are studied; they parallel better studied contrasts among other Spanish grammarians. It also presents the circumstances that allow for the establishment of a relationship between the publication of the treatises of Martinez Gayoso and San Pedro. It shows that some of the innovations attributed to Benito de San Pedro, such as the classification of the so-called indefinite articles, was discussed earlier, and in a clearer manner, by Martinez Gayoso. However, it is in a more modest and later pre-academic grammar, that of Salvador Puig (1719–1793) of 1770, where one finds the best and the most exhaustive treatment of the subject. This is only one of many interesting proposals of solutions to grammatical problems that one finds in the works of this period, including differences in approaches to orthography, before and even after the publication of the grammar and the orthography of the Royal Academy.

Abstract: Introduction: Acquired bone marrow failures are rare but fatal diseases in childhood. Since 2013, Hungary has been participating as a full member in the work of the European Working Group on uniform diagnostics and therapy in patients with acquired bone marrow failure syndromes. Hypocellular refractory cytopenia of childhood has been emphasized as a frequent entity, transplanted by reduced intensity conditioning with excellent outcomes. Aim: To analyse and compare the results of treatment before and after our joining. Method: A total of 55 patients have been treated in the 8 centres of the Hungarian Pediatric Oncology Network during 5 years between 2013 and 2017 (severe aplastic anemia: 9, myelodysplastic syndrome: 41, juvenile myelomonocytic leukemia: 5 patients). Allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation was performed in severe aplastic anemia in 7 cases, while antithymocyte globulin was administered in one case and one patient died before diagnosis. In patients with myelodysplastic syndromes, watch and wait strategy was applied in 4, while transplantation in 37 cases. Reduced intensity conditioning was used in 54 percent of these cases. Transplantation was the treatment of choice in all 5 patients with juvenile myelomonocytic leukemia. Results: In the whole patient cohort, the time from diagnosis to treatment was median 92 (3–393) days, while in severe aplastic anemia median 28 (3–327) days only. Grade II–IV acute graft versus host disease occurred in 22.6%, grade III–IV in 6.8% and chronic in 11.2%. All the patients treated with severe aplastic anemia are alive and in complete remission (100%). The overall estimated survival rate is 85.1% in myelodysplastic syndrome, while 75% in juvenile myelomonocytic leukemia. The median follow-up was 30.4 (1.1–62.5) months. There was a remarkable increase in overall survival comparing the data before (1992–2012) and after (2013) joining the international group, 70% vs. 100% (p = 0.133) in severe aplastic anemia and 31.3% vs. 85.1% (p = 0.000026) in myelodysplastic syndrome. Conclusion: Due to a change in the paradigm of the conditioning regimen in hypocellular refractory cytopenia of childhood, the overall survival rate has significantly increased. Orv Hetil. 2018; 159(42): 1710–1719.

No ensino-aprendizagem da Geografia, pelo menos naquele centrado na Europa, os Atlas geográficos escolares ganharam crédito entre os materiais didático-pedagógicos desde o início do século XIX. Um primeiro atlas escolar do continente fora o alemão "Kleiner Atlas Scholasticus" de 1710. Fora secundado pelo "Atlas methodicus" de 1719. Outros compareceram concebidos como simplificações dos grandes Atlas gerais de referência. O "Atlas général Vidal-Lablache: histoire et géographie" de 1894 foi um clássico que inspirou derivações. No Brasil, em 1868 se publicava o Atlas do Império do Brazil de Cândido Mendes de Almeida, o primeiro Atlas escolar brasileiro. Fruto de toda evolução da cartografia, atualmente conta-se com uma variada gama de Atlas escolares nos formatos impresso, digital e eletrônico, sejam mundiais, nacionais, regionais, estaduais, metropolitanos, municipais e até locais. A elaboração de um Atlas geográfico para escolares considera como primeiro passo para sua coordenação o entrelaçamento integrado de duas orientações básicas, onde estão presentes o espaço e o tempo:o ensino do mapa, com bases teórico-metodológicas sobre a construção e representação do espaço na criança e a respectiva representação, inicialmente, da sua própria realidade espacial e depois daquela das outras pessoas; o ensino pelo mapa, praticado em geografia para o conhecimento do mundo, desde o próximo vivenciado e conhecido - o lugar - ao distante desconhecido - o espaço mundial -, não de forma linear, mas mediante cotejamentos entre os vários níveis de abordagem. Assim, haverá compreensão de como a realidade local se relaciona com o todo mundial. E o aluno raciocinará sobre determinado contexto, sem tê-lo experimentado antes. Em seguida, ingressa-se nas bases metodológicas da geografia para compor o conteúdo do Atlas. Atrelado a este estaria a definição do recorte espacial. Na sequência, considera-se a Cartografia Temática como uma linguagem da representação gráfica. Assim, os mapas temáticos podem ser construídos por vários métodos, cada um mais apropriado à representação do tema selecionado, seja numa apreciação estática, ou dinâmica. Ainda, a realidade pode ser vislumbrada dentro de um raciocínio de análise ou de síntese. Dento desse panorama, a presente elucubração dará ênfase à participação, junto aos atlas geográficos para escolares, dos mapas elaborados segundo as apreciações, estática e dinâmica, desdobradas nos encaminhamentos do raciocínio, seja no nível analítico, como no de síntese.

In the Preface to his Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics (1783), Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) famously complained that common sense is the last refuge of the cynical and ambitious littérateur who, lacking any real aptitude for speculative thought, seeks to win over the public by consecrating their inherited prejudices. The aim of this chapter is to explain where and why Kant’s interpretation of Scottish common sense philosophy goes awry. The work of four early Scottish common-sensists is explored: Thomas Reid (1710–96), James Oswald (1703–93), James Beattie (1735–1803), and George Campbell (1719–96). As Thomas Reid is by far the best-known and most accomplished member of this group, his system is treated as the sun by whose light three less brilliant bodies of work can be seen and measured.

This book tells the lively story of common sense realism’s rise and fall in Scotland. Chapter 1 explores the work of the Scottish common sense school of philosophy, whose representatives included Thomas Reid (1710–96), James Oswald (1703–93), James Beattie (1735–1803), and George Campbell (1719–96). Chapter 2 examines the earlier but little-known defence of perceptual realism mounted by Lord Kames (1696–1782), David Hume’s cousin and critic. Chapter 3 examines Reid’s defence of common sense realism and scrutinizes his campaign against the Cartesian assumptions on which the problem of the external world depends. Chapter 4 describes how Reidian common sense realism was propagated by two influential nineteenth-century philosophers: Dugald Stewart (1753–1828), who was content for the most part to expound Reid’s views eloquently, and the more ambitious Sir William Hamilton (1788–1856), who tried in vain to synthesize Reid and Kant. Chapters 5 and 6 highlight the two main contributions to the realism debate made by James Frederick Ferrier (1808–64): his no-holds-barred critique of Reid’s realism, and his novel argument for a form of idealism which is both neo-Berkeleyan and post-Kantian. Chapter 7 offers some reflections about the surprising direction Scottish philosophy took in the years following Ferrier’s death in 1864.