Academic literature on the topic '1610-1630'

From the late sixteenth to the late seventeenth century many of the territories and cities in Central Europe were the scene of witchcraft trials. As recent research shows, it was especially in the years around 1590, 1610, and 1630, and again in the 1650s, that many parts of Germany were overwhelmed by what might be called a tidal wave of witch-hunting, with thousands upon thousands of victims: women mostly, yet also men and children. So far, despite a large number of detailed studies, there is no convincing explanation of why witch-hunting should have played such a prominent role in Germany from the 1590s to the 1650s.

AbstractThe bust of Jacobus Zaffius (figs. 1 and 2) in Haarlem's Frans Hals Museum was discovered in 1919. Since that time it has been regarded as a fragment of a large portrait of Zaffius painted by Hals in 1611 and believed to be lost. Jan van de Velde made a print of the missing portrait in 1630 (fig. 3). Recently it emerged that the panel on which the bust is painted is bevelled all round, and that the ground and paint continue over the edges. This means that it cannot be a fragment. The theory that Hals himself painted the copy is untenable. The weak design and indifferent pictorial quality suggest that the painting is a contemporary anonymous copy. An attempt to identify the companion portraits of a man and a woman in Birmingham and Chatsworth (figs. 4 and 5), variously dated as 1610/11 and 1617/18, with a view to establishing their true dates, has failed. It was hoped that if discovered to have been painted in or around 1611, they might have served as material for a stylistic comparison. The investigation yielded only a few supplementary heraldic (fig. 6) and genealogical data. Research in the Haarlem municipal archives uncovered new information pertaining to Zaffius' financial capital and family connections. As archdeacon of the diocese of Haarlem and provost of the Haarlem chapter, Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius (Amsterdam 1534-1618 Haarlem) experienced the turbulent history of the Dutch Catholic church during the birth of the Republic. Towards the end of his life he added a few houses to a recently founded bofje of almshouses (fig. 9). Van de Velde's print was made in 1630, when Catholicism had established itself in the Dutch archdiocese and embarked on the documentation of its own history in the form of, among others, portraits of prominent figures of the past.

Résumé Parlant des Innus avec qui les Français de l’Habitation de Québec sont en contact depuis le début du xviie siècle, Champlain constate en 1624 : « l’on n’a point d’ennemis plus grands que ces sauvages. » La formule, qui surprend de prime abord, reflète pourtant une réelle dégradation des rapports entre ces deux nations. Cette dimension conflictuelle des relations franco-innues reste encore peu explorée. Elle a surtout retenu l’attention dans une perspective juridique. Les meurtres de quelques Français par des Innus et les réactions que cela suscita à Québec offrent, en effet, un terrain idéal pour mesurer l’écart qui sépare les prétentions françaises en matière de justice et la réalité des rapports avec les Autochtones. Quels sens faut-il donner aux sursauts de violence qui ponctuent les relations franco-innues dans les années 1610, 1620 et 1630 ? Comment expliquer la « normalisation » subséquente de ces relations et quel sens faut-il lui donner ? Ces questions sont à la base de cet article, qui réexamine la première phase de l’alliance franco-innue à travers le processus de constitution d’un rapport de domination colonial sur les populations autochtones.

The homoepitaxial growth of 4H-SiC films was conducted on 4H-SiC 150 mm 4° off-axis substrates by using a home-made hot-wall chemical vapor deposition (CVD) reactor. Special attention was paid to the influence of the growth temperature on the surface morphology, growth rate, doping efficiency, and structural uniformity of the films. Among the above factors, growth temperature and flow ratio were shown to be the essential parameters to produce high-quality homoepitaxial layers. Furthermore, a two-side flow tunnel was introduced to control the growth temperature nonuniformity in the reactor. The influence of flow ratio on the epitaxial layer uniformity was also studied. It was found that the surface roughness increased with the increasing temperature, achieving its minimum value of 0.183 nm at 1610 °C. Besides that, the film growth rate decreased with the increase in growth temperature, whereas the degrees of thickness non-uniformity, N2 doping non-uniformity, and doping efficiency increased. Meanwhile, both the thickness and doping uniformity can be improved by adjusting H2 and N2 flow ratios, respectively. In particular, the use of the H2 ratio of 1.63 and N2 ratio of 0.92 enabled one to increase the degree of uniformity of thickness and doping by 0.79% (standard deviation/mean value) and 3.56% (standard deviation/mean value), respectively, at the growth temperature of 1630 °C.

This study aims to compare photoacoustic (FTIR–PAS), diffuse reflectance (DRIFT), and attenuated total reflection (ATR) FTIR modalities in the wide wavenumber range from NIR (7500 cm−1) to FIR (150 cm−1) for the same silicate soil samples under the same conditions. The possibilities of non-destructive rapid qualitative analysis of soils by these modalities without comprehensive data treatment were compared. The assignment of more than 100 bands for the chernozem and sod-podzolic as common types of silicate types of soil was made. The following groups of bands of organic matter and inorganic matrix were reliably found in spectra of all or at least two modalities: 3690–3680 cm−1 (hydrogen-bonded SiO–H…H2O stretch, not ATR), 2930–2910 cm−1 and 2860–2850 cm−1 (methylene stretch), 1390–1380 cm−1, (symmetric stretch carboxylate, DRIFT and FTIR–PAS); 2000–1990 cm−1, 1885 cm−1, and 1790–1783 cm−1 (SiO2 overtones, DRIFT and FTIR–PAS), 1163–1153 cm−1, SiO2 lattice (not FTIR–PAS), 1037 cm−1 (Si–O or Al–O stretch), 796 cm−1 (lattice symmetrical Si–O–Si stretch); 697 cm−1, SiO2; and 256 cm−1 (not FTIR–PAS). Amide I, II, and III bands appear in DRIFT and FTIR–PAS spectra while not in ATR. Except for methylene and carboxylate groups, CH vibrations (3100–2900 cm−1) are not seen in ATR. Bands at 1640–1630 cm−1, 1620–1610 cm−1, 1600–1598 cm−1 (primary water bands and probably carboxylate) appear in the spectra of all three modalities but are unresolved and require data treatment. It is preferable to use all three modalities to characterize both soil organic matter and mineral composition. DRIFT provides the maximum number of bands in all three modalities and should be selected as a primary technique in the NIR and 4000–2000 cm−1 regions for hydrogen-bonding bands, CHX groups, and the silicate matrix. ATR–FTIR complements DRIFT and provides a good sensitivity for soil water and the matrix in 2000–400 cm−1. FTIR–PAS in 4000–1500 cm−1 reveals more bands than DRIFT and shows the highest sensitivity for absorption bands that do not appear in DRIFT or ATR-IR spectra. Thus, FTIR–PAS is expedient for supporting either DRIFT or ATR–FTIR. This modality comparison can be a basis for methodological support of IR spectroscopy of soils and similar organomineral complexes.

AbstractThe closeness of a work from Rubens' studio in the English Royal Collection, known as Equestrian Portrait of a Knight of the Golden Fleece (Fig. I, Note 1), to two equestrian portraits painted by Van Dyck during his stay in Genoa, from 1621 to 1626 (Figs. 2, 3, Note 2) has led to the identification of the sitter. A number of other pictures from the circle of Rubens and Van Dyck show horses and/or riders in related poses and the dates on some of them reveal them to have been painted before Van Dyck's portraits. This applies to The Riding School by or after Rubens, which is generally dated 1610-12 (Fig. 4, Note 3), a Paradise Landscape by Jan Brueghel of 1613 (Note 4) and Sight dated 1617 by the same artist (Fig.5, Note 5), which features a horseman known as Archduke Albert. A number of undated paintings inspired by the same model include six supposed to be of Archduke Albert (Notes 6, 10), three by Casper de Crayer (Fig. 6, Note 13) and eguestrian portraits of Louis XIII (Note 14) and Ladislaw IV of Poland. Thus it seems likely that these followers of Rubens', Van Dyck included, based themselves on one and the same equestrian portrait by their teacher. Since Van Dyck almost certainly painted the two equestrian portraits in Genoa during his stay in that city, his model or a replica of it must also have been there between 1621 and 1626. In fact, probably at the request of his patrons (Note 17), he often used models by Rubens, who had worked in Genoa for a time in 1606 (Note 16). However, his two equestrian portraits are not based on the only Genoese one by Rubens now known, that of the Marchese Doria (Fig. 7, Note 18), which is very different and has a liveliness quite, unlike Van Dyck's quiet static compositions. The equestrian portrait in the English Royal Collection was bought by George I in 1723 as a Rubens. The sitter is clad in the Spanish costume of the early 17 th century while the towers in the background could be those of Antwerp (Note 36). The sitter has been identified as the Archduke Albert, but he actually bears no resemblance to other portraits of the Archduke, who was also much older than this at the time of Ruberas' stay in Genoa in 1606. The most likely candidate is Ambrogio Spinola (Note 32) , the statesman and general, of whom both Rubens and Van Dyck painted more than one portrait. Spinola was commander of the Spanish troups in the Southern Netherlands, a friend of Rubens and Knight of the Golden Fleece, and he also came from Genoa, where this portrait could have been painted during a visit he made to the city in 1606 (Notes 33, 34). Stylistically too the portrait seems to fit in with the series of portraits painted by Rubens in Genoa in that year. The physiognomy of the sitter is certainly close to that of the known portraits of Spinola (Figs. 8-1, Note 35), while the details of Spinola's life also support the identification. Spinola (1569-1630), who was Marquis of Sesto and Venafro, belonged to one of the group of closely related, families of bankers who held key positions in Genoa. He arrived in the Netherlands around 1602 at the head of a large and unusually well-trained body of troops. In 1603 he provided funds to prevent a mutiny among the Spanish troups and after his capture of Ostend in 1604 he was appointed second in command to Archduke Albert. He was made a Knight of the Golden Fleece on I March 1605 and in the same year he was put in charge of military finances. From 1606 until his departure for Spain in 1628 he was superintendent of the military treasury and' mayordomo mayor' to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella. After the death of Albert in 1621 he became principal adviser to Isabella and thus the most powerful man in the Spanish Netherlands. His amiable character brought him many friends, even among the ranks of the enemy, notably the Princes Maurice and Frederick Henry, with whom he had a great deal of contact during the Twelve Years Truce. It was probably one of them who bought the Portrait of Spinola by Van Miereveld (Fig. 8). After a disappointing mission to Spain in 1628, Spinola was relieved of his command of the Army of Flanders and put in charge of the Spanish troups in Lombardy. He died in his castle in Piedmont in 1630. During the years 1603-5 and later Spinola made several visits to Madrid, where he will undoubtedly have met the powerful Duke of Lerma and probably also seen the equestrian portrait that Rubens painted of him in 1603 (Fig. 12, Note 39). He must also have known of the portraits Rubens painted in Genoa in 1606, since at least three and probably five of them are of members of the Spinola family, while there survives a letter to Rubens from Paolo Agostino Spinola on the subject of portraits (Note 40). All this makes it likely that Spinola would have had his own Portrait painted too and that Rubens may well have painted his first portrait of the man who was to become his lifelong friend as early as 1606. Although Rubens was sometimes irritated by Spinola's lack of interest in his work (Note 41) , he admired him greatly (Note 42). He cultivated Spinola's friendship after his return to Antwerp in 1608 and will doubtless have introduced Van Dyck to him. Van Dyck later painted more than twenty pictures for the five Spinola palaces (Note 43) in Genoa and his work also became known in Madrid via Spinola and his son-in-law Don Diego Felipez Messia Guzman de Legañes, who owned many works by Van Dyck (Note 44). The presumed equestrian portrait of Spinola was much copied, as were other portraits of him by Rubens. Spinola was admired all over Europe and that may have been why other commanders and princes wanted to have themselves portrayed in the same way. The original or a replica may have hung in Spirtola's palace in Brussels, where the first to have seen it would have been Archduke Albert, which may explain the many equestrian portraits of him by Rubens' followeers which were based on it. Another possibility is that Rubens himself may have painted an equestrian portrait of the Archduke very similar to that of Spinola around 1610, but that this is no longer known. Caspar de Crayer of Brussels, a friend, though not a pupil of Rubens, was also influenced by the Spinola equestrian portrait. Furthermore, when he was invited to paint a set of equestrian portraits for the Huis ten Bosch, he sent the young Antwerp painter Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert to The Hague in his place (Note 46) and it was in this way that Rubens' model came to the Northern Netherlands, where it was copied only once, by Isaac Isacsz. in his equestrian portrait of William the Silent (Note 47). The equestrian portrait of Sigmund III of Poland (Fig. 13), a cousin of Archduke Albert, could also have been painted in Van Dyck's studio in Genoa, which was probably visited by his son Prince Ladislaw in 1624 (Note 48). This picture too still owes much to Rubens' model which Van Dyck used again ten years later for his equestrian portraits of Charles I of England (Fig. 14, Note, 50) and Francisco de Moncada (Note 51).

Les historiens de l'art classent les peintres du début de la dynastie Qing en deux catégories : l'école orthodoxe et l'école individualiste. Les premiers cherchaient à imiter les peintres anciens maitres, les seconds tiraient leur inspiration de la nature, il est crucial de comprendre quels sont les rôles respectifs des traditions et de la nature par les artistes. Nous avons donc choisi deux peintres individualistes (i. E. Hong Ren et Shi Tao ) comme exemple, et allons montrer leur intérêt commun sur la nature. Nous verrons aussi comment leurs différentes personnalités (Hong Ren est introverti, selon la psychologie de Jung, alors que Shi Tao est extraverti) ont influencé leur propre style. La peinture de Hong Ren est calme et un peu froide, alors que celle de Shi Tao est plus dynamique et libre. Une telle différence a été explorée plus par W. Worringer dans sa théorie ; la distinction entre l'abstrait et l'empathie, en raison des différentes attitudes psychologiques envers la nature, ce qui pourrait être complète par une interprétation approfondie des principes dynamiques taoïstes du yin et du yang.

Defence Date: 15/05/2009
Examining Board: Prof Martin van Gelderen (European Univeristy Institute) – supervisor; Prof. Brian Cummings (University of Sussex); Prof. Diogo Ramada Curto (European University Institute); Prof. Peter Lake (Vanderbilt University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available

The accession of James VI of Scotland as James I of England and Great Britain triggered a series of negotiations as to what the new British polity would be like and how far the Elizabethan settlement of religion might be subject to alteration. James manipulated the agendas of a range of interest groups in order to remodel both the court and, in some sense, to remake the (British) State. One crucial aspect of that process was the making of peace with Spain and an attempt to shadow the major European royal houses without getting drawn into the political conflicts which replaced the wars which had concluded in 1598. But the attempt to maintain a quasi-nonconfessional mode of politics inevitably encountered a Protestant critique of the king and court which James sought to defuse by tacking his public pronouncements on papal authority to his, arguably, absolutist readings of royal power.