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1
Haas, L. F. "Rene Descartes 1596-1650." Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry 55, no. 3 (March 1, 1992): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp.55.3.176.
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Gijn, J. "Ren� Descartes (1596?1650)." Journal of Neurology 252, no. 2 (February 2005): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00415-005-0775-2.
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Neetens, A. "Cogito ergo sum (René Descartes 1596-1650)." Neuro-Ophthalmology 16, no. 6 (January 1996): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/01658109609044645.
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Dortier, Jean-François. "René Descartes (1596-1650). Le primat de la raison." Sciences Humaines N° Hors-série, HS11 (January 6, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.hs11.0003.
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Le Floch-Prigent, P., S. Verdeille, and A. Froment. "Le crâne de René Descartes (1596–1650) : scannographie sériée et reconstructions." Morphologie 96, no. 314-315 (October 2012): 70–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.morpho.2012.08.013.
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Van Gigch, J. P. "Design of the modern inquiring system-i. r. descartes (1596-1650)." Systems Research 5, no. 3 (September 1988): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sres.3850050313.
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Plecas, Tamara. "Relying on Seneca in moments of crisis: The case of princess Elizabeth of Bohemia." Theoria, Beograd 65, no. 4 (2022): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2204159p.
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This paper looks at the correspondence between Princess Elizabeth of Bohemia (1618-1680) and the French philosopher Ren? Descartes (1596-1650). Analyzing specific segments of the letters they addressed to each other, it emerges that Descartes, advising Elizabeth and recommending her to read Seneca, was also following an ancient, or more precisely, Stoic therapeutic technique. Namely, it seems that he, like the Stoics, believed that philosophy could provide a kind of consolation or support in moments of crisis, that is, during specific turbulent moments in life.
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Nickalls, R. W. D. "Viète, Descartes and the cubic equation." Mathematical Gazette 90, no. 518 (July 2006): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025557200179598.
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An appreciation of the geometry underlying algebraic techniques invariably enhances understanding, and this is particularly true with regard to polynomials. With visualisation as our theme, this article considers the cubic equation and describes how the French mathematicians François Viète (1540–1603) and René Descartes (1596–1650) related the ‘three-real-roots’ case (casus irreducibilis) to circle geometry. In particular, attention is focused on a previously undescribed aspect, namely, how the lengths of the chords constructed by Viète and Descartes in this setting relate geometrically to the curve of the cubic itself.
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Rudolph, Ulrich. "Auf der Suche nach Erkenntnis zwischen Asien und Europa: al-Ġazālī, Descartes und die moderne Forschungswissenschaft." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0076.
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Abstract The quest for an indisputable foundation of all knowledge has been one of the driving forces behind intellectual history. In the European tradition it is mainly connected to René Descartes (1596–1650) and his Meditations on First Philosophy whereas in the Islamic world it was already expressed in a brilliant manner by Abū Ḥāmid al-Ġazālī (1058–1111) in his book entitled Deliverance from Error. The article investigates both these texts by contextualizing them within the long history of intellectual autobiographies, which stretches from antiquity to the present and comprises many exciting examples from Asia and Europe.
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Albertini, Tamara. "Crisis and Certainty of Knowledge in al-Ghazali (1058-1111) and Descartes (1596-1650)." Philosophy East and West 55, no. 1 (2005): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2004.0038.
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Andrade, Eloísa Benvenutti de. "O PROJETO EPISTEMOLÓGICO CARTESIANO." Kínesis - Revista de Estudos dos Pós-Graduandos em Filosofia 1, no. 01 (March 20, 2009): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1984-8900.2009.v1n01.4296.
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René Descartes (1596-1650) em sua obra “Méditations sur la Philosophie Prémière” apresenta uma avaliação crítica do conhecimento através da escolha de um método que lhe permite duvidar de forma radical e hiperbólica do conhecimento de todas as coisas. Neste artigo veremos como tal atividade racional-reflexiva, que recebeu o nome de dúvida metódica, se desenvolve. Através da análise minuciosa da Primeira, Segunda e Sexta Meditação, mostraremos os passos dados pelo filósofo em questão a fim de demonstrar como este método inaugurou uma perspectiva de reflexão introspectiva que permitiu a construção da crença em um “eu” que, enquanto sujeito do conhecimento, é o único responsável pelos processos cognitivos.
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Kitagawa, Tomoko L. "Passionate souls: Elisabeth of Bohemia and René Descartes." Mathematical Gazette 105, no. 563 (June 21, 2021): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mag.2021.46.
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The mathematical investigations of natural phenomena in the seventeenth century led to the inventions of calculus and probability. While we know the works of eminent natural philosophers and mathematicians such as Isaac Newton (1643-1727), we know little about the learned women who made important contributions in the seventeenth century. This article features Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia (1618-1680), whose intellectual ability and curiosity left a unique mark in the history of mathematics. While some of her family members were deeply involved in politics, Elisabeth led an independent, scholarly life, and she was a close correspondent of René Descartes (1596-1650) and Gottfried Leibniz (1646-1716).
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Quintela González, Héctor. "Tiempo y progreso: historia conceptual y modernidad cartesiana." Ingenium. Revista Electrónica de Pensamiento Moderno y Metodología en Historia de las Ideas 18 (July 2, 2024): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/inge.93195.
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El presente trabajo trata de evaluar la relevancia de la obra de René Descartes (1596-1650) en la génesis y en el despliegue de la Modernidad desde el marco teórico que proporciona la Begriffsgeschichte desarrollada por Reinhart Koselleck. Se presta especial atención a la dimensión temporal que contiene la historia conceptual koselleckiana y se analiza el papel jugado por Descartes en la constitución del moderno concepto de progreso, el cual resume, según Koselleck, la experiencia de una nueva época en una palabra. Se busca así arrojar nueva luz sobre un lugar común de la historia de la filosofía: la atribución a Descartes de la paternidad de la época moderna.
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Sairah, Abdul Rokhmat. "MODERNISASI SAINS MENUJU PSIKOLOGI: STUDI ATAS PENGARUH PEMIKIRAN RENE DESCARTES (1596-1650) TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN PSIKOLOGI." Jurnal Filsafat Indonesia 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jfi.v4i1.30356.
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Rosaleny, Vicente Raga. "Entre la certeza y la duda: a propósito de los orígenes del cogito en la obra de descartes." Trans/Form/Ação 40, no. 4 (December 2017): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31732017000400003.
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RESUMEN: En la mayor parte de las interpretaciones de la obra de Descartes (1596-1650) se destaca la originalidad de su propuesta escéptica, la radicalidad de las dudas que pone en juego, así como la importancia central del primer principio, sobre el que basa su fundamentación de una filosofía y una ciencia nuevas, el cogito, resultado de la refutación de esas mismas dudas hiperbólicas. Nuestra interpretación pasa por destacar a un autor olvidado, Pierre Charron (1541-1603), cuya obra influyó en la formación del pensamiento cartesiano. Este predicador planteó una propuesta de sabiduría escéptica, de corte académico (y, por ello, relacionada con nociones estoicas) que afecto a la formulación de las ideas de Descartes. De este modo, la certidumbre del cogito se originaría en una disputa escéptica.
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Afifah, Umi. "Rationalism in Philosophical Studies." Journal of Innovation in Teaching and Instructional Media 4, no. 1 (September 17, 2023): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52690/jitim.v4i1.730.
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This article discusses rationalism which is reviewed from various scopes starting from Rationalism Figures such as, Rece Descartes (1596-1650), Baruch De Spinoza (1632-1677), Leibniz (1646-1716), Icholas Malerbranche (1638-1775), Harun Nasution, and the philosophical views of racialism towards humas, science, education, and towards curriculum (implementation in the field). Rationalism is a philosophical teaching that holds that reason, or reason, is the most important tool for acquiring and testing knowledge. Rationalism, reason is the main source of knowledge. Theoretically, he contradicts empiricism by refusing to consider the five senses as a source of knowledge. Belief that reasons has the power and authority to reveal knowledge and truth. According to rationalism, humans’ ability to seek and respond to truth is based on their natural intellectual abilities.
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Costa Fernandes, Diôgo. "PAPEL DA VONTADE NA CONSTITUIÇÃO DO ERRO NA QUARTA MEDITAÇÃO DE DESCARTES." PÓLEMOS – Revista de Estudantes de Filosofia da Universidade de Brasília 2, no. 4 (March 20, 2014): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/pl.v2i4.11569.
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O filósofo René Descartes (1596-1650) em seus escritos sobre as Meditações sobre a Filosofia Primeira, especificamente na Quarta Meditação, aborda a problemática do erro diante dos juízos emitidos pelo homem. Esse tema foi de grande importância para autor, pois com esses escritos ele almejava alcançar bases sólidas para o edifício do conhecimento científico. No afã de descobrir as causas do erro a fim de evitá-las, Descartes sugere uma estreita relação entre o erro e a vontade, situando o mau uso do livre-arbítrio como fonte dos falsos juízos. Este artigo pretende apresentar a relação entre a vontade e o erro, definindo a compreensão cartesiana dos mesmos, bem como mostrar o papel de Deus nessa relação e qual é um possível caminho para se evitar o juízo errôneo.
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Derze Marques, Lucas Guerrezi. "Alguns aspectos sobre a física cartesiana:." Revista Primordium 5, no. 9 (November 8, 2020): 13–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/reprim-v5n9a2020-53830.
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René Descartes (1596 –1650) ficou marcado na história do pensamento como o pai do mecanicismo moderno, sobretudo com o seu método científico dedutivo, idealizado principalmente nas Regras para Direção do Espírito (1628) e no Discurso do Método (1637). Grande parte da literatura aponta a ciência cartesiana como extremamente racionalista, algo muito distante das experiências e hipóteses, feita única e exclusivamente pelo entendimento, a partir das intuições puras e deduções racionais. Entretanto, pretendemos aqui, mostrar uma possível abertura do filósofo francês para o conhecimento adquirido com o auxílio das hipóteses imaginadas e experiências percebidas. Mostraremos como uma de suas últimas obras, o Princípios (1644), demonstra um lado prático da filosofia de Descartes, onde o autor, parece mudar um pouco sua metodologia rígida, abrindo um grande espaço para as sensações e imaginações em sua física.
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Pessoti (in memorian), Isaías, and João Eduardo Cattani Vilares. "Sobre dualismo cartesiano e análise do comportamento." Perspectivas em Análise do Comportamento 1 (April 16, 2024): xx. http://dx.doi.org/10.18761/pac11818audp.
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É notória a incompatibilidade entre o behaviorismo radical, monista, e o dualismo (mente-corpo). A obra de René Descartes (1596-1650) – o cartesianismo – tem sido associada ao dualismo mente-corpo. Essa suposição deriva possivelmente da utilização por Descartes, ao longo de sua obra, de palavras como “mente”, “espírito” e “alma”. É possível encontrar no manual do behaviorismo radical de Baum (1999/1994) asserções sobre tal incompatibilidade. Este artigo apresenta uma análise dos escritos originais de Descartes, com resultados que não demonstraram a priori a incompatibilidade apontada pelos behavioristas radicais, como Baum. Para Descartes, “mente” não é uma entidade imaterial, ou um “homúnculo” autor de ideias, ou um arquivo de conhecimentos e experiências, mas apenas a capacidade de aprender a pensar (comportar-se). O autor descreve a relação mente-corpo como indissociável.
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Perin, Adriano, Erica Mastella Benincá, and Mariana Nunes Teixeira. "O anímico mecânico e o visível orgânico: a moderna abordagem do ser vivo no mecanicismo e na história natural." Filosofia e História da Biologia 15, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2178-6224v15i2p137-157.
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Este artigo aborda a consideração dos seres vivos pelos teóricos do mecanicismo e da história natural, com o objetivo de esclarecer os precedentes da autonomia científica posteriormente concedida à biologia. A primeira seção pondera sobre a abordagem mecanicista, quanto à sua substituição moderna da teoria animista e às suas especificações no pensamento de René Descartes (1596-1650) e Robert Boyle (1627-1691). A segunda seção toma em apreço a metodologia de observação do visível levada a cabo pelos teóricos da História natural, quanto aos elementos que possibilitaram o seu surgimento, à sua estru-tura, ao seu caráter observacional assistemático e ao seu método específico. A conclusão apresentada é a de que as abordagens de mecânica e observacional dos seres vivos nos séculos XVII e XVIII contribuíram para a posterior constituição da biologia como campo de estudo.
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Almeida, Daniel Manzoni de. "Análise da trama de argumentos na obra "Meditações" cartesianas na construção da ideia do "Cogito": uma proposta para um modelo didático para o ensino de Filosofia." Educar em Revista, no. 62 (December 2016): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-4060.46423.
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RESUMO Uma das principais heranças do pensamento racionalista de René Descartes (1596-1650) está materializada no conceito do Cogito. A proposta aqui foi desenvolver uma análise dos principais argumentos dos dois primeiros textos clássicos da obra Meditações e expor a trama de argumentos que formam o corpo do conceito do Cogito com o objetivo de estruturar uma sequência didática. Na primeira parte do artigo está a exposição dos argumentos cartesianos dos sentidos, dos sonhos, do Deus enganador, de extensão como Dados; a ideia do Gênio maligno como Justificativa; e a Conclusão da ideia do Cogito: "penso, logo existo". A segunda parte está na construção da ideia do Cogito como modelo didático. A hipótese é que essa estrutura possa servir como prática didática nas aulas de Filosofia do ensino básico estimulando a argumentação e as discussões sobre a obra cartesiana.
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Dijksterhuis, Fokko Jan. "Understandings of Colors: Varieties of Theories in the Color Worlds of the Early Seventeenth Century." Early Science and Medicine 20, no. 4-6 (December 7, 2015): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02046p09.
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In the early seventeenth century, there existed a myriad of theories to account for color phenomena. The status, goal, and content of such accounts differed as well as the range of phenomena they explained. Starting with the journal of Isaac Beeckman (1588–1637), this essay inquires into the features and functions of conceptual reflections upon color experiences. Beeckman played a crucial role in the intellectual development of René Descartes (1596–1650), while at the same time their ideas differed crucially. Early corpuscular conceptions of colors cannot be reduced to the mechanistic variety of Descartes. Moreover, the optical rather than corpuscular features of Descartes’s understanding of colors were essential. A stratification of conceptualizations is proposed that is grounded in various problem contexts rather than philosophical doctrines, thus opening a way to interpret the philosophical parts of color worlds in a more diverse way.
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Watling, John. "René Descartes." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004016.
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René Descartes (1596–1650) was born at La Haye, near Tours in France. He entered the Jesuit School at La Flèche in 1606, where he studied Latin and Greek and the classical authors, and acquired respect for the certainty of mathematics and distaste for the theories of Aristotle as developed by medieval commentators. In 1616, he took a degree in law at the University of Poitiers. There followed a period during which he travelled, for some of the time as a gentleman-officer in the armies of Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria. In 1625 he returned to Paris and renewed his acquaintance with Father Marin Mersenne, who was later instrumental in making his views known to many of the famous intellectuals in Europe. From 1628 to 1649 he lived in Holland and worked out in detail the scientific, philosophical and mathematical ideas that had engaged him during his travels. His main philosophical works are Rules for the Direction of the Mind, written in 1629–30 but not published until 1684, Discourse on Method, 1637, Meditations, 1641, Principles of Philosophy, 1644, and The Passions of the Soul, 1649. In 1649, Descartes accepted an invitation to visit the Queen of Sweden and instruct her in philosophy. He succumbed to the rigorous climate, and died in February 1650.
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Caps, Géraldine. "La conservation de la Santé chez René Descartes (1596-1650) : une mise à distance des thérapies somatiques." Dix-septième siècle 245, no. 4 (2009): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dss.094.0735.
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Kochman, Kazimierz. "RENÉ DESCARTES (1596–1650) – FILOZOF, MATEMATYK I FIZJOLOG, PREKURSOR RACJONALIZMU, NOWOŻYTNEJ KULTURY UMYSŁOWEJ I NOWOCZESNEJ FIZJOLOGII EKSPERYMENTALNEJ." Forum Zakażeń 6, no. 3 (September 3, 2015): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15374/fz2014052.
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Gotchold, Agnieszka. "Koncepcje podmiotowości w filozofii kartezjańskiej i psychoanalizie lacanowskiej z perspektywy retorycznej." Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych 31 (2019): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2019.31.02.
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The paper discusses the question of human subjectivity as defined by René Descartes (1596-1650) and Jacques Lacan (1901-1981). It examines the similarities as well as differences between the selfconscious and rational Cartesian subject, and the unconscious Lacanian subject (subject as desire and subject as drive). Further, it applies these categories to the subsequent discussion on the psychotic subject. Taking a rhetorical perspective means that the Cartesian and Lacanian subjects are considered an effect of specific tropological processes, such as the mechanisms of metonymy, synecdoche, metaphor, or catachresis. As it turns out, an analysis of rhetorical tropes allows us to uncover the unconscious linguistic mechanisms governing the formation of the human subject. Despite the obvious differences between the concepts of subjectivity in Cartesian philosophy and Lacanian psychoanalysis, there is a common denominator: it is due to the process of metaphorical substitution that the human subject comes into being.
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Kosop, Roberto José Covaia, and José Edmilson de Souza-Lima. "A CERTEZA DE SI E O DESCOBRIMENTO DA ESSÊNCIA DO DIREITO: POR UMA PESQUISA JURÍDICA ALÉM DE DESCARTES." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 4, no. 1 (August 19, 2017): 889. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v4i1.8390.
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O presente artigo analisa as contribuições epistemológicas e metodológicas do filósofo e matemático René Descartes (1596 – 1650) ao campo jurídico, culminando na reflexão das limitações do método proposto por tal pensador e da necessidade de complementação da visão jurídica neste tocante. O caminho metodológico utilizado não pretendeu esgotar as obras do autor, ao passo que restringiu-se no “Discurso do Método”, apoiado pelas “Meditações Metafísicas”, para demonstrar como da teoria cartesiana é possível derivar preceitos fundantes do Direito, em especial, a percepção utilitária acerca do conhecimento e a emancipação por intermédio do entendimento do discurso. Desta forma, foi possível concluir que, não obstante o projeto colonizador de conquista do mundo objetivo que limita as fronteiras do campo jurídico, o pensamento de Descartes determinou o núcleo de percepção jurídica tanto epistemológica quanto metodologicamente para apropriação do ambiente físico. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Metodologia Jurídica; Racionalismo Inato; Método Cartesiano.
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Chan, Eleanor. "Beautiful Surfaces." Nuncius 31, no. 2 (2016): 251–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03102001.
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The assumption that the Cartesian bête-machine is the invention of René Descartes (1596–1650) is rarely contested. Close examination of Descartes’ texts proves that this is a concept founded not on the basis of his own writings, but a subsequent critical interpretation, which developed and began to dominate his work after his death. Descartes’ Treatise on Man, published posthumously in two rival editions, Florentius Schuyl’s Latin translation De Homine (1662), and Claude Clerselier’s Traité de l’ homme, has proved particularly problematic. The surviving manuscript copies of the Treatise on Man left no illustrations, leaving both editors the daunting task of producing a set of images to accompany and clarify the fragmented text. In this intriguing case, the images can be seen to have spoken louder than the text which they illustrated. This paper assesses Schuyl’s choice to represent Descartes’ Man in a highly stylized manner, without superimposing Clerselier’s intentions onto De Homine.
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Raffe, Alasdair. "Intellectual Change before the Enlightenment: Scotland, the Netherlands and the Reception of Cartesian Thought, 1650–1700." Scottish Historical Review 94, no. 1 (April 2015): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2015.0238.
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This article argues that intellectual historians' fascination with a narrative of the emerging Scottish enlightenment has led to a neglect of ideas that did not shape enlightenment culture. As a contribution to a less teleological intellectual history of Scotland, the article examines the reception of the philosophy of René Descartes (1596–1650). Cartesian thought enjoyed a brief period of popularity from the 1670s to the 1690s but appeared outdated by the mid-eighteenth century. Debates about Cartesianism illustrate the ways in which late seventeenth-century Scottish intellectual life was conditioned by the rivalry between presbyterians and episcopalians, and by fears that new philosophy would undermine christianity. Moreover, the reception of Cartesian thought exemplifies intellectual connections between Scotland and the Netherlands. Not only did Descartes' philosophy win its first supporters in the United Provinces, but the Dutch Republic also provided the arguments employed by the main Scottish critics of Cartesianism. In this period the Netherlands was both a source of philosophical innovation and of conservative reaction to intellectual change.
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Juhansar, Juhansar. "John Locke: The Construction of Knowledge in the Perspective of Philosophy." Jurnal Filsafat Indonesia 4, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jfi.v4i3.39214.
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Epistemology is one of three philosophical dichotomies that rises to two main isms to obtain knowledge: rationalism initiated by Rene Descartes (1596-1650) and empiricism initiated by John Lock (1632-1704). As an empiricist, Locke offers the tabula rasa theory to support his argument. Thus, this study aims to describe radically and comprehensively the concept of John Locke's thought from the perspective of epistemological philosophy. This aim is achieved by describing the background and principal works of John Lock on the philosophy of epistemology, including the main ideas, views, and reasoning of his empiricism through tabula rasa theory. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative in the field of philosophy. Data were collected through a literature study, then analyzed hermeneutically with two methodical elements: verstehen and interpret. First, this research shows that knowledge is principally obtained from sensory experience in which the mind is only passive. Second, the sensory experience is obtained objectively (primary quality) and subjectively (secondary quality). Third, external sensation and internal sensation obtained from sensory experience are built into simple ideas to complex ideas.
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AZAIZES, ALEXANDROS. "TRETMAN STRASTI U DEKARTOVOJ FILOZOFIJI MORALA." Arhe 20, no. 40 (April 3, 2024): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2023.40.193-219.
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Τhe article will examine the remedies proposed by René Descartes (1596-1650), in order to deal with unpleasant passions and their excesses, as highlighted in his last work, The Passions of the Soul (1649). In this work, Descartes attempts to reach the core of emotion and, with the help of physiology, to analyse it rationally. The aim of the French philosopher is deeply moral. The demand for a practical philosophy had occupied him since the Sixth Part of his emblematic Discourse on the Method (1637). In The Passions of the Soul this demand is satisfied. Our analysis shows that Descartes' ethics is one of action. Life requires decisions, regardless of their end result. With free will as the cornerstone of his ethical structure, Descartes will set up an educational system for regulating the passions. In dealing with this problem, Descartes opted for a «strategy of generosity». Generosity, the most important notion of Cartesian ethics and the primary remedy that Descartes suggests for useless desires, is a passion and turns into a virtue when passion becomes a habit.
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Rhoden, Cristiele, and Junior Cunha. "Francis Bacon e René Descartes: a fundamentação da ciência moderna." Revista DIAPHONÍA 6, no. 1 (November 26, 2020): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.48075/rd.v6i1.25062.
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A presente pesquisa tem a finalidade de apresentar os métodos epistemológicos de dois grandes nomes do desenvolvimento da ciência moderna, são eles: Francis Bacon (1561-1626) e René Descartes (1596-1650). O primeiro é considerado inventor do método experimental e fundador da ciência moderna, suas obras se caracterizam pela predominância da noção de que a ciência e a filosofia tinham a finalidade de dar ao homem o domínio da realidade. O segundo é responsável por aprimorar o método da dúvida que é por ele levado às últimas consequências seguindo um caminho rigoroso em busca de verdades que possam sustentar o desenvolvimento científico. O escopo de nosso texto, portanto, será centrado nas obras Novum Organum, do filósofo inglês, e nas Meditações, do filósofo francês. Bacon, em o Novum Organum, põe em evidência o aspecto limitado da ciência de sua época. Descartes, por sua vez, nas Meditações, relata a incerteza acerca dos princípios que sustentavam a ciência vigente em seu período. Nesse sentido, ambos se debruçam sobre a questão principal da modernidade: como conhecemos? Respondendo a tal questão, os filósofos em voga em nossa análise desenvolveram, cada um a seu modo, métodos pelos quais a investigação científica deve proceder.
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Tostões, Ana. "Where desire may live or how to love mass housing: from cold war to the revolution." ZARCH, no. 5 (December 31, 2015): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_zarch/zarch.201559114.
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The historiography of Modernity in architecture has seen quite a few additions in the last couple of decades. One is able to identify two main lines shifting this revision. First of all, the French philosopher Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) recently called for a new inventive faculty of ‘architectural difference’. Following the philosophical tradition to use the architectural model he recalled Descartes’s (1596- 1650) metaphor of the founding of a town and came to the point that “this foundation is in fact what is supposed to support the building, the architectonic construction, the town at the base”. The contri- bution of Derrida was, in fact, very important for questioning Modernity and Architecture as he had enlightened the importance of the ‘place’ considering that “each architectural place, each habitation has one precondition: that the building should be located on a path, at a crossroads at which arrival and departure are both possible”. In other words he pointed out that “the question of architecture is in fact that of the place, of the taking of place in space.” Finally Derrida considers that there may be an un- discovered way of thinking belonging to the architectural moment, to desire, to creation. Architecture must produce “places where desire can recognize itself, where it can live”.
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Bakhvalova, Olga Yu, and Alexey V. Tsyb. "From the H. More and R. Descartes Correspondence (1648–1649). More, Henry, The First Letter from H. More to R. Descartes. Scholia to the First Letter, Translated from Latin, Notes and Comments by O.Yu. Bakhvalova & A.V. Tsyb." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 1 (2023): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-1-136-150.
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The publication presents the first letter of the Cambridge School leader Henry More (1614–1687) to Rene Descartes (1596–1650), opening their short-term correspondence, which took place at the end of 1648–1649 and was interrupted due to the unexpected death of the French thinker in Sweden. The correspondence discusses the most important problems of physics and philosophy of the 17th century: the extension of substance, the main and secondary properties of substances, the understanding of space, emptiness and atoms, the limits of the divisibility of matter, the infinity of God and the world, and, finally, the recognition of the animateness of animals and the immortality of the soul. In this discussion, H. More starts from the Neoplatonic theory of the origin and the development of the world, which is based on the principle of emanation. Starting from this theophysical idea, More tries to adapt Descartes’ doctrine of two substances. The translation was made from the Latin original of the classical editions of C. Clerselier [Clerselier 1657] and C. Adam and P. Tannery [AT V]. H. More’s letter is translated into Russian and published for the first time. All four letters of the English participant in the correspondence are planned for publication.
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Krell, David Farrell. "Paradoxes of the Pineal: From Descartes to Georges Bataille." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 21 (March 1987): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135824610000357x.
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Behind the third ventricle of the human brain a miniscule pedunculate bud, close to the optic thalamus, that is, to the two beds of optic nerves, a gland soft in substance yet containing gritty particles. Function: unknown. Because of its pine-cone shape it is called the conarium or pineal body, even though the recent photographs of it by Nilsson and Lindberg show it to be morphologically reminiscent of nothing so much as the plucked tail of a gamebird, which Simon Dedalus refers to as ‘the pope's nose’. Today it is presumed to be an endocrine gland of some sort, even though there is no doubt that morphogenetically in all vertebrates it is a vestigial unpaired eye. As fossil evidence indicates—and we still find it almost fully developed in some extant amphibians—ancestral vertebrates possessed in addition to the paired bilateral eyes a solitary dorsal eye opening at the top of the skull to the sky. This singular evagination of the brain—something betwixt a visual organ and a gland—seems to hold a special fascination for philosophers. Here we shall consider two of them: René Descartes (1596–1650), the father, as we say, of modern philosophy; and Georges Bataille (1897–1962), the father, as many say, of post-modern philosophy. Three hundred years separate them. Devotion to the pineal body conjoins them.
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Krell, David Farrell. "Paradoxes of the Pineal: From Descartes to Georges Bataille." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 21 (March 1987): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00003576.
Full textAbstract:
Behind the third ventricle of the human brain a miniscule pedunculate bud, close to the optic thalamus, that is, to the two beds of optic nerves, a gland soft in substance yet containing gritty particles. Function: unknown. Because of its pine-cone shape it is called the conarium or pineal body, even though the recent photographs of it by Nilsson and Lindberg show it to be morphologically reminiscent of nothing so much as the plucked tail of a gamebird, which Simon Dedalus refers to as ‘the pope's nose’. Today it is presumed to be an endocrine gland of some sort, even though there is no doubt that morphogenetically in all vertebrates it is a vestigial unpaired eye. As fossil evidence indicates—and we still find it almost fully developed in some extant amphibians—ancestral vertebrates possessed in addition to the paired bilateral eyes a solitary dorsal eye opening at the top of the skull to the sky. This singular evagination of the brain—something betwixt a visual organ and a gland—seems to hold a special fascination for philosophers. Here we shall consider two of them: René Descartes (1596–1650), the father, as we say, of modern philosophy; and Georges Bataille (1897–1962), the father, as many say, of post-modern philosophy. Three hundred years separate them. Devotion to the pineal body conjoins them.
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Souza, Heluane Aparecida Lemos de, and Rosa Maria Feiteiro Cavalari. "Arte, política e educação ambiental: a contribuição do pensamento de Theodor Adorno." Comunicações 27, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15600/2238-121x/comunicacoes.v27n3p81-100.
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A relação sociedade-natureza decorre, principalmente, da concepção de natureza que construímos ou, como afirma Bornheim, do “modo como o homem torna a natureza presente” (1985, p.18). A partir de Descartes (1596-1650) e Bacon (1561-1626) o conhecimento científico passou a ter uma função intervencionista, tornando-se necessário conhecer a natureza para dominá-la. A esta perspectiva de conhecimento a “Teoria Crítica” elaborada pela Escola de Frankfurt se opõe radicalmente. Da mesma forma, afirmamos que a atual crise socioambiental não pode ser resolvida apenas por meio da ciência e da tecnologia, embora não possamos abrir mão de sua contribuição, mas torna-se, fundamentalmente, uma questão política (BORNHEIM, 1985). Neste sentido, compreendemos a Educação e a Arte, em uma perspectiva política, fundamentais para a transformação da realidade. A presente pesquisa, de abordagem qualitativa e natureza bibliográfica, tem como objetivo analisar a arte, na perspectiva de Theodor Adorno, bem como identificar possíveis contribuições para a Educação Ambiental. Compreendemos que, para Adorno, a arte é uma forma de conhecimento, que possibilita uma experiência estética, e uma práxis política. Enquanto forma de conhecimento, a arte é, dialeticamente, "mímese" e "racionalidade". Da mesma forma, é condição para o estabelecimento da “experiência estética da natureza”, que permite que esta seja compreendida como fenômeno e experienciada através da imagem. Por fim, a arte relaciona-se com a sociedade não apenas pela sua produção e origem de seu conteúdo mas, enquanto arte autônoma, ocupa posição antagônica à sociedade. A arte, tal como proposta por Adorno, nos possibilita aproximá-la da proposta de Carvalho (1989; 2006) para EA.
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Ostrowska, Urszula. "„Teraz […] już wiem, czego należy się wystrzegać i co czynić, by osiągnąć prawdę…”. Wokół Kartezjańskiej koncepcji cogito." Język. Religia. Tożsamość. 1, no. 23 (July 29, 2021): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0344.
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The desire to achieve unquestionable knowledge and experience in history with the history of events in all spheres of history from time immemorial. For every scientist, finding the truth is conditio sine qua non, a challenge and a duty. In the course of the history of human thought in its development tirelessly searched for the most effective ways of achieving a revealing one that meets scientific criteria. In the history of science so far, many concepts in this field arouse unique ones for various reasons. Reflection on the legacy of the French physicist and mathematician René Descartes (1596-1650), one of the most outstanding scholars of the 17th century and one of the most famous and effective philosophers in history, is an inspiring source of research, his works, the reading of which verbally motivates reflection and also to the endless endeavors of mankind in the pursuit of knowledge to the discovery of truth. By exposing the power of reason of reason as the axis, I made the thinking person, adopting the credo in the form of I think, therefore I am… as the first principle of philosophy. There are interesting interpretations of Descartes' sentences, which testify to a fairly strong tradition on a global scale. The assessment from the justification of the grounds to questioning Descartes' concept must be found that the undoubted merit of the philosopher is inspiring his contemporaries and successors with faith in the power of reason and motivating them to take actions that prove its power, including efforts to put them into practice.
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Aguiar, Joana D'arc. "Rene Descartes: A distinção da alma e do corpo." Cadernos Cajuína 2, no. 2 (April 23, 2017): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.52641/cadcaj.v2i2.143.
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<p>O presente ensaio representa uma contribuição com a reflexão no que a dúvida da alma e do corpo representa em sua imaginação. O objetivo não é exaurir o argumento sobre o tema, mas sim colocar a proposta de um debate que exponha a distinção da alma no corpo, pois envolve uma discussão que se entende a partir da obra de Descartes (1596-1650), <em>O</em> <em>discurso do método,</em> e assim pretende-se debater como se dá a semelhança e a diferença entre o corpo e a alma e suas aplicações filosóficas. De início, será investigado o que se entende’ por corpo e como ele é organizado, em seguida será exposto o que se entende por alma e também como é sua organização e assim será possível que possa haver uma relação ente o corpo e a alma respeitando as suas diferenças. Essa teoria não se preocupa em definir a complexidade da substância pensante ou extensa, mas muito mais em explicar como uma age sobre a outra. Como é possível que a alma, uma substância constituída de uma matéria e com contorno espaciais seja claramente delimitada? Segundo Descartes, a alma está vinculada com o corpo, o que é um erro comum de interpretações pouco aprofundadas o entendimento de que o corpo tem pensamentos e não que o eu (corpo e alma) é o próprio pensamento em sua manifestação. Segundo Descartes, na correspondência que relata nas <em>Meditações,</em> o intuito era primeiramente conceber a noções que apareciam somente na alma e que são distintas das que apreciam somente o corpo, eis um problema filosófico para entender como o filósofo respondeu.</p>
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Apostolopoulos, Dimitris G. "Για την τύχη του έργου του Johannes Leunclavius Juris Graeco-romani στην Ανατολή." Gleaner, no. 30 (January 3, 2024): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/er.36090.
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Sur le sort de l’oeuvre de Johannes Leunclavius Juris Graeco-romani en Orient. Le premier exemplaire de 1612
Le sort d’un livre imprimé rassemblant des textes en langue grecque, édité à Francfort en 1596, a déjà été évoqué dans des recherches scientifiques. L’æuvre de Johannes Leunclavius, Juris graeco-romani, tam canonici quam civilis, en deux volumes, contenant des textes de droit canon byzantin en version gréco-latine, a été utilisé en 1712 par le patriarcat de Constantinople pour une affaire du droit de la famille, comme on le savait déjà, et, presque à la même époque a été invoqué par un prêtre qui vivait dans le Péloponnèse, dans la ville de Mistra, afin de réaliser sa volonté de gravir les échelons de la hiérarchie. Le nouvel élément introduit par la présente étude tient à la redatation de l’époque d’apparition du livre en Orient : au lieu de 1712, il faut la placer en 1612. Un exemplaire de cet ouvrage, qui est conservé aujourd’hui dans la bibliothèque du monastère athonite de la Grande Lavra, provient de la bibliothèque de celui qui fut le patriarche de Constantinople au XVIIe siècle, du 21 juin 1662 au 21 octobre 1665. Ce patriarche, Dionysios III, a voulu léguer une partie de sa bibliothèque au monastère athonite. D’après les notes bibliographiques conservées dans le deuxième volume de l’ouvrage, on sait d’abord que Dionysios a acquis l’imprimé en 1650, avant même de devenir patriarche ; plus important encore, cet exemplaire a été acheté en 1612 en Pologne, à Lublin, par un marchand d’Épire Jean Simotas, afin de l’offrir au « seigneur » originaire de Chio, Michel Kavakos, habitant alors de Constantinople. En raison des relations étroites de Kavakos avec le patriarcat de Constantinople, on peut raisonnablement supposer que l’ouvrage a été connu par la chancellerie patriarcale, car quelques années plus tôt les traces d’un recueil légal similaire, celui qui a été appelé « Le ‘‘Nomimon’’ de la Grande Église » avaient été perdues. C’ est là une hypothèse de travail dont je pense qu’elle mérite d’être étudiée.
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Moreno Villanueva, José Antonio. "Jean-Antoine Nollet y la difusión del estudio de la electricidad : un nuevo léxico para una nueva ciencia." Documents pour l'histoire du français langue étrangère ou seconde 18, no. 1 (1996): 405–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/docum.1996.1172.
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Jean-Antoine Nollet et la diffusion de l’étude de l’électricité : un nouveau lexique pour une nouvelle science. Les études sur l'électricité et le magnétisme n'ont pas subi un développement considérable depuis les expériences de William Gilbert (1544-1603) avec la boussole et l'ambre jaune, si l'on excepte les contributions de René Descartes (1596-1650) et Otto von Guericke (1602-1686), inventeur de la machine électrique de globes de soufre génératrice d'électricité statique. Cependant, au début du XVIIIe siècle, différents scientifiques (Hauksbee, Grey y Wheler, Dufay, Musschenbroek...) ont commencé à développer en Europe un nombre important d’expériences, que serviront à jeter les bases du développement ultérieur de la science de l’électricité. Pourtant, les nouvelles de ces expériences et découvertes, ne sont connues que d’un secteur minoritaire de la communauté scientifique jusqu’à la publication des ouvrages de l’abbé Jean-Antoine Nollet (1700-1770), vrai divulgateur des études sur l’électricité non seulement en France mais dans toute l’Europe. Les scientifiques espagnols ne mirent pas longtemps non plus à se faire l’écho des expériences de Nollet - qui rivalisait à cette époque-là avec Franklin. Ses textes non seulement furent lus, mais encore ils furent bientôt traduits en espagnol : Vázquez y Morales traduisit, tout juste un an après sa parution, l'Essai sur l'électricité des corps (1746) qui devint le premier livre consacré à l’électricité publié en Espagne ; les Leçons de physique expérimentale - éditées en France huit fois - furent traduites dans notre langue en 1747 par Zacagnini ; finalement, la traduction des Lettres sur l'électricité par Antoni Juglà i Font fut lue pendant les séances de l’Académie Royale des Sciences Naturelles et des Arts de Barcelone. Mais la diffusion des textes de l’abbé Nollet dans la Péninsule n’eut pas seulement comme conséquence inmédiate la constitution de l’électricité en tant que nouvelle discipline d’étude. Par leur intermédiaire, la langue espagnole se renouvelle, de telle façon que celle-ci devra désormais ouvrir les portes à un nombre considérable de termes de création récente, les adoptant et les incorporant au lexique commun, tel qu’on peut l’observer dans différents répertoires lexicographiques. Une lecture attentive des oeuvres de J.-A. Nollet nous a permis de connaître et d’évaluer l’apport de celles-ci à la science et à la langue espagnole.
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Wiratih, Hernawati Retno. "WISATA KULINER SEBAGAI FENOMENA SOSIAL DAN KEKUATAN PERTUMBUHAN EKONOMI (Sebuah Studi Market)." FIRM Journal of Management Studies 5, no. 2 (September 4, 2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.33021/firm.v5i2.1117.
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<p><em>Humans</em><em> are unique creatures (Descartes, 1596-1650) humans are creatures who think (cogito); doubts about its existence the cogito ergo sum are answered which is building a relationship with their environment to develop themselves as human beingsm, wherever men have lived together there has been some group interest in food, traveling, and pleasure. This interest as group grows becomes more complex, and places in charged with the chance and challenge of feeding and offering is created. Human capital is not only a factor in economic growth, but also an effect of it or of developments generated by economic growth. The process of economic growth can explain much of the observed variation in the structure distribution among culinary foods as a social phenomenon. The global spread culinary industries produced benefit development of well-being in many areas. The contribution of culinary to economic well-being depends on the quality and revenues of the culinary that offer.</em><em> The trend of world community todays there is an interest increase of most of people, with their own reas</em><em>o</em><em>n</em><em>s</em><em>, they like to spend their time to the food court even a while. </em><em>Due to the result of research shows that with 180 respondents from any reasons we try to study (ages of group of respondents, gender, education, occupation, the living area,</em><em> </em><em>their r</em><em>elated Activities Culinary </em><em>for. Lunch and or dining out is growing form of half of informal form and leisure where meals are consumed not out of necessity but also</em><em> important sustainable positioning in ever more complex</em><em> for pleasure and to build a relationships, the occasion are part of the leisure experiences as much as the food itself as social-belonging, esteem, and self-actualization (Hierarchy of Needs, Maslow, 1954), and event cultural object. </em><em>In Sen’s capabilities approach which holds a person’s capability to have various functioning vectors and to enjoy the corresponding “well-being achievements” to the best indicator of welfare (Sen, 1985)</em> <em>means that</em> <em>culinary as social phenomenon growth amplifies the positive impacts of rotation economic and market production at the same time welfare too</em><em>. </em><em></em></p><p><strong>Key Words: Culinary,</strong><em> </em><strong>Leisure</strong><strong> and Esteem, </strong><strong>Self-Actualization, </strong><strong>Growth Economic. </strong><strong></strong></p>
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Pobojewska, Aldona. "Philosophy of nature and culture and its role in shaping Humankind’s attitude to nature." Hybris 23, no. 4 (December 30, 2013): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1689-4286.23.05.
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We live in an era of crises. One of them, the ecological crisis, arose from the fact that the human race plunders nature, destroying, among other things, the Earth’s biodiversity. In my paper I will show that the situation is rooted in a specific worldview. Moreover, I will interrogate the question of how we can deal with the problem.
Humankind’s attitude to themselves and to the world (including nature) is based on beliefs and values which make up an unquestioned prejudgment. Individuals absorb it in the process of socialization, as they assimilate the widely understood traditions of the social groups to which they belong. In the Western tradition in particular, our understanding of humanity’s situation in the world and its relation to nature, which we have had since modernity, found its clearest articulation in the views of René Descartes (1596–1650). I will begin by discussing the main characteristics of this position most pertinent to the main problem identified in the title.
Then I will discuss the consequences of Cartesianism for the worldview of modern man such as the radical rationalism and anthropocentrism inherent in the European attitude. In this tradition humanity is identified with subjectivity and intellectual cognition. Reality outside of human subjectivity, that is, the whole animate and inanimate nature, is treated as the object of knowledge. Nature should be explored in the spirit of modernity’s maxim “We can do as much as we know” (F. Bacon 1561-1626); it can be used to our purposes, to satisfy our growing needs. This is being done without scruple, precisely because nature is denied being the subject. It has no right to claim moral protection.
Today, in the era of globalization, this way of thinking, which originated in the West, has spread over the entire globe and led to the ongoing devastation of nature. We are dealing with an ecological disaster.
In the next step I will interrogate how this situation can be changed and what may be the role of philosophy in this cultural shift. Every vision of the world is a construct (the Cartesian vision being a very good example). What philosophy can do is offer a certain vision of reality, in which humanity has a friendly (symbiotic) attitude to nature and does not treat it merely as a means to their ends. Such ecophilosophy could be based on the thesis that subjectivity is the property not just of all human beings, but of all other beings as well. Such an idea can be found in the work of the German scientist and philosopher Jacob von Uexküll (1864-1944), who granted the status of the subject to every living being. He laid foundations to the concept of nature as “a community of subjects” comprising man and the entire animate world, thus breaking away from the Cartesian framework. I am going to outline briefly his position.
Finally, I will point out what needs to be done, if people are to change their attitude to nature. A good theory in and of itself will not suffice. It is necessary to instill ecological convictions and values in entire societies, so that these values would eventually come to seem obvious. We need to launch an extensive education campaign of both adults and—perhaps even more importantly—children. In other words, the comprehensive protection of nature can only be promoted through the nexus of ecophilosophy and education.
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Grootes, E. K. "Heydensche Afgoden, een Haarlems godencompendium uit 1646." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 102, no. 4 (1988): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501788x00483.
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AbstractAmong the books in the sale catalogue of Pieter Saeraredam's library (Note I) was a virtually forgotten work on pagan mythology, Hcydensche afgoden, belden, tcmpcls en offerhanden, published in Haarlem in 1646 (Note 2). This rare book crops up again in the 1893 catalogue of Frederik Muller's stock, but the only known example appears to be in the Royal Library in Brussels (Note 3). Among the Dutch sources on the subject, most of which continue the tradition of such Renaissance mythologists as Giraldi, Conti and Cartari, the Haarlem work appears to be the least known and most curious (Note 8). It was published anonymously, bul is dedicated to the author's teacher's, the Haarlem Classicist painters Pieter Fransz. de Grebber (Note 15) and Willem de Poorter. In the dedication the author declares that he felt the lack of descriptions in Dutch of pagan temples, altars and images during his apprenticeship and delermined to make it good later, despite his failure to become an artist. The book was inlended for 'Painters, Poets and others'. It consists of two volumes. The first sections are devoled to pagan religion in general, to the idols mentioned in the Old Testament and to each of the antique gods individually. The second, divided up into countries, offers a kind of information that is rather unusual in the 17th century. Not much is known about the pupils of the two painters mentioned (Notes 10, 11), but among the names we do have (certainly not a complete list) that of Pieter Casteleyn is of unusual interest. He certainly did not become a painter, for in 1645, lert years after the beginning of his apprenticeship to De Poorter, he is recorded as apprenticed to his father Vincent, a well-known Haarlem printer, who in fact printed Heydensche afgoden. Pieter Casteleyn became a member of the Haarlem booksellers' guild in 1649 and from 1650 onwards he was to puhlish the famous Hollandsche Mercurius. In 1649 he printed Pieter de Grebber's 'rules of art', possibly as his masterpiece (Note 14). He may have found some consolation for his failure as an artist in the publication of notes on the gods, which would certainly have been of interest to his teachers, and there would have been time enough to gather the material between 1635 and 1646. He belonged to a relatively well-to-do Mennonite milieu, there is evidence to suggest that he and his brother Vincent probably attended the Latin School and the inventory of his estate made in 1676 included no fewer than 43 paintings, mythological scenes among them (Note 19), none of which contrardicts the hypothesis. If Pieter Casteleyn was indeed the author of the book, there would be some excuse for its weakness, as a youthful work by someone who had not yet found his metier. The book is a mishmash of arbitrary information presented in a totally uncritical and often muddle-headed manner. Casteleyn took over much from the 1581 Frenh edition of Cartari, with the great difference that he was not interested in the meaning, but only in the externals of the images he describes. In the case of Fortuna, f or example, Casteleyn gives a completely arbitrary list of attributes, possibly taken from the illustrations in Cartari (Fig. I), including that of Nemesis (Fig. 2), whose 'measure' he may have wrongly construed as the 'telescope' he so strangely refers to. The illustrations in the book, ten small and rathe primitive woodcuts, are not related to those in the French edition of Cartari. Indeed, in the case of that of Janus (Fig.3), it seems that the artist did not know Cartari's illustration (Fig. 4), since the rod shown there has been transformed, through a linguistic mistake, into a bundle of twigs. As, for the other illustrations (Figs. 5-10), some are of subjects not illustrated in Cartari, while the last one is a rendering in reverse of the illustration of the 'Abgott Jodute' in the Sächsisch Chronicon of 1596 (Note 24). In the title-page print (Fig. 11 ), on the other hand, which may be by Casteleyn himself, the statue of Mercury in the left foreground is a direct borrowing from Carlari (Fig. 12). Whether the Heydenschc afgoden was of any practical use to artists or had any influence on Dutch art seems doubtful, but it did have ils roots in the artistic milieu in Haarlem and as such it remains a highly curious phenomenon.
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Willard, Thomas. "Richard Mackenney, Venice as the Polity of Mercy: Guilds, Confraternities, and the Social Order, c. 1250–c. 1650. Toronto Italian Studies. Toronto, Buffalo, and London: University of Toronto Press, 2019, xiii, 471." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 551–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.167.
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Shakespeare is well known to have set two of his plays in and around Venice: The Merchant of Venice (1596) and The Tragedy of Othello, the Moor of Venice (1603). The first is often remembered for its famous speech about “the quality of mercy,” delivered by the female lead Portia in the disguise of a legal scholar from the university town of Padua. The speech helps to spare the life of her new husband’s friend and financial backer against the claims of the Jewish moneylender Shylock. The play has raised questions for Shakespearean scholars about the choice of Venice as an open city where merchants of all nations and faiths would meet on the Rialto while the city’s Senate, composed of leading merchants, worked hard to keep it open to all and especially profitable for its merchants. Those who would like to learn more about the city’s development as a center of trade can learn much from Richard Mackenney’s new book.
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Plomp, Michiel. "'Een merkwaardige verzameling Teekeningen' door Leonaert Bramer." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 100, no. 2 (1986): 81–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501786x00458.
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AbstractA century ago the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam acquired a 19th-century album containing 56 rapid sketches in black chalk after 17th-century, mostly Dutch paintings (Note 1). The sketches, which are numberd, have the names of the painters wrillen on them in the artist's own hand. They were first published in 1895 (Note 2) by E. W. Moes, who concluded that they were by a Delft artist, and C. Hofstede de Groot, who convincingly attributed them to Leonaert Bramer (1596-1674) and identified two of the paintings in question. Since then various other paintings have been identified (Notes 5, 7, 8, 11 and 12), notably by A. Blankert, who has made his findings available for the present publication, and other drawings belonging to the series have been found, Frits Lugt leading the way here (Notes 9 and 10). The present study, the first to be undertaken in depth since 1895, has brought to light three more sketches after paintings by Bramer himself (cat. nos.9-11) and one probably after Wouwerman (cat. no.65), while seven more paintings have been identified and one of the sketches without a name has proved to be after a painting by Antonio Maria Viani. Two lists of the sketches so far found are given here: that of State I reproduces the original order, that of State II gives the artists in alphabetical order as they appear in the catalogue published here. These sketches are of exceptional documentary value, since they have not only given us the names of some previously unknown painters, such as M. de Berch, J. Garbaal, P. Monincx and A. Pick, but they have also revealed unexpected aspects of some well-known ones, e.g. a still life by P. van Groenewegen, a Dutch landscape by J.B. Weenix and a genre piece of a very Utrecht character by L. de Jongh. Moreover, the sketches afford a fine glimpse of collecting in Holland in the 17th century, a subject otherwise known uirtually only from non-visual documents. On the back of one of the drawings (cat. no.6) appears a list of the owners of the pictures sketched (Fig. I), possibly written by Bramer himself. This is reproduced here in an amplified version of Moes' transcription, with one completely new name yielded by the present study. The styles given in the list suggest that the men concerned appear in it in order of their social standing. The first, Simon Graswinckel (c.1611-71), was a member of a wealthy Delft family of brewers and regents. He owned a great deal of property in and around Delft, but is reported by his brothers-in-law to have spent his time in gaming-houses and taverns (Note 30). His will of 1663 is known, but no paintings are mentioned in it. The second man on the list was probably a Van Beresteijn, another family from the wealthy upper echelons of Delft society. His precise identity came to light in a roundabout way via the inventory of 28 February 1652 of Adriaen van Vredenburg, in which are listed a number of paintings that were very probably sketched by Bramer (Note 32), notably one of Jezebel, this mention and Bramer's sketch being virtually unique indications of this subject in Dutch 17th-century painting. Vredenburg does not appear in the list of owners of the paintings, but on his death his property went to his stepdaughter, whose guardian he had been and who married Theodorus van Beresteijn in November 1652. Antonie van Bronchorst is known only from the commission he gave Bramer in 1653 to painl frescoes in his house (Note 34), while Capitein van der Bon..., Nicolaas van der Werch and Johan Persijn have not yet been traced in the Delft archives. Willem de Langue (1599-1666), on the other hand, was a lawyer and a connoisseur of paintings unparalleled in Delft in the mid 17th century (Note 36). He himself made the inventories of the paintings in important estates and he numbered many artists among his clientele (Note 37). Portraits of him and his wife by Van Vliet are known (Note 38), while he also appears as an officer in a militia piece of 1648 by Jacob Willemsz Delff (Fig. 2). Abraham de Cooge (before 1600-after 1680) was the most versatile person in the list, being an engraver, painter, dealer in tulip bulbs, organs and paintings and pottery manufacturer (Note 39). He was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1632 and two paintings by him are known (Note 40). In 1646 Leonaerl Bramer made illustrations to the picaresque novel Lazarilo de Tormes for him (Note 17). In the 1650's De Cooge was increasingly involved in art-dealing and that on no small scale. He also had representatives in Antwerp, so was probably among the biggest art-dealers in the Northern Netherlands. Adam Pick (c. 1622-before 1666) enrolled in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1642 (Note 43) and was active in the town up to the early 1650's as a painter of landscapes, genre pieces and still lifes (Fig.3) and also as the keeper of the Toelast ( Wine Cask) inn. He probably moved to Leiden, where he is mentioned in 1654 as a vintner, in 1653, perhaps as a consequence of the death of his first wife in 1652, f or he certainly sold the inn that year. The inventory of their joint property drawn up in 1653 includes a list of paintings, which tally with nos.8(?) -98 in the State I list. Only one painting by Pick is known (Fig.3), plus the sketch by Bramer after another (cat. no.44). Reinier Jansz Vermeer (1591-1652, Note 46), the father of Johannes, started out as a silk weaver, but appears in 1629 as an innkeeper and in 1631 was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft as an art-dealer. From then on he came into frequent contact with local painters, Bramer included, but his dealing was probably only a sideline of his innkeeping. He died in October 1652. The last owner on the list is Bramer himself, who returned to Delft in 1628 after a lengthy period in France and Italy (1614-27, Note 49). He played a leading part in the Guild of St. Luke and was among the most successful painters in Delft around the middle of the 17th century. Later in life, however, he was often in financial difficulties (Note 50). He was one of the very few Dutch fresco painters (Note 51), as well as a painter of history and genre pieces and a prolific draughtsman and illustrator (Note 52), while just one document provides evidence of his dealing in paintirtgs (Note 54). The presence of works by Bramer himself among the sketches seems to rule out the theory that he made them as an aide mémoire for his own use (Note 15), while their very rapid character makes it unlikely that they were produced for one of the owners as an art-object. It also seems highly improbable that the collectors/owners would have wanted their collections of paintings sketched together in one book. The most acceptable suggestion appears to be that they were made in connection with a forthcoming sale of pictures, particularly as three of the owners listed were involved in art-dealing, while in the cases of Vermeer, Pick and Van Beresteijn there was every reason for paintings from their collections being sold around the end of 1652 or beginning of 1653: Vermeer's death left his family in dire financial straits, Pick will probably have sold his pictures (as he did his inn) before moving to Leiden and Van Beresteijn will probably have wanted to realize some money on his wife's inheritance. Thus the dates of Vermeer's burial in October 1652 and Pick's inventory of March 1653 would seem to provide crucial clues to the dating of the sketches, which were probably made in rapid succession, to judge from the unity of style, despite the great diversity of the models, and the straightforward consecutive numbering. Presumably the intention was to bring these pictures from Delft collections together for a sale (Note 18) and Bramer was commissioned to make sketches in advance (or even to make a certain selection, Note 19) possibly to give an idea of what was on offer to collectors or dealers elsewhere (which might explain the 'inking in' of the painters' names originally written in chalk on five of the drawings, cat. nos. 17, 35, 36, 47 and 64). Bramer made such chalk inscriptions on ten of the drawings (Note 20), probably while sketching them. Afterwards he inscribed and numbered all of them in ink (Note 5). Notes in another 17th-century hand appear on cat. nos.22 and 24. The sheets may all have been of the same size originally, but have since been cut down, often wholly or partly along the framing lines around the sketch. This may well have been done by Bramer himsef or the dealer he made them for. Just over half of them remained together and were stuck into the present album in the 19th century. There are no portraits among the sketches and only two stll lifes and two marine paintings, but eleven Italianate landscapes and 22 history paintings. Thus the subjects differ somewhat from the categories arrived at by Montiasfor mid 17th-century Delft from his study of inventories (Note 56). The preference for history pieces is probably to be explained by the high social standing of the owners. The majority of the pictures were very modern for that time and of the 41 artists, 28 were still alive in 1652-3 and eight of them were only 35 or younger. Bramer's material contradicts Montlas' conclusion that Delft collectors showed a preference for local painters (Note 58), whose work amounted to 40-50% of that listed in the inventories. Of Bramer's 41 painters, only thirteen were from Delft (Note 59) and only five are found in Montias' list of the most common painters in Delft inventories. Thus the pictures sketched by Bramer fall outside the 'normal Delft pattern' and evince a less provincial taste. However, the collectors were still not among the leading figures of their day in this field by comparison with, for example, Boudewijn de Man of Delft (Note 62), whose collection included works by Goltzius, Bloemaert, Rubens, Rembrandt and Ter Brugghen in 1644. The pictures sketched by Bramer were presumably to be brought together for public auction and the sketches may very probably have been made with an eye to the sale catalogue. While sale catalogues are known in the second half of the 17th century, they only relate to very important collections, which makes these sketches very unusual as a documentation of a sale of pictures from average well-to-do collectors and dealers. The collection of sketches as such certainly has no parallel at this period (Note 64).
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Le Floch-Prigent, Patrice Pierre, Stéphane Verdeille, and Alain Froment. "CT‐scan of the René Descartes (1596–1650) cranium." FASEB Journal 26, S1 (April 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1096/fasebj.26.1_supplement.907.14.
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Nogueira, Quéfren Weld Cardozo. "Descartes, Ócio e os Fundamentos de uma Ciência Admirável." LICERE - Revista do Programa de Pós-graduação Interdisciplinar em Estudos do Lazer 12, no. 3 (September 20, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.35699/1981-3171.2009.866.
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O presente trabalho é uma análise das considerações feitas pelo filósofo francês René Descartes (1596-1650) sobre o ócio e o lazer. A partir de investigações de trechos de sua obra, é debatido como tais elementos estão presentes na formulação de sua idéias sobre o método científico. Enfim, são feitas considerações sobre o lazer e a ciência na sociedade atual.
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"The mind-body Cartesian dualism and psychiatry." Body-mind interaction in psychiatry 20, no. 1 (March 2018): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.31887/dcns.2018.20.1/fthibaut.
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The French philosopher René Descartes (1596-1650) argued that the natures of mind and body are completely different from one another and that each could exist by itself. How can these two structures with different natures causally interact in order to give rise to a human being with voluntary bodily motions and sensations? Even today, the problem of mind-body causal interaction remains a matter of debate.
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Guedes, Guilherme Augusto, and Nelson Carvalho Neto. "Tradução: Dissertação sobre a liberdade (Étienne Bonnot de Condillac)." Revista do NESEF 5, no. 5 (August 29, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/nesef.v5i5.54789.
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É célebre o raciocínio “Penso, logo existo”, enunciado pelo filósofo francês René Descartes (1596-1650) na quarta parte de seu Discurso do Método, como sendo o primeiro princípio de sua Filosofia. Além de não podermos duvidar que o sujeito que pensa existe, para Descartes a mente humana é dotada de certas ideias, impressas por Deus, que lhes são inatas. Um dos primeiros a criticar a teoria do conhecimento e o inatismo cartesiano foi o filósofo inglês John Locke (1632-1704), porém, foi seu discípulo francês Étienne Bonnot de Condillac (1714-1780) quem esboçou as críticas mais radicais contra o sistema filosófico de Descartes.