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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Kohl, Tristan, Steven Brakman, and Harry Garretsen. "Do Trade Agreements Stimulate International Trade Differently? Evidence from 296 Trade Agreements." World Economy 39, no. 1 (June 29, 2015): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12272.

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2

Poot, Jacques, and Anna Strutt. "International Trade Agreements and International Migration." World Economy 33, no. 12 (December 2010): 1923–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2010.01299.x.

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3

Barbier, Edward B. "Biodiversity, trade and international agreements." Journal of Economic Studies 27, no. 1/2 (February 2000): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005310.

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4

Peacock, Claire, Karolina Milewicz, and Duncan Snidal. "Boilerplate in International Trade Agreements." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (August 27, 2019): 923–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz069.

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Abstract New international agreements often recycle language from previous agreements, using boilerplate solutions alongside customized provisions. The presence of boilerplate in international agreements has important implications for understanding how international rules are made. The determinants behind boilerplate in international agreements have not previously been systematically evaluated. Using original data from a sample of 348 preferential trade agreements (PTAs) adopted between 1989 and 2009, we combine novel text analysis measures with Latent Order Logistic (LOLOG) graph network techniques to assess the determinants behind boilerplate in labor and environmental provisions commonly found in PTAs. Our results indicate that whereas boilerplate can be used for both efficiency and distributive purposes, international boilerplate is used primarily for efficiency gains and power-distribution considerations are not systematically important.

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5

Martins, Filipe, Alberto A. Pinto, and Jorge P. Zubelli. "Welfare–Balanced International Trade Agreements." Mathematics 11, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math11010040.

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In this work, we consider a classic international trade model with two countries and one firm in each country. The game has two stages: in the first stage, the governments of each country use their welfare functions to choose their tariffs either: (a) competitively (Nash equilibrium) or (b) cooperatively (social optimum); in the second stage, firms competitively choose (Nash) their home and export quantities under Cournot-type competition conditions. In a previous publication we compared the competitive tariffs with the cooperative tariffs and we showed that the game is one of the two following types: (i) prisoner’s dilemma (when the competitive welfare outcome is dominated by the cooperative welfare outcome); or (ii) a lose–win dilemma (an asymmetric situation where only one of the countries is damaged in the cooperative welfare outcome, whereas the other is benefited). In both scenarios, their aggregate cooperative welfare is larger than the aggregate competitive welfare. The lack of coincidence of competitive and cooperative tariffs is one of the main difficulties in international trade calling for the establishment of trade agreements. In this work, we propose a welfare-balanced trade agreement where: (i) the countries implement their cooperative tariffs and so increase their aggregate welfare from the competitive to the cooperative outcome; (ii) they redistribute the aggregate cooperative welfare according to their relative competitive welfare shares. We analyse the impact of such trade agreement in the relative shares of relevant economic quantities such as the firm’s profits, consumer surplus, and custom revenue. This analysis allows the countries to add other conditions to the agreement to mitigate the effects of high changes in these relative shares. Finally, we introduce the trade agreement index measuring the gains in the aggregate welfare of the two countries. In general, we observe that when the gains are higher, the relative shares also exhibit higher changes. Hence, higher gains demand additional caution in the construction of the trade agreement to safeguard the interests of the countries.

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6

Yu, Zhihao. "Environmental Policy, International Agreements, and International Trade." Economic Journal 112, no. 483 (November 1, 2002): F605—F607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0297.t01-16-00083.

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7

Gombkötő, Nóra. "Effect of international trade relations on agri-food trade." Review on Agriculture and Rural Development 6, no. 1-2 (July 12, 2018): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/rard.2017.1-2.136-142.

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Nowadays, production of goods increases hugely all over the world, resulting an enormous increasing in international trade. Trade in industrial goods grows at a large rate due to trade liberalization, while agriculture is one of the most vulnerable sectors all over the world. However, barriers of agri-food trade were reduced or eliminated; there are still many obstacles to the totally free trade of agricultural products (e.g. restrictions, safeguards, bans, limitations, etc), especially in the European Union. Besides the WTO’s liberalization pressure and its multilateral negotiations, there are a lot of countries that have signed bilateral agreements. In this study, it was examined, what kind of bilateral agreements were entered into force by the EU and how was international agri-food trade influenced by these bilateral agreements as well as by restrict measures. For this, secondary data were analyzed by different statistical methods and the effect of trade measures was characterized by using this results. From the results it can be concluded that EU has preferred different agreements with the various country groups as well as EU has applied different kind of agreements in different eras. The EU’s average growth rate of food trade and average share of food trade is highly variable by partner countries. Bilateral agreements have not always caused trade growth between the two partner regions. The EU’s restrict measurements effect the EU’s foreign trade, because these restrictions are applied to meat products and these commodities are imported the less in the EU.

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8

HOLUBIEVA, Viktoriia О. "Classification of International Preferential and Regional Trade Agreements." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 3 (June 15, 2020): 828. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.3(49).16.

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The article is devoted to comprehensive generalization of features/characteristics of international trade agreements/treaties which introduce/fix certain trade advantages in the tariff and non-tariff spheres. The article identifies fifteen classification features/characteristics of the analyzed international agreements. The features are divided into groups: those simultaneously inherent in all/any mentioned international trade agreements/treaties; those inherent only in international economic integration agreements/treaties; those inherent just in preferential international trade agreements/treaties. Practical relevance: The classification gives an opportunity to suggest some definitions/terms, which take into consideration/involve some separated particulars, namely those of preferential trade agreements, international economic integration agreements, which also include regional trade agreements.

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9

Matsushita, Mitsuo. "Governance of International Trade under WTO Agreements—Relationships between WTO Agreements and Other Trade Agreements." Journal of World Trade 38, Issue 2 (April 1, 2004): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2004008.

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10

Campi, Mercedes, and Marco Dueñas. "Intellectual property rights, trade agreements, and international trade." Research Policy 48, no. 3 (April 2019): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.respol.2018.09.011.

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11

van Halm, Johan. "EBLIDA: Manifesto on international trade agreements." Information Services & Use 25, no. 2 (September 13, 2005): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/isu-2005-25206.

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12

Martínez-Zarzoso, Inmaculada, and Santiago Chelala. "Trade agreements and international technology transfer." Review of World Economics 157, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 631–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10290-021-00420-7.

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AbstractThis is the first paper that analyzes for a global sample of countries how trade agreements that include technology-related provisions impact exports of goods, and how this impact differs depending on the technology content of the goods. It includes estimations of a structural gravity model for a panel of 176 countries over the period 1995–2015. The model differentiates between provisions relating technology transfer, technical cooperation, research and development, and patents and intellectual property rights. It also estimates the differences in these effects depending on whether the trade flow in question is between countries with similar or different levels of development. The main results indicate that regional trade agreements (RTAs) that contain technology provisions generate a significantly higher volume of trade than RTAs that do not, after controlling for the depth of the RTAs. For countries that ratify RTAs that include such provisions, it is exports of technology-intensive goods that increase the most. Trade agreements including such provisions have a heterogeneous effect that varies by income level of the trading partners and depends on the extent to which the RTA incorporates other provisions.

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13

Shaffer, Ellen R., and Joseph E. Brenner. "International Trade Agreements: Hazards to Health?" International Journal of Health Services 34, no. 3 (July 2004): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/fb79-g25u-dwgk-c3qk.

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14

Higgott, Richard, and Gilbert R. Winham. "The Evolution of International Trade Agreements." International Journal 49, no. 3 (1994): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202966.

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15

Blyde, Juan, and Valeria Faggioni. "International supply chains and trade agreements." Applied Economics Letters 25, no. 17 (November 29, 2017): 1198–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2017.1409414.

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16

Beshkar, Mostafa. "Optimal remedies in international trade agreements." European Economic Review 54, no. 3 (April 2010): 455–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2009.08.004.

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17

Chesnokova, Tatyana, and Stephanie McWhinnie. "International Fisheries Access Agreements and Trade." Environmental and Resource Economics 74, no. 3 (August 24, 2019): 1207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10640-019-00365-4.

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18

Giorgi Bekauri, Giorgi Bekauri. "International Trade and Customs Formalities in Georgia." Economics 105, no. 11-12 (December 25, 2022): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/ecs105/11-12/2022-127.

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The World Trade Organization (WTO) regulates international trade in all directions. GATT and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have regulated international trade in the past, present and will regulate it in the future. However, the World Trade Organization (WTO) still does not ensure the full implementation of the decisions made in the Doha Round, which is why free trade agreements(FTA) are used to liberalize trade at the international level. International agreements and the World Trade Organization (WTO) statutes provide governments of countries with a number of market protection mechanisms. Georgia became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2000 and has signed many bilateral free trade agreements. The mentioned agreements together with the legislation of Georgia form the legal base of customs control. Key words: World Trade Organization (WTO), international trade, goods clearance procedures, customs control zone.

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19

Ando, Mitsuyo, Shujiro Urata, and Kenta Yamanouchi. "Do Japan’s Free Trade Agreements Increase Its International Trade?" Journal of Economic Integration 37, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2022.37.1.1.

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This study analyzes the impacts of free trade agreements (FTAs) on bilateral trade, focusing on Japan’s FTAs. In particular, we examined both static and dynamic effects at the aggregated and disaggregated levels, using two datasets between 1995 and 2016 for Japanese trade only and world trade. For the static analysis, we investigated the overall impacts and the effect of individual FTAs. Regarding dynamic analysis, we considered the time since their enactment. Our results indicate that the impacts are heterogeneous among Japan’s FTAs and products, with a trade creation effect for some FTA partners. Moreover, our findings reveal that the trade creation effect is probably overestimated when trade between the third countries is not considered. We also found a positive dynamic effect for some products. Such a dynamic effect may emerge due to a longer time for firms to understand FTAs and learn their use and the gradual tariff reduction for some products.

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20

Franco‐Bedoya, Sebastian, and Erik Frohm. "Reduced ‘Border effects’, Free Trade Agreements and international trade." World Economy 45, no. 4 (November 17, 2021): 1112–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.13211.

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21

Kurihara, Yutaka. "The Impact of Regional Trade Agreements on International Trade." Modern Economy 02, no. 05 (2011): 846–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/me.2011.25094.

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22

Baier, Scott L., and Jeffrey H. Bergstrand. "International Trade, Regional Free Trade Agreements, and Economic Development." Review of Development Economics 1, no. 2 (June 1997): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9361.00011.

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23

Foster, Neil, and Robert Stehrer. "Preferential trade agreements and the structure of international trade." Review of World Economics 147, no. 3 (March 13, 2011): 385–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10290-011-0093-y.

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24

Baier, Scott L., and Jeffrey H. Bergstrand. "Do free trade agreements actually increase members' international trade?" Journal of International Economics 71, no. 1 (March 2007): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2006.02.005.

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25

Lewis, Meredith Kolsky. "The Origins of Plurilateralism in International Trade Law." Journal of World Investment & Trade 20, no. 5 (October 28, 2019): 633–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340150.

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Abstract This article examines the historical experience with and understanding of plurilateral trade agreements throughout the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) to better contextualise assessments of the continued viability of the single undertaking and the recent resurgence of plurilateralism in international trade law. Plurilateral agreements have been playing a significant role in international trade relations for the past fifty years. As such, the current wave of plurilateral agreements does not represent a sea change in approach to trade liberalisation, but rather a continuation of a process that originated many decades ago. Further, while the WTO agreements are multilateral in that they apply to all members, they can also be seen as plurilateral in that not all WTO members have identical responsibilities under such agreements. The article concludes that plurilateralism and multilateralism have much in common, and hence may be mutually supportive rather than binary choices.

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26

Kawabata, Yasushi, Akihiko Yanase, and Hiroshi Kurata. "Vertical trade and free trade agreements." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 24, no. 4 (December 2010): 569–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2010.03.002.

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27

Smirnov, E., and S. Lukyanov. "International Political Economy of Preferential Trade Agreements." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 5 (2022): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-5-32-40.

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The change in the concept of globalization of the world economy has led to serious structural changes in the global governance of international trade, as well as in the theory and practice of organizing preferential trade agreements (PTAs) between countries. At all stages of economic globalization, the main motive for the creation of the PTS was the expansion of access to foreign markets. The period of slowbalization of the world economy after the global crisis of 2008–2009 led to a further increase in trade protectionism. The role of traditional determinants in the creation of PTAs is decreasing, while the lobbying activity of exporters – transnational companies – is becoming more significant, which leads to an increase in the unevenness of benefits received by participants in international exchange. The focus of the international political economy of the PTA is shifting from traditional tariff and non-tariff trade barriers to the study of the conditions for cross-border investment, rules for the protection of intellectual property, environmental issues, and production standards. The multidimensionality of trade policy at the present stage dictates the need to revise the preferences prevailing in international trade. Trade policy covers not only cross-border exchange, but also international production. Modern PTAs are an alternative design to the WTO multilateral trade regulation, which will simplify traditional international exchange procedures. In addition, in the PTAs, some aspects of competition rules that are poorly spelled out in the WTO may be especially significant, since the risks of collusion of firms in this case may already cover several jurisdictions. An important role in understanding the political and economic nature of PTAs is played by their “distributional” consequences, when the gains of different countries from participation in the PTAs becomes uneven, which is a serious challenge for real economic integration between countries. To develop new approaches to organizing PTAs requires a clear understanding of the new nature and scale of economic globalization. Therefore, in the coming years, we will face the transformation of the designs of the already created PTAs, taking into account the new challenges that have emerged in international trade.

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28

HUR, JUNG. "CONFLICTS AND DELAYS IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS." Singapore Economic Review 57, no. 02 (June 2012): 1250010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590812500105.

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Motivated by the current delay in WTO negotiations, we consider a model of a bilateral trade agreement in the presence of asymmetric cross-border externalities. In this model, we show that both countries conflict in their preferred set of policy agendas and thus have incentives to delay their negotiations. We also find that the extent of delay depends on the level of transfer between them. These results imply an importance of bilateral compensation scheme between developing and developed countries in the current WTO negotiations so as to reduce the delays.

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29

Brown, Andrew G., and Robert M. Stern. "Issues of Fairness in International Trade Agreements." Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 1, no. 1 (March 2007): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097380100600100101.

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30

Matsushita, Mitsuo. "Implementing International Trade Agreements in Domestic Jurisdictions." Journal of International Economic Law 19, no. 2 (May 13, 2016): 355–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgw020.

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31

Eichner, Thomas, and Rüdiger Pethig. "Self-enforcing environmental agreements and international trade." Journal of Public Economics 102 (June 2013): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.03.006.

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32

Hester, Susan B. "THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL TEXTILE TRADE AGREEMENTS." International Marketing Review 4, no. 1 (January 1987): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb008321.

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33

Higgott, Richard. "Review: International Politics: The Evolution of International Trade Agreements." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 49, no. 3 (September 1994): 691–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209404900315.

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34

Zimmer, Reingard. "International Framework Agreements." International Organizations Law Review 17, no. 1 (April 18, 2020): 178–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01701008.

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When the negative outcome of globalization in the 1990s was becoming more visible and transnational companies were heavily criticized, the first global union federations started to negotiate transnational agreements with transnational companies to counter unilateral codes of conduct which had been proclaimed at that time. Today there are more than 140 international framework agreements (‘IFAs’) with the aim of ensuring social standards are at place, some dedicated to specific topics. These agreements developed and now often contain specific provisions on implementation and monitoring, sometimes including complaint and dispute resolution mechanisms. Some of these IFAs provide local trade unions with specific rights like access to the premises or neutrality in case of unionizing campaigns. Thriving examples are the Indonesian Freedom of Association Protocol and the Bangladesh Accord, which contain detailed provisions, as will be analyzed below. This development may be described as the beginning of transnational collective bargaining.

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35

Deprez, Sophie. "The Strategic Vision behind Vietnam's International Trade Integration." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 2 (August 2018): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700201.

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This paper evaluates the positioning of Vietnam in international trade. It addresses the key question of how Vietnam uses its participation in international trade agreements as a tool to ensure and advance national interest and security through increased economic power. The paper first examines how Vietnam participates in the international integration of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), and then looks at the importance for Vietnam to be outward-looking; that is, to participate in trade agreements outside the South-East Asian region. Finally, I examine how reforms required under international trade agreements push Vietnam into domestic economic reforms. My conclusion is that the political elite of Vietnam has identified trade, export-oriented growth and international economic integration as international policy preferences and has used international trade integration as a strategic instrument to maximise these national priorities within the regional and international trade system. Therefore, Vietnam has a very strategic view on international trade integration and uses it as an instrument to ensure its national interest and security through increased economic power. Through careful selection of trade agreements, Vietnam aims to position itself in a strategically advantageous position vis-à-vis other economies of the AEC, to ensure continued economic growth through preferential access to key markets and to push through some of the more difficult and sensitive domestic economic reforms, using its commitments under external trade agreements as a lock-in mechanism.

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36

SALAMATOV, V. Y. "MEGA-REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 9 (2016): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-9-17-27.

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37

Sopranzetti, Silvia. "Overlapping free trade agreements and international trade: A network approach." World Economy 41, no. 6 (December 28, 2017): 1549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12599.

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38

Gray, Julia, and Jeffrey Kucik. "Leadership Turnover and the Durability of International Trade Commitments." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (March 27, 2017): 1941–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695330.

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Under what conditions do states uphold their formal trade commitments? While recent work focuses on the formation and design of trade agreements, we know comparatively little about the durability of agreements over time. We argue that government turnover undermines states’ commitments to liberalization, even if they have already signed an international agreement meant to constrain their behavior. We test this argument using data on realized trade in the presence of around 300 preferential trade agreements (PTAs) since 1970. Even in the presence of an international agreement, ideological turnover is associated with increased political barriers to trade, especially when the shift is toward left-wing leaders. These findings have important implications for our understanding of international cooperation: If new leaders do not adhere to their predecessors’ commitments, international agreements may not have lasting economic consequences.

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39

Altemöller, Frank. "Bilateralism and Unilateralism: The Future of International Trade Relations?" Global Trade and Customs Journal 13, Issue 2 (February 1, 2018): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2018009.

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The most recent developments in international trade relations are characterized by a marked increase in free trade agreements – in particular bilateral agreements – whereas the development of the World Trade System, on the other hand, is in virtual stasis. Free trade agreements forge consolidated areas of economic integration that open up a multitude of strategic options for stakeholders. This raises fundamental questions: What are the structural incentives that trade agreements, in particular bilateral strategies, open up – and are they superior, for example, to those offered by a multilateral approach? This article offers differentiated responses to these questions and concludes with a look at what the future holds for the changing shape and reorganization of international trade policy. Within this context, the article also examines the WTO decision making practice relating to unilateral action, and also focuses on the especially topical issue of ‘border tax adjustments’.

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40

Birnbaum, David. "Have international trade agreements been good for your health?" International Journal of Health Governance 21, no. 2 (June 6, 2016): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhg-03-2016-0015.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to review the literature concerning impact on public health of the dispute resolution system in international trade agreements. Its purpose is to alert readers about controversial aspects of ISDS in these international agreements, aspects that are well-documented in publications likely unfamiliar to most public health professionals. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes the form of a narrative review. Findings – While trade agreements offer potential economic benefits overall, the history thus far regarding impact on public health is worrisome. It is not difficult to find examples that deter public health from achieving important health protection regulation. Practical implications – There are over 3,000 existing international trade agreements with more on the horizon. New proposed agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership increase the number of countries involved; inconsistencies and lack of adequate transparency puts much at stake. Originality/value – It is doubtful that the global public health communities, including both public health agencies and academic public health institutions, have sufficiently been involved as stakeholders in past and pending trade agreements.

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41

Amilien, Caroline. "Conflicting international policies in tropical timber trade." Environmental Conservation 23, no. 1 (March 1996): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900038224.

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SummaryTrade in tropical timber, while a minor cause of deforestation in the tropics, can be a substantial factor in promoting forest degradation and deforestation. International organizations and conferences increasingly recognize that adverse environmental effects of international trade can be reduced through regulations and economic incentives. Three international agreements, the GATT, the CITES, and the ITTA, now affect the tropical timber trade and are here reviewed. Adopted at different times, they illustrate different philosophies, pursue different objectives, and develop contradictory trade policy perspectives. Legal conflicts among these agreements reduce their effectiveness, and mitigate a global objective of making international trade in tropical timber more responsive to environmental issues. Harmonization among the GATT, the CITES, and the ITTA, and collaboration among organizations in charge of managing these agreements, should be reinforced in order to establish a coherent and uniform policy for tropical timber trade.

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42

Bailey, Michael A., Judith Goldstein, and Barry R. Weingast. "The Institutional Roots of American Trade Policy: Politics, Coalitions, and International Trade." World Politics 49, no. 3 (April 1997): 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1997.0007.

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The 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA) changed the structure of the making of U.S. trade policy and made possible a dramatic reduction in tariffs. The authors demonstrate that the key institutional innovation in the RTAA was its mandate to lower tariffs through reciprocal agreements with foreign nations. The expansion of exports under the RTAA enhanced political support for increasingly lower U.S. tariffs. Evidence that export interests were positively associated with congressional votes for free trade supports this view.

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43

Maggi, Giovanni, and Ralph Ossa. "The Political Economy of Deep Integration." Annual Review of Economics 13, no. 1 (August 5, 2021): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-121020-032425.

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Modern trade agreements no longer emphasize basic trade liberalization but instead focus on international policy coordination in a much broader sense. In this review we introduce the emerging literature on the political economy of such deep integration agreements. We organize our discussion around three main points. First, the political conflict surrounding trade agreements is moving beyond the classic antagonism of exporter interests who gain from trade and import-competing interests who lose from trade. Second, there is a more intense popular backlash against deep integration agreements than there was against shallow integration agreements. Finally, the welfare economics of trade agreements has become more complex, in the sense that the goal of achieving freer trade is no longer sufficient as a guide to evaluating the efficiency of international agreements.

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44

Lilly, Meredith B. "Advancing labour mobility in trade agreements." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 18, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-06-2018-0025.

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Purpose Labour mobility is increasingly recognized as an important component of a globalized international trading system. This paper aims to examine the role of temporary entry commitments in international trade agreements toward facilitating global labour mobility. Design/methodology/approach This paper traces three decades of temporary entry provisions in international trade agreements signed by the USA and Canada, beginning with their bilateral Canada–US Free Trade Agreement and culminating in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Findings The paper finds that while many countries have continued to liberalize their temporary entry commitments in various trade agreements, the USA has reversed course in the previous decade, hampering international progress. Meanwhile, Canada has pursued ever greater labour mobility provisions with most of its trading partners. Practical implications The unique roles played by the USA, Canada and other trading partners in advancing a coherent international labour mobility agenda are considered. To continue to advance labour mobility in trade agreements moving forward, policy alternatives to the “all” or “nothing” approaches pursued by Canada and the USA are suggested. Originality/value To the author’s knowledge, this paper is the first to formally evaluate labour mobility in the TPP and the only paper to outline the evolution of temporary entry in the US vs Canadian trade agreements over three decades.

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45

Arzu Jabbarov, Rahman. "INTERNATIONAL DOUBLE TAXATION: DSOUBLE TAXATION AGREEMENTS (DTA)." SCIENTIFIC WORK 65, no. 04 (April 23, 2021): 328–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/65/328-332.

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As a result, present taxation, avoidance of double taxation and Double Taxation Agreements (DTA) are important elements of international trade relations. All states are interested in harmonizing tax systems to expand trade and other ties with each other. Thus, importance of double taxation agreements (DTA), structure of these treaties nneds to be resarched and stuidied in that article. Key words: taxation, history of double taxation, avoidance of double taxation, double taxation agreements, mechanics of double tax avoidance

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Maggi, Giovanni. "The Role of Multilateral Institutions in International Trade Cooperation." American Economic Review 89, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.1.190.

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The World Trade Organization (WTO) lacks the power to directly enforce agreements. It is therefore important to understand what role the WTO can play to facilitate international cooperation, and whether a multilateral institution can offer distinct advantages over a web of bilateral agreements. This paper examines two potential benefits of a multilateral trade institution: first, verifying violations of the agreements and informing third parties, thus facilitating multilateral reputation mechanisms; second, promoting multilateral trade negotiations rather than a web of bilateral negotiations. The model suggests that a multilateral approach is particularly important when there are strong imbalances in bilateral trading relationships. (JEL F13)

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Leblond, Patrick, and Crina Viju-Miljusevic. "Article 8 - CETA as the EU’s First Third-Generation Trade Agreement: Does It Act Like One?" Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 27 (December 21, 2022): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.4496.

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The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union (EU) has been hailed as the trend-setter for third-generation trade agreements, which focus predominantly on beyond-the-border impediments to international trade (e.g., rules and regulations) than at-the-border barriers (e.g., tariffs). CETA formed the basis for subsequent EU trade agreements, which are a key element of the EU’s trade policy. It also provided inspiration for third-generation trade agreements outside the EU. The big question for trade policy, in the EU and beyond, is whether third-generation trade agreements achieve their intended objectives with respect to beyond-the-border obstacles to trade. In other words, are they effective instruments in liberalizing international trade? After all, facilitating trade through regulatory and administrative cooperation is much more difficult than eliminating or lowering tariffs on imported goods. Having been in force (provisionally) for five years, CETA offers the best case to study the effectiveness of third-generation trade agreements.

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Morgenstern, Scott, Arturo Borja Tamayo, Philippe Faucher, and Daniel Nielson. "Scope and Trade Agreements." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070096.

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Abstract.With a focus on NAFTA, we offer an alternative model of trade negotiations that explains why the dominant partner is able to force concessions only on some issues. Key to our model is the concept ofscope. The environment side agreement excited wide swaths of society; thus, scope was high and international power asymmetries appear to explain the result. Power asymmetries seemed unimportant, however, when bargaining over issues that affected small portions of society, such as individual tariff levels. Finally, in issues of medium scope, such as the rules of origin for the textile industry, power asymmetries and elements of traditional bargaining models likely account for the negotiated outcomes.Résumé.Ce texte explique pourquoi, au cours de la négociation d'une entente commerciale, le pays dominant n'a pas en général intérêt à imposer ses préférences aux pays partenaires. Le concept de “ scope ” (ou de portée) sert à distinguer entre les différents enjeux d'une négociation. La négociation du traité de l'ALENA sert ici de cadre pour l'application de notre proposition. Parce que d'importants secteurs de la société jugeaient prioritaires les enjeux soulevés par l'accord parallèle sur la coopération dans le domaine de l'environnement, l'issue des discussions a été imposée au plus haut niveau par les dirigeants américains. En revanche, les taux tarifaires appliqués aux différents produits ne concernent chacun que des groupes restreints. Sur ces enjeux, les rapports de puissance ne jouent pas. Enfin, ce n'est que sur les enjeux intermédiaires, tels que les règles d'origine pour l'industrie textile, que les processus familiers de négociations internationales rendent compte de la réalité de façon satisfaisante.

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Hayakawa, Kazunobu, Fukunari Kimura, and Kaoru Nabeshima. "Nonconventional Provisions in Regional Trade Agreements: Do They Enhance International Trade?" Journal of Applied Economics 17, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1514-0326(14)60005-2.

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Martínez-Zarzoso, Inmaculada, and Santiago Chelala. "Correction to: Trade agreements and international technology transfer." Review of World Economics 157, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10290-021-00427-0.

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