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Nguyen, Duc Bao. "Essays on regional trade agreements and international trade." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0203/document.
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Cette thèse s’inscrit dans le contexte de prolifération des accords commerciaux régionaux (ACR) et traite des effets des ACR sur le commerce international. Nous visons à mieux comprendre et à apporter des points de vue nouveaux sur le rôle des ACR et du régionalisme en général en tant qu’élément important de la politique commerciale international aujourd’hui. Dans le premier chapitre, nous revisitons les effets ex post des ACR sur le commerce des pays membres et le commerce extrabloc en adoptant une approche empirique. Nous cherchons à déterminer la manière dont les blocs commerciaux régionaux affectent le commerce non seulement entre pays membres mais aussi entre pays membres et pays extérieurs à l’accord. Notre analyse confirme que les ACR augmentent de manière significative le commerce intra-bloc ; néanmoins, dans de nombreux cas, les ACR impliquent des effets de détournement d’échanges qui sont préjudiciables au reste du monde. Le chapitre deux examine de quelle manière la période de mise en œuvre de l’accord et les niveaux de développement des pays membres déterminent, en dynamique, l’effet des ACR sur le commerce international. Nous obtenons des tendances distinctes des effets ex post de l’ACR sur le commerce entre les accords Nord-Nord, Sud-Sud et Nord-Sud. Nous vérifions empiriquement que les ACR conclus par des partenaires commerciaux ayant un statut de développement économique analogue (les accords Nord-Nord ou Sud-Sud) sont susceptibles d’engendrer une augmentation plus forte du commerce des membres pendant une période de mise en œuvre plus courte. Le chapitre trois porte sur la manière dont les interactions entre ACR et développement financier influencent les flux d'échanges entre partenaires commerciaux. Dans ce travail conjoint avec Anne-Gaël Vaubourg, nous montrons que le développement financier (particulièrement sous sa forme intermédiée) encourage les échanges commerciaux mais que cet effet est atténué dès lors que les partenaires commerciaux ont signé un ACRThe subject of this dissertation focuses on the analysis of different aspects of the relationship between regional trade agreements (RTAs) and the multilateral trading system. We aim to provide a fresh understanding and views of the role of RTAs and regionalism in general as an important feature of international trade policy today. In chapter one we revisit the ex post effects of RTAs on member countries’ trade and extrabloc trade by adopting an empirical approach. We explore how regional trading blocs have influenced trade among members as well as trade with nonmembers. Our analysis confirms the widespread trade-enhancing effects of RTAs on member countries’ trade; however, in many cases, they lead to trade diversion effects that are detrimental to the rest of the world. Chapter two takes a closer look at how the implementation period of trade liberalization and partners’ levels of development affect the RTA dynamic effects on trade over time. We obtain distinct patterns of ex post RTA effects on trade across North-North RTAs, South-South RTAs and North-South RTAs. We empirically validate that RTAs formed by trading partners experiencing similar economic development status (North-North RTAs or South-South RTAs) are likely to lead to a larger increase in members’ trade during a shorter implementation period. Chapter three studies the mechanism through which RTAs impact the effect of financial development on trade flows between exporting and importing countries. In this joint work with Anne-Gaël Vaubourg, we show that the trade-enhancing role of financial development in the exporting country—especially through intermediated finance—is mitigated when there is an RTA between this country and its trading partner
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Kersten, Larissa C. S. K. "Food security and Preferential Trade Agreements." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22837/.
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Different disciplinary lenses condition the views on whether trade is generally seen as an opportunity for or threat to food security. Until now there is no consensus on the (empirical) impact in the literature. First, I analyse the impact of PTAs on food security across 93 low and middle income countries for 1990-2014. To take into account some of the multifaceted heterogeneity across PTAs, a distinction is made between Regional and Bilateral Trade Agreements (RTAs and BTAs, respectively) as these are designed differently in the light of food policy. Findings indicate that having a PTA in force, in contrast to having none, is associated with better food security outcomes. However, an increase in the number of BTAs, which are more competitive, is negatively, and an increase in the number of RTAs, which are more cooperative, is positively associated with food security outcomes in low and middle income countries. Second, I look into how RTAs and food security are associated across the three sub-regions of Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and South East Asia. To take into account heterogeneity across the RTAs I operationalise provisions on food security and related provisions in the agreement texts. I first test the impact of the aggregate provisions on food security for 67 low and middle income countries which are member of at least one of the RTAs in the three sub-regions, 1990-2014. Results indicate that the more food security related provisions a country has across its RTAs, the better it is a for food security outcomes. Then I test whether the state of food security affects the design of a RTA. Estimates indicate that the more severe the state of food insecurity within a country, the more food security related provisions the country has across its RTAs. In conclusion, RTAs are potentially an opportunity for food security - and the more food security and related concepts are addressed in the agreement text, the greater the opportunity. In contrast, BTAs are potentially a threat to food security.
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Woodroffe, Louis St Elmo. "International trade agreements and trade policy issues : essays on Barbados." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12519/.
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The objective of this study is to examine a series of trade policy issues related to Barbados' participation in multilateral, hemispheric and regional trade agreements. The three trade policy issues examined are (1) WTO Agreements and the trade policy preferences of firms, (2) preferential trade agreements and the export performance of firms, and (3) the selection of sensitive sectors to be excluded from free trade under international trade agreements. The first essay investigates support of manufacturers in Barbados for WTO rules. Based on the results of a trade policy survey, the study revealed that in general, there is support for multilateral trade rules. OLS and ordered probit regression found that there is evidence that export performance, competitiveness perceptions, and to a lesser extent external association, influence firms to support liberalisation. Capacity under-utilisation, and surprisingly diversification, lower firm's support for liberalisation. The second study examines the importance of preferential trade agreements to the export performance of firms in Barbados. The trade policy survey found that 91% of exporting firms, and 80% of exports benefit from trade preferences. OLS and tobit regression show that factor endowments, economies of scale and technology are important in fashioning export performance. The analysis also show that while trade preferences and external association have a positive impact on export performance, wage costs and protection in both local and foreign markets have a negative impact. The third essay examines the factors influencing the sensitivity of sectors and their exclusion from free trade under the provisions of hemispheric trade agreements. OLS and probit regression analysis suggest that maintenance of the status quo, adjustment costs minimisation, and considerations about fair trade influenced the selection process. Overall, the findings of the studies support theoretical and empirical work in the respective areas, thereby indicating that similar models developed within the context of industrial economies, are applicable in large measure to developing and small developing economies. In terms of policy implications, the studies pointed to the need for government to focus more on international trade competitiveness strategies in order to fully benefit from the opportunities offered by international trade agreements.
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Liu, Yu-Tsyr 1971. "Regional trade agreements and GATT article XXIV." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20989.
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This thesis examines the wave of regionalism currently being experienced in international trade, which is manifested by the proliferation of free trade areas and customs unions, regional trade agreements (RTAs). This thesis attempts to determine whether regionalism is welfare-enhancing and is liberalising the global economy as envisioned by GATT Article XXIV. The answer is: not necessarily.Chapter One briefly discusses the principle of non-discrimination and provides a general account of the recent development of RTAs. Chapter Two examines the economic and political-economic aspects of RTAs, while Chapter Three examines their legal aspects. To put the two chapters into perspective, a case study of the North American Free Trade Agreement is conducted in Chapter Four. Chapter Five suggests that the global economy should revert its attention back to the multilateral trading system and/or RTAs should incorporate "open regionalism" into their framework to effectively counter the diversionary problems they cause. In closing, Chapter Five introduces the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, which is the only regional trading arrangement that is openly pursuing "open regionalism" and "multilateralism", as a model for all RTAs and as a bridge between regionalism and multilateralism.
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Powers, Kathy Leniece. "International institutions, trade and conflict : African regional trade agreements from 1950-1992." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1283185178.
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Chilton, Adam Stuart. "Essays on the Influence of International Agreements." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10978.
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Since World War II, states have negotiated a staggering number of bilateral and multilateral international agreements. Despite that fact, scholars of international relations and international law have only recently begun to take the idea that these agreements can have important influences on domestic policies and international affairs seriously. This dissertation is comprised of five essays that all try to do exactly that, and hopefully in the process, help improve our understanding of the influence of bilateral and multilateral international agreements on state behavior. The first three essays examine compliance with the laws of war and international human rights treaties. Chapter 2 shows that prior ratification of treaties on the laws of war is a strong predictor that a country will be less likely to kill civilians during intrastate wars, and suggest that there may be a causal relationship between ratification and lower levels of mass violence against civilians for transitioning democracies. Chapter 3 conducts a randomized survey experiment to test whether information on the status of international law changes public opinion on violations of the laws of war, and produces results showing that international law does change public opinion—especially when the other side has committed to following the laws of war. Chapter 4 uses a randomized experiment to test the theory that domestic politics drives compliance with human rights treaties, and demonstrates that whether the United States has previously ratified international human rights treaties has the potential to change public opinion on purely domestic policies. The final two essays examine the United States’ policies in two areas of international economic law. Chapter 5 (with Rachel Brewster) explores the United States’ compliance with adverse WTO decisions, and argues that the largest determinant of if, and when, America complies is whether Congress is required to act to provide the remedy. Finally, Chapter 6 uses a range of evidence to argue that the United States’ Bilateral Investment Treaty program has not been primarily motivated by a desire to provide protections for American investors abroad, but instead it has been a tool to improve relationships with developing states.Government
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Bordoy, Marcó Catalina. "Innovation, imitation and trade agreements: fims decisions in international." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/4034.
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Al, Khourdajie Alaa. "International climate change agreements and linkages with trade policies." Thesis, University of Bath, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.725397.
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In an n-country intra-industry trade model we study the formation and stability of various designs of climate change agreements in the context of international trade. In the first paper we introduce two new features to the literature. Firstly, firms produce a horizontally differentiated good, i.e. the same good but in different varieties where each firm produces one unique variety. Secondly, consumers can have various degrees of taste for the varieties of this good. Our results in this paper show that if consumers have a low taste for variety (TFV) agreement formation fails. Only with a sufficiently high TFV, strategic interaction among governments is sufficiently mitigated such that small agreements are stable. In the second paper we analyse the effects of instrumenting climate change agreements with a trade policy called border tax adjustment (BTA) in order to assess its ability of mitigating the free riding incentives. Our results show that when varieties do not matter to consumers, BTAs lead to a global agreement on climate change if coalition membership is open to all countries. If membership is exclusive, then fewer countries form an agreement and do not allow other countries to join. When consumers have high TFV, large, but not global, agreements are stable. In the third paper we analyse the case where governments have to deal with two issues: climate change and trade. We examine coalition formation and stability under three scenarios where governments are either cooperating on one issue only or on both issues at the same time. Our results show that whenever governments cooperate on trade, either individually or with climate change, the grand coalition is always stable. More interestingly, we find that when governments cooperate on climate change only the grand coalition is also stable. However, this holds only when varieties are perfect substitutes.
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Houston-McMillan, Jason. "An argument for more plurilateral agreements and their value for developing countries: stemming the tide of preferential trade agreements, post-Doha." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/25315.
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The latest round of multilateral trade negotiations at the WTO, the Doha Round, is deadlocked, and it is unlikely that any further significant rule-making progress will be made there. The system's faltering has resulted in an unprecedented move towards preferential trade agreements between WTO Members as alternative negotiating platforms. The result is an ever-expanding divergence of the global trading system, which gives rise to added complexity and wider discrimination than would follow from alternatives - specifically the increased use of plurilateral agreements. Preferential agreements, particularly worryingly, may also have serious consequences for developing and least-developed countries in particular. This paper argues that, in light of the stalling of the Doha Round, greater effort should be made by WTO Members to pursue plurilateral agreements in specific policy areas and to move towards a system incorporating more 'variable geometry' which will result in progress in existing areas which have seen little movement since the Doha Round began. Given the recent proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements and their potential negative effects on rule-making and the WTO, and on developing countries, it is vital that alternatives are explored in order to promote adaptability which would result in a more effective and relevant WTO.
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Wu, Mingge. "Essays on interaction of multilateral environmental agreements and international trade." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/52287.
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This thesis studies the interaction between the environmental regulations/ agreements and international trade. I investigate and verify pollution haven hypothesis with panel regression with industries and country level data. The pollution haven hypothesis states that stringent environmental policies may drive the dirty industries to the countries with less stringent regulations. This paper verifies the pollution haven hypothesis from three aspects. Imports will increase for European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS) members for dirty industries while exports decrease. Both the inward and outward foreign direct investments of dirty industries decrease for EU ETS countries. In the last chapter, I consider all types of multilateral environmental agreements and show that the presences of multilateral environmental agreements decrease countries total trade volume.
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Awinador-Kanyirige, Darkowa. "Effects of the Economic Partnership Agreements on Regional Integration in Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/28099.
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After gaining independence, African states embraced the idea of regional integration as an approach to boost economic development on the continent. This was evident in the new regional organizations that were predominantly generated among developing states in the southern hemisphere. Majority of these organizations, e.g. Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC), have continuously been striving to deepen social, political and most importantly economic integration and cooperation in Africa. In an attempt to further the regional integration agenda, there have been quite a number of colonial cross-border arrangements with EU. Assessed based on conventional integration theories by scholars like Ernst B. Haas, the prerequisites for effective regional economic integration in Africa, appear to be less successful, juxtaposed with the more developed and economically independent European Union. Although regional organizations like ECOWAS and SADC have managed to establish free trade areas (FTAs), they have failed to attain their agenda of establishing customs unions. Agendas of this kind among other things, are pertinent to consolidating the regional integration process. Even though several issues may be identified as causes of the inefficiency of the integration scheme on the continent, this paper explores the effect of north south trade agreements, in this case the economic partnership agreements (EPAs), on regional integration processes in Africa.
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Smith, James Patrick. "Non-Economic Motivations for Joining Regional Trade Agreements." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/488.
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Thesis advisor: David DeeseThe proliferation of regional trade agreements is a well-documented phenomena. This thesis focuses on the relatively unexplored area of non-economic motivations states may have for joining regional trade agreements. It uses the formation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the negotiation of the European Community's Single European Act as case studies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Chukujama, F. N. "Economic analysis of the determinants of international trade arrangements: the case for counter-trade agreements." Thesis, University of Reading, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235355.
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Omalu, Mirian Kene. "Compliance with, implementation and effectiveness of international investment agreements - NAFTA and ECT." Thesis, University of Dundee, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365418.
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Pelc, Krzysztof J. "The cost of wiggle-room on the use of flexibility in international trade agreements /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/463166578/viewonline.
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Schram, Ashley. "International Trade and Investment Agreements and Health: The Role of Transnational Corporations and International Investment Law." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35231.
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Addressing complex global health challenges, including the burden of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), will require change in sectors outside of traditional public health. Contemporary regional trade and investment agreements (RTAs) like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) continue to move further ‘behind-the-border’ into domestic policy space introducing new challenges in the regulation of health risk factors. This dissertation aimed to clarify the pathways through which RTAs influence NCDs, and to explore points along those pathways with the intent of improving the existing evidence base and supporting policy development. This work develops a critical theoretical framework exploring the ideas, institutions, and interests behind trade and investment policy; it also develops a conceptual framework specifying how trade and investment treaty provisions influence NCD rates through the effects of trade and investment on tobacco, alcohol, and ultra-processed food and beverage products, as well as access to medicines and the social determinants of health. Using health impact assessment methodology, three analytical components were designed to examine pathways of influence from RTAs to health outcomes as mediated by the interests of transnational corporations (TNCs). The first component explored the influence of industry during the TPP negotiations and how its health-related interests were reflected in the final TPP text. The second component examined the role of trade and investment liberalisation in health-harmful commodity markets, finding a rise in TNC sales after a period of liberalisation. The third component demonstrated how investor rights and investor-state dispute can challenge the state’s right to regulate if it damages the profits of TNCs, which may threaten effective health regulation, and provides opportunities to strengthen the right to regulate. The work in this dissertation provides support for the thesis that trade and investment policies are a fundamental structural determinant of health and well-being, which are highly influenced by TNCs that guide such policies in the interest of maximising their profits and protections, often to the detriment of public policy and population health. This work identifies the need for more robust health impact assessments of RTAs before future agreements are ratified, as well as an imperative to challenge vested interests that entrench neoliberal policy preferences that have hindered sustainable and equitable development.
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Onder, Harun. "Structure of International Cooperation in Trade, Investment and Environment." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/240.
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This dissertation analyzes the obstacles against further cooperation in international economic relations. The first essay explains the gradual nature of trade liberalization. I show that existence of asymmetric information between governments provides a sufficient reason for gradualism to exist. Governments prefer starting small to reduce the cost of partner’s betrayal when there is sufficient degree of information asymmetry regarding the partner’s type. Learning about partner’s incentive structure enhances expectations, encouraging governments to increase their current level of cooperation. Specifically, the uninformed government’s subjective belief for the trading partner being good is improved as the partner acts cooperatively. This updated belief, in turn, lowers the subjective probability of future betrayal, enabling further progress in cooperation. The second essay analyzes the relationship between two countries facing two policy dilemmas in an environment with two way goods and capital flows. When issues are independent and countries are symmetric, signing separate agreements for tariffs (Free Trade Agreements-FTA) and for taxes (Tax Treaties-TT) provides the identical level of enforcement as signing a linked agreement. However, linkage can still improve the joint welfare by transferring the slack enforcement power in a case of asymmetric issues or countries. I report non-results in two cases where the policy issues are interconnected due to technological spillover effect of FDI. Moreover, I show that linking the agreements actually reduces enforcement when agreements are linked under a limited punishment rule and policy variables are strategic substitutes. The third essay investigates the welfare/enforcement consequences of linking trade and environmental agreements. In the standard literature, linking the agreements generate non-trivial results only when there is structural relation between the issues. I focus on institutional design of the linkage and show that even if environmental aspects of international trade are negligible linking the agreements might still have some interesting welfare implications under current GATT Rules. Specifically, when traded goods are substitutes in consumption, linking the environmental agreement with trade agreement under the Withdrawal of Equivalent Concession Rule (Article XXVIII) will reduce the enforcement. However, enforcement in environmental issue increases when the same rule is implemented in the absence of linkage.
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Rothe, Holly M. "Preferential Trade Agreements and Globalization: The Impact of a Common Foundation." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/471.
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Thesis advisor: Robert MurphyGiven the increasing proliferation of preferential trade agreements, this work seeks to investigate the economic, political, and cultural relationships that may be built from the common foundation of a trade agreement. It evaluates the experiences of the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement and makes predictions and suggestions for future preferential trading partners, as well as analyzing the potential impact that PTAs will have on globalization and international relations
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Lanoszka, Anna. "The World Trade Organization (WTO) and the accession process testing the implementation of the multilateral trade agreements /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ66634.pdf.
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Peacock, Claire. "Symbolic regulation : human rights provisions in preferential trade agreements." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:75c35b2d-c40e-4366-a7d0-188615137ccc.
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While the multilateral trading system views human and labour rights issues as outside of its remit, states increasingly incorporate regulation in these areas into their bilateral reciprocal preferential trade agreements, "HR-PTAs. This dissertation investigates the emergence of HR-PTAs, testing alternative explanations derived from conventional "public interest" and "private interest" theories of regulation against a new theory of "symbolic regulation." According to the public interest theory of regulation, regulation is motivated by benevolent legislators' commitment to correcting market or social problems. The private interest theory of regulation instead views regulation as the result of private interest groups capturing the regulatory apparatus in order to regulate in their own self-interest. Unlike its counterparts, the symbolic theory of regulation suggests that regulation may also be created for the primary purpose of reassuring regulatory advocates that their demands have been heard, rather than to regulate a given issue area. This dissertation argues that for the states behind them, HR-PTAs are primarily a symbolic form of regulation. Legislators create HR-PTAs to appease domestic human and labour rights organizations, while defending their trade interests through the non-enforcement of their provisions. Using longitudinal network analysis to analyse original data from 415 preferential trade agreements in force from 1989 to 2009, paired with case study evidence from the EU, US, and Canada, this dissertation finds support for the symbolic regulation explanation of HR-PTAs. It shows that a state's commitment to HR-PTAs depends less on the public interest or the desires of private interest groups than on its need to accommodate human and labour rights advocates. Symbolic regulation however should not be dismissed. It sets precedents, creates policy space, facilitates softer forms of cooperation, and can fuel political accountability politics. When this occurs, states may use HR-PTAs or other forms of symbolic regulation to achieve their seeming purpose.
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Becker, Sam. "Leveraging Trade Agreements to Reduce Greenhouse Gas Emissions in Accordance with the Paris Agreement." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2154.
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Climate change is the most obvious and pressing impairment of the biological, physical, and chemical systems. To help mitigate this unprecedented problem, I present heads of state, policymakers, and members of civil society with a set of new provisions that they can include in their trade agreements to drive emissions reduction from countries inside and outside of their trade agreements, maintain their ability to compete in an increasingly globalized world, and comply with international trading rules. Ultimately, I seek to demonstrate the untapped potential for leveraging trade agreements to reduce emissions in the midst of an international system that lacks concerted climate action. In light of humanity’s inadequate efforts to address the immense threats posed by a changing climate, decentralized efforts, such as these, are increasingly essential to reduce emissions.
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Hoeffken, Jana Ulrike. "Competition provisions in EU regional trade agreements : consequences for domestic reform in developing countries." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3588/.
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Political economy research has long argued that regional trade agreements (RTAs) can contribute to domestic reform in developing countries. With the increase in scope and depth of regional trade agreements and the increasingly common practice of including new policy areas like competition policy in RTAs, this argument has gained new traction. However, despite the increased scholarly interest, there is still little knowledge about whether and how provisions in RTAs affect domestic change. This thesis contributes to this line of research by analysing how competition provisions in regional trade agreements between the European Union and Southern countries impact on the development of the Southern competition regimes. By combining different theories and research approaches on how regional trade agreements impact domestic reform, the analytical framework provides a detailed account on the type of change that takes place, the mechanisms through which change occurs, and the different types of actors that participate in this process. The research relies on two case studies: the EU-Morocco Association Agreement on the one hand, and the EU-Cariforum Economic Partnership Agreement on the other. The thesis finds that competition provisions in regional trade agreements were relevant in both cases for the development of competition regimes. However, the findings also suggest that the influence of the competition provisions is contingent on two other factors: the surrounding environment in which the regional trade agreement is embedded, and the presence of domestic actors that are willing to promote reform. The fact that the competition provisions in the EU-Morocco trade agreement were embedded in the European Neighbourhood Policy and, importantly, that a follow-up regional trade agreement with the European Union was envisaged for the future, implied that the EU had a stronger leverage to demand change from the Moroccan government. Moreover, in both Morocco and Cariforum, the interest of governments in advancing competition policy reform was limited. Therefore, domestic actors other than the government played a key role in ensuring that the competition provisions had an impact on the development of the respective competition regimes. In sum, the thesis makes an important theoretical and empirical contribution to the literature. First, it empirically adds to the literature that looks at the consequences of competition provisions in regional trade agreements by making in-depths analyses of two trade agreements. Second, it develops the literature on the impact of regional trade agreements on domestic reform by explaining how competition provisions can have an impact on domestic reform, even in situations when the government is not interested. Finally, it also contributes to the literature by showing the importance of serial trade agreements for domestic reform, an aspect that has previously been overlooked.
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Mutai, Henry Kibet. "The regulation of regional trade agreements : harnessing the energy of regionalism to power a new era in multilateral trade /." Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/529.
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This thesis examines the regulation of regionalism by the WTO and the formation and operation of regional trade agreements by developing countries. In particular, this work focuses on regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The aim of the thesis is to assess the effectiveness of the relevant legal regimes and determine ways in which they can be made more effective, both in terms of their impact on state conduct and in terms of their impact on the economic welfare of the states concerned. The thesis argues that, with regard to the WTO legal regime, the exemption from the application of Article XXIV, GATT 1994 given to developing countries by the Enabling Clause has contributed to the lack of effectiveness of the WTO regime. For developing countries, on the other hand, the Enabling Clause has deprived them of the legal discipline required to establish effective free trade areas and customs unions. This latter argument is examined through a case study of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The thesis contends that for COMESA countries to engage in meaningful trade liberalisation, and to participate fully in the WTO, acceptance of greater legal discipline is critical. Such legal discipline can be obtained through compliance with Article XXIV.
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Pillay, Subramaniam Sithambaram. "Performance of the world tin industry : effects of the international tin agreements, 1956-85." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30631.
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The thesis presents an analysis of the influence of the international tin agreements (ITA) on the world tin industry between 1956 to 1985. The ITAs, the first of which came into effect in 1956, were jointly operated by tin producing and consuming countries. The International Tin Council (ITC) used a buffer stock and export controls to maintain the price of tin within a band. This experiment in stabilizing tin prices ended in October 1985, when the ITC was unable to continue its operations because it ran out of financial resources.
The study first analyzes the market structure of the world tin industry in some detail. Then an econometric model which attempts to capture the behaviour of supply, demand and price of tin over the 30 year period is constructed. Particular attention was paid to the estimation of the tin production functions for major tin producing countries. In many of these countries, the output of the tin depended not only on the price of tin but also on the policies of the ITC as well as the internal political environment of the country. The model is then used to simulate a scenario in which the ITC does not intervene in the tin market. The differences in the price and revenue levels between the actual and simulated scenario are computed. The simulation results show that the tin agreements succeeded in their objective of reducing the variability of price and producers' revenue. In addition, the average level of price and revenues under the ITC regime was higher than under the non-intervention scenario. In evaluating policy options, it was shown that the establishment of a cartel is not viable in the long term for both economic and political reasons. The recommended policy options include improving access to futures markets, providing better transparency of tin market operations, the establishment of government policies which provide better incentives for tin mining and tin using industries in the major tin producing countries and continued efforts in research and development with the aim of lowering costs of production and increasing the uses for tin.Business, Sauder School of
Graduate
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Bartels, Lorand. "Human rights conditionality in the EU's international agreements /." Oxford [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/490848184.pdf.
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Paraschiv, Mihai. "THREE ESSAYS ON EXPORT CONCENTRATION, INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL AGREEMENTS, AND THE CARBON CONTENT OF TRADE." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/economics_etds/25.
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A common finding in the international trade literature is that economic integration leads to export diversification. By documenting a positive link between joining the European Economic and Monetary Union and bilateral export concentration, the leading essay shows that this is not always the case. Using a panel data approach, I find that exports between the Eurozone members are on average more concentrated than those among countries which do not share the euro. Central to this outcome is that some economic integration agreements, such as the European Economic and Monetary Union, may lead to a drop in not only trade but horizontal FDI costs as well. Theoretically, the results can be explained by the substitutability between exporting and horizontal FDI within a two-sector, two-firm type model which allows for sectoral trade cost heterogeneity.
Since the early 1970s, a series of international environmental agreements (IEAs) were signed, ratified, and enforced throughout the developed and developing nations. Regarding IEAs as potential barriers to trade, the second essay seeks to quantify their impact on industry-level exports by using a gravity regression approach. I proceed by classifying industries into dirty and clean based on their average emission intensities and find that the ratification of IEAs is associated with a significant reduction in export flows. The decrease is more pronounced for industries which are classified as dirty or for those which are characterized by high emission intensities per unit of output. Additionally, climate change IEAs bring about a compositional shift towards cleaner exports. Lastly, climate change and acid rain IEAs are found to engender leakage effects. No such evidence is recovered for ozone depletion accords.
The third essay adds to the literature on the Kyoto protocol and the carbon content of bilateral trade. It does so by analyzing the effect of ratifying the Kyoto protocol on exports, the carbon dioxide (CO2) intensity of exports, and the CO2 emissions embodied in exports within a novel dataset of 149 countries. For parties that took on binding emission caps, the ratification of Kyoto protocol leads to (i) lower CO2 emissions embodied in exports, (ii) lower CO2 emission intensities, but (iii) higher overall exports. For the same group of countries, a year-by-year analysis underlines a permanent decline in both the CO2 emission intensity and the CO2 content of their exports. Furthermore, the analysis also points out to a short-run decline in exports. In the long run, however, exports are estimated to recover. Also, the commitment type or whether a party was designated as a transition economy at the time of ratification are found to shape the above three outcomes.
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Hakweenda, Lydia. "Invocation of international trade agreements by private parties before domestic courts : a Namibian perspective." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20075.
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This dissertation discusses research undertaken on the topic of whether private parties have locus standi to invoke international trade agreements through Namibian courts. The study investigates how effective domestic courts are in adjudicating on matters pertaining to international trade law in Namibia and within other jurisdictions such as regional economic communities. There are two main objectives for this dissertation. Firstly, the capacity of Namibian courts to adjudicate on matters involving international trade law will be assessed. Secondly, the domestic courts' provision of effective redress to private parties in the event of violations of international trade agreements by Member States (in the absence of regional tribunals that grant private parties legal standing alongside Member States) will be assessed. The research has revealed that since Namibia became independent in 1990, there has been very little research undertaken on the effectiveness of the Namibian courts in adjudicating on disputes relating to international trade law. Human rights matters, on the other hand, have come before local courts. These cases will be examined but the different nature of trade issues has to be recognized. This study has further revealed that although Namibia and other States in Southern Africa grant locus standi to private parties to invoke international trade agreements before domestic courts, the adjudication by domestic courts of such issues depends on the constitutional structure of the States involved. The study identified the advantages and disadvantages in allowing domestic courts to play an active role in matters of international trade law. In dealing with the challenges associated with domestic courts adjudicating on such matters, regional and global issues have to be taken into account. This type of jurisprudence is still in its infancy.
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Serwadda, Muhsin. "An Assessment of the application of the Sanitary and phytosanitary agreement of the WTO and its impact on International Trade: A Sub-Saharan perspective." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5280_1255011225.
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A lot of work has been done regart=ding the SPS agreement and its impact on iternational trade, though not so connclusive. The study, however, is going to deal specifically with an impact of the SPS agreement to the SSA countries, by analysing the balance beween protection of human, animal and plant life or health on the one hand and promotion of international trade in this region.
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Kayonde, Susan. "Towards an International Standard on government procurement in the WTO: Assessing the role of RTAs in entrenching the principles of the WTOs agreement on government procurement in developing countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5482_1256911225.
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Government procurement is a very important aspect of international tradeas it can either promote or inhibit trade depending on laws and policies of a country. The study is confined to issues pertaining to the role of RTAs in establishing government procurement standards that resemble or conform to those of the GPA in developing countries. The study used Africa as a case study by evaluating selected RTAs that have been signed focussing on RTAs such as the procurementinitiativeof the Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA) and US-Morocco Free Trade Agreement. The major objectives of the study were to examine the role of the existing international regulatory instruments towards the harmonisation of global standards on government procurement. The reserach aimed at analysing the role of the WTOs GPA as a possible global standard for government procurement and to investigate reasons of limited membership by developing countries.
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Nyambe, Jacob Mulele. "Evaluating two international agreements for consistency with GATT/WTO rules a methodological study with regard to EU/RSA trade, development and cooperation agreement and southern African development community agreements /." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02272006-114743.
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Abebe, Opeyemi Temitope. "Regional trade agreements and its impact on the multilateral trading system: eroding the preferences of developing countries?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The purpose of this paper was to examine the impact that the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the Multilateral Trading System and whether by allowing regional trade agreements under the World Trade Organization rules, the members of the World Trade Organization have not unwittingly weakened the multilateral trading system. It also examined the effect the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the special and deferential treatment for developing countries within the system.
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Warren, Benjamin C. "The impact of international trade agreements on health : patent system harmonization and medicines in Mexico." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42110.
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Patent system harmonization obligations found within international trade agreements have been subject to intense scrutiny over the past two decades due to the potential negative implications for public health in developing countries. In 1994, NAFTA became the first trade agreement to include patent system harmonization obligations. Mexico as a signatory to NAFTA was the first developing country to adopt the patent system of developed countries via patent system harmonization. This makes Mexico a particularly relevant case study on the subject. The central research question addressed in this dissertation is: Does NAFTA patent system harmonization promote access to medicines in Mexico, while incentivizing pharmaceutical R&D? This dissertation undertakes a comparative legal analysis, a scoping study, and qualitative stakeholder analysis to address the central research question. Evidence is provided that compulsory licensing as a safeguard is inadequate as a downstream measure in the promotion of access. A key finding is that international trade agreements should be drafted with optimal pharmaceutical patent protection standards in mind. Further, patent system harmonization results in a net health benefit that can be maximized through the provision of feedback evidence to decision-makers in order to develop responsive laws and policy. This dissertation proposes that: if we reform the granting of patent terms from a fixed twenty year life period to a flexible and adjustable term determined through an assessment of health and economic conditions that exist during any given time period, we will improve both global equity in access to medicines and reduce economic inefficiencies in our current model for pharmaceutical R&D, while maintaining adequate incentives to conduct pharmaceutical R&D. The proposed reform is akin to the use of interest rates as an economic growth and stabilization tool in monetary policy. It would require government patent offices to analyze global conditions in pharmaceutical access and R&D, and accordingly adjust the number of years of patent protection awarded. This novel contribution to the academic literature informs Canadian, Mexican, and developing country decision makers on how to design appropriate policy for the benefit of public health.
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Nyirongo, Raisa. "The role of law in deepening regional integration in Southern Africa - a comparative analysis of SADC and COMESA." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/25481.
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Regional integration is not a new phenomenon in Africa. It can be traced back to the creation of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) in 1917, which was the world's first customs union. Upon gaining independence, states formed the Organization of African Unity (OAU). At that time, Heads of States viewed regional integration as a protectionist measure against colonialism and as a way of forming a self-sustaining continent. However, the additional challenges facing Africa over time prompted various initiatives by Heads of States which were aimed at deepening integration on the continent. Notable actions include the signing of the Abuja Treaty, which established the African Economic Community (AEC), and the replacement of the OAU by the African Union (AU). Further, the continent experienced an increase in the number of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and there are now fourteen RECs. Despite the steps taken to further integration, the success of such regional integration on the continent has been minimal and Africa has become even more marginalized on the global market. This lack in progression can be attributed to challenges such as inadequate resources, overlapping memberships in multiple RECs and duplicated programmes and efforts. Another challenge that is not readily recognized is the lack of attention to the role of law in economic integration. RECs have largely focused on the economic and political aspects of regional integration but have given minimal attention to the necessity of a strong legal foundation. RECs develop community law and these laws should be enforceable within Member States. However, due to the weak legal systems of RECs in Africa that do not make community law supreme, enforceability of this law has proven challenging. Comparatively, other RECs such as the European Union, have achieved deeper levels of integration and this can partly be attributed to the strong legal systems that have been developed. It is on the basis of this challenge that this study is conducted. The study aims to provide an in-depth analysis of the weaknesses of existing legal systems of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The study further analyses the manner in which other RECs, such as the European Union and the Economic Community of West African States, have successfully integrated through law, with the aim of identifying solutions for the existing weaknesses in Southern Africa.
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Arrieta, Gabriel. "New Protectionism? : The role of Free Trade Agreements in Latin America." Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92718.
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After the accession of Donald Trump as president of the United States, the recent protectionist trade environment is guarantee that the American trade policy could affect Latin American countries, due to the importance of United States as trading partner. These policies would not only affect Latin American countries, but also their main trading partners as China, that could respond with other protectionist policies, which could lead to the beginning of a domino effect, where the biggest loser could be Latin America. Taking into account the current international context, in this article it will be making policy recommendations on Free Trade Agreement issues aimed to reducing the possible impacts of American trade policies in Latin American countries (especially, considering the recent United States’ withdraw from the Trans-Pacific Partnership deal).Dado el reciente ambiente comercial proteccionista suscitado tras el ingreso de Donald Trump como presidente de Estados Unidos, se presenta una gran posibilidad de que las políticas comerciales que se puedan aplicar en Estados Unidos repercutan sobre los países de América Latina, dada la importancia de Estados Unidos como socio comercial. Estas políticas no solo afectarían a los países latinoamericanos, sino también a sus principales socios comerciales (i.e. China), los cuales podrían responder con mayores políticas proteccionistas; esto podría llevar al inicio de un efecto dominó donde el gran perdedor sea América Latina. Por tal motivo, tomando en cuenta el actual contexto internacional, se buscará, en el presente artículo, realizar recomendaciones de políticas en temas de Acuerdos de Libre Comercio, orientadas a reducir los posibles impactos de las políticas comerciales norteamericanas en la región de América Latina (especialmente considerando la reciente salida del Trans-Pacific Partnership).
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Jones, Emily. "The weak vs. the strong : African, Caribbean and Pacific countries negotiating free trade agreements with the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10e39b93-ab7c-4160-af54-de39959486ca.
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This thesis seeks to explain the outcomes of trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and seventy-six of the world’s smallest developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Puzzlingly, in spite of its vastly greater economic size, the EU was, for the main, unable to realise its objective of concluding six broad and deep free trade agreements with these countries. Deploying first historical institutional analysis then statistical modelling and finally by scrutinising a wealth of primary documents and transcripts of interviews with negotiators, the thesis reveals three factors that influenced outcomes. First, coercive pressure applied by the EU on countries dependent on EU for trade preferences and aid. Second, tactics within the negotiating process, with some ACP countries and regions manoeuvring more effectively than others. Third, differences in the underlying preferences of ACP governments, with most opposing major aspects of the EU’s proposals, but a minority embracing the EPA approach. Probing the underlying reasons, the thesis finds that, contrary to the prevailing literature, lobbying by domestic economic interest groups only provides part of the answer – the analytical and ideational processes within ACP government institutions also exerted an influence. The analysis shows that structural factors, particularly the depth of economic and political dependence on the larger state, establish the range of likely outcomes from a given negotiation. However the preferences of small states and the way in which they interact strategically with the larger state can definitively shape the final outcome. In particular, small states can exercise a degree of resistance and blocking power that is often underestimated. It also sheds light on the formation of trade preferences in small developing countries and shows that in addition to lobbying by external groups, information and ideas within government bureaucracies appear to play an important role.
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Kei, Wendy Wai Yee. "Exploring the linkages between Open Skies agreements signed by the United States and international trade development." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30817.
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This paper uses panel regression techniques and trade gravity models to explore the linkages between Open Skies agreement (OSA) signed by the United States and recent bilateral trade development. US bilateral trade in services data is not available; thus only US merchandise trade by air data is used as dependent variable in this paper’s econometric analysis. US merchandise trade by air series has not experienced significant growth since the implementation of numerous Open Skies agreements in 2007. Few studies have analyzed the relationship between OSAs and trade. These provide the motivation for exploring if signing more Open Skies agreements continues to benefit recent US merchandise trade by air development, and if the performance of these policies depends on other macroeconomic factors and on the properties of the agreement itself.
Using data between years 2004 and 2009, panel regression models suggest that the performance of Open Skies agreements are not robust to market volatilities. Reductions in air cargo costs and expansions of air markets resulting from OSAs are not strong enough to combat trade declines when the recession hits. On the other hand, free trade agreements exert large, positive influences to US trade by air even during times of economic slowdown. Yet, the duration of the Open Skies agreements and the economic power of the trading partners do influence the performance of these policies. The preferred model specifications are different for exports and imports by air data, which confirms that the performance of OSAs on exports is different from that on imports.
Finally, model results indicate that the impact of Open Skies policies on passenger traffic flows indirectly improves US trade by air figures. OSAs have stimulated passenger traffic growth, and model results suggest that lagged passenger traffic is positively related to trade value. Increased business travel opportunities conducted prior to the delivery of the goods help lower information asymmetries and develop trust among the supply chain partners. Combination of these effects aids expansion of trade by air, as well as trade by other modes of transportation.
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Rana, Arslan Tariq. "The logic of preferential trade agreements. An empirical analysis of the consequences of a new economic order." Thesis, Orléans, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ORLE0505/document.
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Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del’organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l’escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d’investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d’expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d’investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantesPreferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions
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Garrastazu, Antonio. "Interest Groups and the Politics of Trade after the Cold War: The Case of the U.S.-Jordan, Singapore and Chile Free Trade Agreements." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/40.
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The politics of trade after the Cold War has transformed United States foreign policy. In fact, given the surge of interest in free trade agreements (FTAs) and the far-reaching political and economic repercussions of globalization, this thesis argues that the post-Cold War period, reinforced by the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, constitute a critical juncture in the history of U.S. international economic policy and trade diplomacy. The U.S. began to seek FTAs after 1989 as a way to maintain its strategic influence in international relations and counterbalance the formation of trading blocs such as the European Union (EU). Yet, despite its hegemony, the U.S. has succeeded in negotiating and implementing relatively few FTAs. Addressing this paradox, this dissertation seeks to answer two basic questions: First, why does the U.S. have relatively few FTAs compared to other economically powerful countries belonging to the Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD)? Second, why has the U.S. taken longer to negotiate and conclude certain FTAs over others? These questions will be examined by analyzing the evolution of interest group coalitions and the persistent conflict surrounding FTAs and international trade in general since the end of the Cold War. To further this analysis, the dissertation will study the influence of interest groups, bureaucratic politics, and the role of institutions, as well as the interaction among state and civil society actors, on the politics of trade. The dissertation will focus on the immediate aftermath of the Cold War period, which set the tone for current U.S. trade policy, and will examine the negotiations leading to the agreements signed with Jordan, Singapore, and Chile.
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Sanchirico, Emily. "A Strong Institutional Climate: Regional Trade Networks and Climate Action." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13410.
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Climate change has been described as a malign, wicked, and super wicked problem. I focus on key characteristics that make international collective action challenging: asymmetry, fear of free riding, scientific uncertainty, and inherent interdependencies. I argue that an institution designed to tackle such a complex problem requires a key set of features: leadership, linkage, quality information, differentiated obligations, monitoring/enforcement, transparency, and flexibility. I assess the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and Kyoto Protocol to determine what aspects are missing. I then ask why the European Union (EU), with incentives to the contrary, set broad unilateral goals. I argue that the framework of political and economic integration made deep cooperation possible. Lastly, I consider whether this experience is specific to the EU and ask whether regional trade networks have a role in the global arsenal of climate change solutions.
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Cordeiro, Bruno Ferreira. "Os impactos do Mercosul sobre o comércio: uma abordagem gravitacional." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-06092016-144804/.
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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo medir os efeitos do Mercosul em termos de criação, desvio de comércio e desvio de exportação, usando uma base de dados abrangente e o que há de mais moderno na literatura de gravidade. Nos últimos anos, houve um grande avanço tanto na teoria quanto na estimação de equações de gravidade, o que ajudou na microfundamentação destes modelos e na obtenção de resultados consistentes. As estimações feitas mostram que o bloco possibilitou uma criação de comércio, o que ocorre quando tanto o comércio realizado intra bloco quanto com o resto do mundo aumentam. Além do mais, foram estimados modelos com a finalidade de verificar como os efeitos do Mercosul sobre comércio evoluíram ao longo dos anos, mostrando que o efeito maior do bloco se deu nos anos 90. Outra importante questão analisada foi o impacto do Mercosul sobre dois setores econômicos: agricultura e indústria. Nestes setores também houve indícios de criação de comércio, no entanto a indústria presenciou desvio de exportações em direção ao bloco. Por fim, foram construídos alguns grupos contrafactuais, que indicam que na ausência deste acordo o comércio teria sido menor, apesar dos efeitos serem heterogêneos entre os anos e os países.This dissertation aims to measure the effects of Mercosur in terms of trade creation and diversion and export diversion, using a comprehensive database and the most modern instruments in gravity literature. In recent years, there has been a great advancement in theory and estimation of gravity equations, which helped the microfoundation of these models and the obtainment of consistent results. Our estimates show that Mercosur resulted in trade creation, which occurs when both the intra regional trade and trade with the rest of the world increase. Moreover, we estimated some models in order to see how the effects of Mercosur on trade has evolved over the years, showing that the greatest effects occurred in the 90\'s. Another important issue discussed was the impact of Mercosur on two economic sectors: agriculture and industry. In these sectors there was also evidence of trade creation, however industry has suffered exports diversion towards the block. Finally, we constructed some contrafactual groups, which indicate that in the absence of Mercosur trade would be smaller, although the effects are heterogeneous across years and countries.
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Mas, Elias Jordi. "The role of trade partners' cohesiveness in the conclusion of interregional agreements with the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665537.
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La Unió Europea ha esdevingut en els darrers anys un dels actors globals més actius a l’hora de liberalitzar barreres comercials. Des de la creació de l’Organització Mundial del Comerç i com a complement a la seva participació en negociacions multilaterals, la Unió ha mantingut negociacions amb diversos paï-sos i regions amb l’objectiu d’establir-hi relacions comercials preferents. En el cas de les negociacions interregionals, algunes d’elles han conclòs amb acord mentre que d’altres han finalitzat sense.
Les interaccions entre regions han constituït l’objecte natural d’estudi de la litera-tura en interregionalisme. Dominada principalment per tècniques de recerca qualitativa, aquest camp de recerca ha expandit principalment el seu desenvolu-pament teòric mitjançant estudis de cas en profunditat de les interaccions entre regions. En aquest sentit, una de les excepcions en la literatura ha estat el marc teòric desenvolupat per Aggarwal i Fogarty, pensat per analitzar d’una forma àmplia a través de diversos casos el resultat de les negociacions interregionals de comerç de la Unió Europea. En el seu volum editat, els autors identifiquen els factors a tenir en consideració per determinar l’existència de cohesió regional en el soci de la Unió i els apliquen de forma qualitativa a diversos casos d’estudi.
Aquesta tesi contribueix amb eines d’anàlisi quantitativa a l’estudi de l’interregionalisme i, utilitzant el marc d’Aggarwal i Fogarty com a punt de parti-da, suggereix un mètode per mesurar i analitzar l’impacte de la cohesió del soci comercial de la Unió Europea en el resultat de les negociacions interregionals. Com a cohesió s’entén el mecanisme format per diversos factors que ajuda al soci regional a disminuir el número de d’actors amb capacitat de veto (veto players) i permet al grup treballar amb efectivitat i unit. La recerca operaciona-litza quantitativament els factors i dimensions identificats per Aggarwal i Fogarty que composen la cohesió del soci comercial regional i mesura l’efecte mig de la variable independent en la conclusió d’acords comercials amb la Unió Europea. L’estudi hipotetitza, per tant, que la cohesió té un efecte positiu en la probabilitat d’arribar a un acord comercial amb la Unió Europea.
La tesi dona suport a l’afirmació d’Aggarwal i Fogarty que la cohesió del soci comercial de la Unió és una variable independent de la conclusió de les negocia-cions. La cohesió, per tant, no pot ser descartada com a factor que determina la probabilitat d’acord. Dins de cohesió, els resultats mostren que els factors més importants que expliquen aquesta relació són les consideracions de poder dins de la regió i el grau d’autoritat dipositada pels estats membres a les institucions regionals. Sobre les consideracions de poder, és més probable que les negocia-cions concloguin satisfactòriament quan la Unió Europea negocia amb socis co-mercials formats per hegemons i petites economies obertes. En el cas de l’autoritat institucional, les probabilitats d’acord són més altes en regions en què els seus membres han desenvolupat una important transferència de competèn-cies al nivell regional.
Aquesta recerca fa tres contribucions acadèmiques addicionals. Primer, l’anàlisi mitjançant eines quantitatives permet suggerir algunes modificacions a les di-mensions proposades per Aggarwal i Fogarty. A través de les correlacions de les dimensions identificades pels autors, la tesi proposa noves agrupacions de fac-tors basades en el seu significat empíric. Segon, la operacionalització quantitativa de les variables permet aportar nou material empíric a l’estudi de l’interregionalisme. I tercer, els resultats obtinguts permeten proposar algunes indicacions per al decisor públic sobre la política comercial de la Unió Europea, com per exemple tenir en compte la distribució de poder dins del soci regional a l’hora de seleccionar amb qui estableix negociacions comercials.The European Union (EU) has become in recent years one of the most active global players in liberalizing barriers to trade. Since the creation of the World Trade Organiza-tion and besides its participation in multilateral negotiations, the Union has launched several negotiations with different countries and regions with the aim of establishing preferential trade relationships with them. In the case of region-to-region negotiations, some of them have successfully concluded with agreement whereas others have not. Interactions among world regions have constituted the natural object of study of inter-regionalist literature. Dominated primarily by qualitative research, the field has so far enhanced its theoretical development mostly with single in-depth case-based studies of regional interactions. One of the exceptions due to its encompassing approach to analyze the EU region-to-region trade outcomes is the theoretical framework developed by Ag-garwal and Fogarty. In their edited volume, the authors identify the factors to take into account to determine the existence of cohesiveness in the EU’s regional counterpart and apply them qualitatively to several cases. This thesis brings quantitative analysis to the study of interregionalism and, taking Ag-garwal and Fogarty’s framework as the departure point, suggests a method to measure and analyze the impact of the EU’s partner cohesiveness on interregional trade negotia-tions outcomes. Cohesiveness is understood as a mechanism formed by different factors that helps the regional partner to diminish the number of veto players and allows the grouping to work together effectively as a unit. The research operationalizes quantita-tively the factors and dimensions that compound the cohesiveness of the counterpart identified by Aggarwal and Fogarty and measures the average effect of the independent variable on the conclusion of interregional negotiations with the EU. The study hypothe-sizes, therefore, that cohesiveness has a positive effect on the likelihood that negotiations conclude with agreement with the EU. This thesis supports Aggarwal and Fogarty’s claim that cohesiveness of the EU’s regional counterpart is an independent variable of EU trade conclusion. Therefore, it cannot be discarded as a factor that determines the probability of agreement. Results show that the most important factors helping cohesiveness to explain the likelihood of concluding an agreement with the EU are the power considerations within the counterpart region and the degree of authority pooled by the member states to regional institutions. As re-gards to power considerations, negotiations are more likely to conclude where the EU negotiates with a counterpart formed by large hegemons and small open economies. In the case of institutional authority, probabilities of conclusion are higher in regions whose members have engaged in a deep transfer of competences to the regional level. The research makes three further contributions. First, the analysis through quantitative tools suggests some modifications to the dimensions proposed by Aggarwal and Fogarty. By assessing the correlations of the dimensions identified by the authors, the research tests their empirical meaning and proposes accordingly new groups of factors that conform cohesiveness. Second, the quantitative operationalization of the variables brings new empirical data to the study or interregionalism. And third, the findings sug-gest some insights for the EU trade policymaker, such as taking into consideration the distribution of power in the counterpart when selecting and negotiating with regional partners.
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Steiner, Elise. "European Union’s Gender-explicit PROVISIONS IN free-trade agreements and gender equality : An intersectional feminist approach to international law." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177319.
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The European Commission unveiled in February 2021 its updated policy regarding international trade. One of the key pillars of this strategy is the inclusion of gender equality within the EU trade policies. This inclusion is in line with the Gender Equality Strategy for 2020-2025. The latter sets that the Union must promote gender equality and women’s empowerment within its external relationship, notably in its free-trade agreements, which are international agreements aiming at reducing trade barriers and facilitating exchanges. This thesis provides an insight into the gender-explicit provisions that exist within European Union’s free trade agreements since 1958. It uses computational science coupled with text analysis to explore the general context in which they were concluded, but as well explores their wordings and their content. It provides then an analysis of the gender responsiveness of these gender-explicit provisions. Finally, this thesis provides recommendations on how to improve EU free trade agreements’ gender responsiveness.
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Soukar, Louai. "Natural resources endowment, international trade and convergence." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0160/document.
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Dans cette thèse, nous étudions l'effet de la répartition inégale des ressources naturelles entre les pays sur trois aspects principaux. Dans le premier chapitre, nous examinons empiriquement les effets asymétriques potentiels de l'adhésion à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC) entre les membres, en nous concentrant spécifiquement sur les pays en développement. Les résultats suggèrent que l'adhésion à l'OMC a contribué à l'augmentation des exportations de tous les pays, à l'exception des pays non-émergents riches en ressources. En revanche, les pays émergents riches en ressources sont les plus grands bénéficiaires de l'accession à l'OMC. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous explorons empiriquement l'impact de la dotation en ressources naturelles sur les gains de six Accords Commerciaux Régionaux (ACR) entre les membres à travers trois axes : la complémentarité entre les pays, la diversification des pays riches en ressources ainsi que la création et le détournement des échanges. Nous concluons que la complémentarité entre les pays riches et les pays pauvres en ressources a été atteinte dans les accords de l’ECOWAS, du SADC et du CIS. Les résultats indiquent également que, dans tous les ACR, les pays riches en ressources ont accru leurs exportations hors secteurs des ressources naturelles et diversifié ainsi leurs structures d'exportation, en particulier avec les partenaires régionaux. En outre, dans la plupart des ACR, les pays pauvres ont accru leurs exportations vers leurs partenaires riches en ressources, tandis que ces derniers souffrent du détournement des échanges en termes d'importations. Dans le dernier chapitre, nous étudions l'impact de la dotation en ressources naturelles sur le processus de convergence entre les pays du PAFTA. Premièrement, les résultats démontrent que la sigma-convergence n'était observable qu'entre 1970 et 1990 dans les pays du PAFTA. De plus, l’estimation révèle que les ressources naturelles sont l'un des principaux déterminants de la convergence conditionnelle au sein du PAFTA. Par conséquent, l'asymétrie entre les pays en termes de dotation en ressources naturelles n'a pas empêché la convergence dans le PAFTA. L'analyse de la convergence des clubs a identifié trois principaux clubs parmi les pays du PAFTA. En outre, les facteurs qui ont déterminé la formation des clubs sont les ressources naturelles, la qualité des institutions et l'investissement. Par ailleurs, une abondance de ressources naturelles n'est pas suffisante pour être le meilleur club, mais doit être accompagnée d'institutions de qualitéIn this thesis, we examine the effect of the unequal distribution of natural resources between countries on three main aspects. In chapter one, we empirically examine potential asymmetric effects of the accession of the World Trade Organization (WTO) across members, focusing specifically on the developing countries. The results suggest that membership in the WTO contributed to greater exports for all countries, except for non-emerging resource-rich countries. In contrast, emerging resource-rich countries are the greatest beneficiaries from the accession of the WTO. In chapter two, we empirically explore the impact of natural resource endowments on the gains of six Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) across members through three axes: complementarity between countries, diversification of resource-rich countries, and trade creation and diversion. We conclude that the complementarity between resource-rich and resource-poor countries has been achieved in the ECOWAS, SADC and CIS agreements. The results also indicate that in all RTAs, the resource-rich countries increased exports in non-natural resource sectors and thereby diversified their export structures, especially with regional partners. Moreover, in most RTAs, poor countries boosted their exports to resources-rich partners, while resource-rich countries suffer from trade diversion in terms of imports. In the last chapter, we study the impact of natural resource endowments on the process of convergence among PAFTA countries. First, the results demonstrate that sigma-convergence was only observable between 1970-1990 among PAFTA countries. The estimation reveals that natural resources are one of the main determinants of conditional convergence within PAFTA. Therefore, the asymmetry between countries in terms of natural resource endowment did not impede the convergence in PAFTA. Club convergence analysis identify three main clubs among PAFTA countries. In addition, the factors that determined clubs’ formation are natural resources, quality of institutions, and investment. Further, an abundance of natural resources is alone not enough to be the best club, but must be accompanied by high-quality institutions
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Edwall, Caroline. "The Legalisation of International Labour Standards in Trade Agreements : A Case Study of the Labour Provisions in the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418536.
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International Labour Standards (ILS) has a prominent place in the current debate of globalisation. There has been an increased usage of ILS in different contexts, as references in domestic courts and international courts, as provisions in companies’ code of conducts and as provisions in trade agreements. The purpose of this thesis was to examine the usage of ILS as provisions in trade agreements and whether ILS provisions in trade agreements can lead to increased legal enforceability. The EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement was brought up to illustrate how ILS can be used as provisions in a trade agreement. The thesis was conducted by focusing on four different areas, firstly the legal enforcement of ILS within the ILO framework, the ILO Declaration and through International Public Law. Secondly, by examining the linkage between the ILS and trade and the EU’s trade strategy. Thirdly by studying the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement by using three dimensions, obligation, precision and delegation. Lastly, by a discussion of the legal enforcement of ILS through trade agreements. In short, the conclusions of this thesis are that there are several limitations in order to foster compliance with ILS, within the ILO as well as through trade agreements. Especially the lack of a legal body within the ILO and the fact that labour provisions are not subject to the regular dispute mechanism in trade agreements nor subject to the dispute mechanism of World Trade Organisation has been pointed out as problematic. Due to the lack of empirical research on the post ratification effects, de facto and de juro, it is difficult at this initial stage of ‘the experiment of labour provisions in trade agreements’ to draw conclusions. However, the need to foster a universal floor of fundamental labour rights are equally as urgent as it was a hundred years ago when ILO was founded and when the debate on labour provisions and trade was initiated.
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Ahcar, Olmos Jaime Rafael. "An inquiry on Regional Trade Integration and Trade Potentials." Thesis, Paris 9, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA090055/document.
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Dans un contexte où les négociations commerciales multilatérales languissent dans une impasse, les accords commerciaux régionaux ACR prennent de l’élan. Cette thèse doctorale cherche à faire avancer la connaissance sur ce domaine. C’est grâce au modèle de gravité du commerce que trois chapitres supportés par des analyses économétriques appliqués ont été mis au point.Le premier chapitre examine les effets sur les flux bilatéraux de commerce attribuables aux ACR, le système généralisé de préférences (SGP) et l’appartenance à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce OMC. Plusieurs spécifications économétriques et techniques d’estimation ont été testées. Particulièrement Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML), qui se présente comme la technique la plus recommandée pour contenir des biais bien connues et des problèmes d’endogénéité. Cette recherche a été conduite avec un modèle de gravité du commerce international qui comporte 153 pays sur la période 1980-2012. Les résultats montrent systématiquement qu’un effet positif et significatif sur les flux bilatéraux de commerce est à attendre après l’entrée en vigueur d’un ACR. De même, des effets positifs mais peu importants, voir nuls sont accordés à la participation au sein de l’OMC. La spécification qui utilise PPML et qui contrôle l’influence de l’hétérogénéité inobservable montre un effet non-significatif pour le SGP. Le deuxième chapitre, coécrit avec mon directeur de thèse Jean-Marc Siroën, explore quel est l’effet de l’hétérogénéité des ACR sur le cadre de l’approfondissement de l’intégration. Nous envisageons pouvoir déceler si les ACR qui sont plus profonds contribuent plus à la création de commerce que ceux qui sont moins profonds. Nous avons recours à deux bases de données récemment ouverts au public. La première appartenant à l’OMC et la deuxième a la World Trade Institute (WTI-DESTA). Nous procédons à créer des indicateurs crédibles de l’approfondissement de l’intégration pour passer à les tester dans un modèle de gravité. Nous trouvons qu’un effet positif et significatif peut-être accordé aux accords les plus profonds, indépendamment que l’indicateur testé soit un indicateur additive où un indicateur obtenu par l’Analyse de correspondance multiple (ACM). De même cet effet est constaté pas seulement dans les accords qui comportent des clauses classiquement négociées sur le cadre de l’OMC, mais aussi dans les accords qui dépassent cette dimension. Le troisième chapitre se consacre à étudier l’existence des potentiels de commerce entre la Colombie et l’Union Européenne. Des prédictions dans l’échantillon après des estimations avec PPML et effets fixes qui varient dans le temps nous indiquent que des potentiels de commerce existent avec l’Autriche, la République Tchèque, la Finlande, la France, l’Allemagne, la Hongrie, la Suède et la Pologne. Dans le sens inverse la Suède, l’Irlande, la Finlande et Pologne détiennent une marge importante à gagner dans le marché colombien. Des tests de sensibilité ont été effectués pour garantir la robustesse de ces résultatsRegional trade agreements (RTAs) have surged in a context of stalled multilateral trade negotiations. This doctoral thesis intends to advance scientific knowledge in the field. Thus, thanks to a gravity model theoretical framework, three chapters of applied empirical econometrics analysis have been completed. The first chapter examines the effects of RTAs, the Generalized System of Preference (GSP) and World Trade Organization memberships on bilateral trade flows. I put into practice different econometric specifications and estimation methods, notably Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML), which is the one that better seems to contend with well-known biases and endogeneity problems. I conduct this research with an international trade gravity model estimated across 153 countries from the year 1980 to 2012.I consistently found a strong positive impact of regional trade agreement RTAs on most specifications and low or non-significant results for WTO membership. The estimates from the PPML method that includes controls for unobserved heterogeneity show non-significant effects of the Generalized System of Preference (GSP) on trade.The second chapter, co-authored with my supervisor Jean-Marc Siroën, explores the effect of heterogeneity of RTAs in the scope of deep integration. We intend to determine if deeper RTAs promote trade more effectively than less ambitious agreements. We make use of two recently available data sets from the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the World Trade Institute (WTI-DESTA) to generate credible indicators of deep integration. Additive and Multiple Correspondence Analysis derived indicators for the depth of the agreements are then computed and their significance is tested in a gravity model. We find that deeper agreements increase trade more than shallow ones, whereas the provisions they included are within or outside of the WTO domain.The third chapter investigates the existence of trade potentials between Colombia and the EU. I obtain in-sample predictions after the estimation of a gravity model with the Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood estimator. I control for unobserved omitted variable bias by the inclusion of exporter and importer time varying fixed effects, and run a series of sensitivity analysis.Untapped trade potentials are found between Colombia and a group of EU countries in both directions of the trade flows. Exports from Colombia have a gap to bridge with Austria, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Sweden. In the other direction, Sweden, Ireland, Finland and Poland have an interesting margin to gain in the Colombian market
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Lee, Sohyun. "A step toward East Asian regionalism? : comparing the negotiation approaches of South Korea and Japan in their preferential trade agreements with ASEAN." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3717/.
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In the early 2000s, Korea and Japan competitively initiated their preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the unexpected progress of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations. In contrast with China, Korea and Japan initially preferred to negotiate PTAs with individual Southeast Asian countries, rather than with ASEAN. In 2003, however, Korea redirected its strategy and began the Korea–ASEAN FTA. Japan continued to emphasise a bilateral approach to negotiations but sought harmonisation of the individual PTAs through the ASEAN–Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Sharing common international political and economic challenges, why did Korea and Japan take diverging negotiation paths? This research investigates the factors that shaped Korea and Japan’s respective negotiation methods with ASEAN by focusing on the interplay of domestic interests, institutions and ideas. The research findings suggest that Korea and Japan initially preferred bilateral PTAs because of their efficiency and to minimise the backlash of the agricultural sector. Japan had a greater incentive to promote bilateral strategy than Korea, not only to counter China’s move, but also to utilise its diplomatic leverages against ASEAN. The direct causes of the two countries’ divergence, however, came from ideas and institutions. The influence of ideas became evident when Korea’s and Japan’s initial emphasis on the East Asia-based PTAs began to head toward the different directions. Japan was path-dependent of its initial step-by-step strategy focused in East Asia. In contrast, Korea accommodated the new ideas that aimed at cross-regional PTAs, making the Korea-ASEAN FTA a stepping stone for cross-regional PTAs rather than East Asia-based PTAs. Institutional factors account for the supply side of PTA decision-making processes by demonstrating how the intra-democracy variations, combined by bureaucracy discretion, empowered relevant decision-makers, which led to the reversal of negotiation progresses between Korea and Japan. The empirical research findings significantly contribute to the international political economy literature by testing the applicability of the domestic level analysis. They provide an alternative perspective to the existing debate on the compatibility of bilateralism and regionalism in East Asia and thus to the political economy of trade policy in the region. The findings also shed light on the country-specific factors shaping the economic regionalism of East Asia.
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Warnholtz, Perez Edgar G. "From NAFTA to USMCA: A Comprehensive Analysis of the Forces Producing North America's Regional Trade Agreements." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2245.
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On October 1, 2018, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, U.S. President Donald Trump, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), concluding 13 months of negotiations that concerned economies totaling 27.88% of world GDP. The recentness, magnitude, and relevance of the USMCA invokes a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensional factors that led to this agreement. Explaining the USMCA of 2018 requires insight of the continent’s political and economic forces that bound Canada, the United States, and Mexico with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994. After doing so, this study then compiles a variety of works in a meta-analysis on NAFTA’s effects during the past 25 years. This paper finds that NAFTA achieved its intended goals, but failed to anticipate many negative repercussions for which it is criticized today. Then, this study investigates the demand for renegotiation of NAFTA which was triggered by Donald Trump calling it “the worst trade deal in history maybe ever” during his presidential campaign. However, when presenting the new USMCA to the press, he described it as a “wonderful new trade deal.” Therefore, study analyzes how different the USMCA is from NAFTA, and finds that the few changes are explained by a modernization of certain chapters to adapt the treaty to the digital era. These modifications heavily resonate the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional free trade agreement that included the U.S. until President Trump withdrew from it. What then results to be a rebranding of other agreements is predicted here to bring more political repercussions than economic change, as elections in Canada dawn later this year and in the U.S. in 2020. Ultimately, each party succeeded per its own renegotiation objectives; Mexico and Canada sought market penetration in the U.S., whereas the U.S. sought concessions and an end to NAFTA. Ratification of the USMCA is pending at the domestic level of each country, which this paper predicts will occur successfully, perhaps even before the end of 2019. Nonetheless, despite the modernization efforts involved in producing the USMCA, this paper questions whether the agreement equips these three member states to face the challenges of tomorrow.
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Heyliger, Joseph. "The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the Changing Face of Free Trade Agreements: The Resultant Social, Political, and Economic Consequences." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5475.
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Little is known about the impact of nontrade issues on developing countries entering trade agreements. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) represents an attempt to set high-standard trade rules for participating countries in the Asian-Pacific region that require the inclusion of wide-ranging nontrade issues in the TPPA. This general qualitative study explored the economic, social, and political consequences for developing countries by including nontrade issues in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The overarching research question addressed whether nontrade issues in FTAs detract developing countries from achieving their trade goals. This study was guided by the theory of comparative advantage propounded by Ricardo and the focus on trade in goods and services. This general qualitative study used multiple sources of data collection including documentation-primary and secondary online and digital archival data, bibliographies, textbooks, and scholarly trade journals; researcher's notes; and interviews of 15 participants (13 economists and 2 trade unionists). All data were coded using open, selective, and axial coding followed by Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis procedure. Data analysis revealed 4 themes that crystallized the findings within the context of the research; the role, ramifications of nontrade issues, trade barriers, and the distraction of developing countries from achieving their goals-tariff reductions, market access, jobs, and economic growth. The key finding of this study was the interest of participants in wages, health, and safety of workers in FTAs. The implications for positive social change include recommendations for welfare enhancement gained by trade policymakers' understanding of the consequences of nontrade issues in FTAs.
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Sauriol-Nadeau, Isabelle. "Building or stumbling, blocks anyhow: a comparative approach of regional labour mobility frameworks towards global solutions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29712.
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While concessions to labour mobility at the international level seem off the agenda, with the General Agreements on Trades in Services essentially tabled, the past decades have produced a proliferation of regional trade agreements (RTAs), some of which are facilitating labour mobility specifically. In this paper, the author first conducts a comparative overview of RTAs that have a form of labour mobility programmes: namely, ECOWAS, ASEAN, the European Union, NAFTA, CARICOM and MERCOSUR. Building on an overview of the regulatory frameworks, institutions and legal instruments of these RTAs, the author seeks to find if patterns or lessons to be learned emerge that are relevant from a global perspective and to enhance the legal architecture of international labour mobility. The findings show positive outcomes, with some RTAs generating trade benefits and even moving forward with a common passport based on the newly shared regional identity, and at times even creating dispute settlement and legal systems for regional litigious matters. On the other hand, this exercise also points to various problems such as the poor implementation of the labour mobility provisions, to overly strict restrictions based on skill and to difficulty securing documents to benefit from the labour mobility programmes - in some of the agreements. In the second part, the author discusses these challenges faced in these regional systems. She notes that prioritising skilled as opposed to low-skilled workers has not yielded a comparative advantage and may also be fostering irregular movements. She also highlights that trade liabilities emerge from the association of countries with similar levels of development and that it accentuates the North-South paradigm. These problems disrupt access to the benefits of the programmes, which ultimately creates irregular migrations and uneven labour standards for migrant workers. Finally, the author finds that most RTAs reviewed are developing their own legal frameworks with limited interest for the international instruments available, which are at best a source of inspiration. In the third part, the author invites the reader to challenge many preconceived ideas on international mobility emerging from the first two sections, and shares her thoughts on ways forward to build an international framework, based on existing scholarly work and considering the unpopularity of the GATS. She concludes with a discussion on ‘new regionalism’ as an alternative until a shared international framework to facilitate migrations is set up, with the possibility of a merger between RTAs from the North and the South. This, she argues, could possibly unleash the full benefits of labour mobility such as increased GDPs, poverty reduction and tackling irregular migrations; benefits that have not been entirely felt to date.
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Billiet, Stijn. "European integration and international politics : Commission-member state relations in the World Trade Organisation and selected multilateral environmental agreements." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2713/.
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Traditionally, theories of European integration have focussed on the internal dynamics of this unique form of international cooperation. This also holds for the principal-agent approach, a newer and more sophisticated methodology. This thesis argues that this approach's frame of reference needs to be broadened in order to offer a more coherent framework since the European Community is becoming an increasingly active player on the international stage. Consequently, the inward-looking bias in integration theory needs to be overcome to come to a better understanding of the development of the external role and position of the Commission. Through the analysis of case studies, the study of primary and secondary sources and interviews with policy-makers, this thesis shows that the external institutional framework impacts on Commission-Member States relations, and thus on the process of European integration. Within the strong institutional framework of the World Trade Organisation, the Commission has more leeway vis-a-vis the Member States to gain influence and competences. Through its central role in the WTO's dispute settlement system, the Commission has managed to gain broader competences concerning trade- related aspects of intellectual property rights. Furthermore, the Commission is a firm proponent of the strengthening of the dispute settlement system. It is actively trying to incorporate new issues of mixed competence, like investment, within this strong institutional framework in the hope of improving its position. This is not restricted to trade-issues either. Also in international environmental agreements, the Commission tries to strengthen its position by pushing for stronger institutional provisions and for the incorporation of environmental concerns within the WTO framework. The interaction between the European and the international level, and its impact on Commission-Member State relations necessitate complementing the principal-agent approach to make it more outward-looking so that it can also be used to study the external aspects of European integration.