Relevant bibliographies by topics / 1500-1700 Orthography and spelling

Academic literature on the topic '1500-1700 Orthography and spelling'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "1500-1700 Orthography and spelling"

1

Sebba, Mark. "Bann, Jennifer John Corbett: Spelling Scots. The Orthography of Literary Scots, 1700–2000." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 4, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2018-9001.

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McColl Millar, Robert. "Bann & Corbett. 2015. Spelling Scots. The Orthography of Literary Scots, 1700–2000." English World-Wide 38, no. 1 (June 17, 2017): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.38.1.09mcc.

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Nowak, Jessica. "Zur Diachronie der satzinternen Großschreibung im Niederländischen." Taal en Tongval 73, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 209–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tet2021.4.nowa.

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Abstract On the history of sentence-internal capitalisation in Dutch – a corpus-based study on genre influence on the capitalisation practice Though sentence-internal capitalisation of nouns is – unlike in German – no hallmark of Modern Dutch orthography at all, initial studies on Early Modern Dutch writing practice have affirmed Maas’ (1995, 2007) claim that Dutch once exhibited at least a moderate tendency to uppercase nouns in sentence-internal position (cf. & 2020a): Since both studies were restricted on a corpus of bible prints, it remains an open question whether the capitalisation practice was restricted to this text type only. Therefore, the present paper aims at analysing the use of majuscules in other texts types to gain a more conclusive picture on the overall phenomenon. The contrastive analysis of bible prints with printed travel reports and sailing letters (1500-1800) confirms – on the one hand – previous findings, mainly the fact that the use of majuscules within common nouns was increasingly motivated by cognitive factors, mainly animacy and concreteness of the referent; on the other hand, however, the present study shows that sentence-internal capitalisation of common nouns was much more pronounced in non-biblical texts than expected by previous studies (cf. & 2020a). In contrast to bible prints, non-biblical texts did not abolish sentence-internal uppercase letters by the end of the 17th century, suggesting that this spelling convention was not abandoned due to religious reasons as suggested by & 2007).
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4

Condorelli, Marco. "The rationalisation of vowel diacritic spelling in Early Modern English (1500–1700)." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2021-0008.

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Abstract During the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, a number of spelling solutions gradually became established in English as ways to indicate vowel quality, namely whether a vowel sound was different from another, and vowel quantity, that is to say whether a vowel was long or short. Among the solutions that arose to indicate vowel quality, <ea> and <oa> were introduced for spellings like sea and boat. For vowel quantity, ‘single’ consonants in pairs like <g> and <dg>, <ch> and <tch>, as well as <k> and <ck> began to be used for immediately preceding long vowels. My contribution explores all of the examples of vowel diacritic spelling mentioned above in printed English between 1500 and 1700, using a quantitative model for the analysis of patterns across a range of texts from Early English Books Online. The analysis shows an overall process of standardisation occurring between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, and provides fresh insights into the lexical distribution for the standardisation of vowel diacritic spelling. The discussion reflects upon the development of the spellings, and argues for pragmatic factors within the Early Modern English printing industry as responsible for their modern standardisation.
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CONDORELLI, MARCO. "Positional spelling redistribution: word-initial / and / in Early Modern English (1500–1700)." English Language and Linguistics, November 6, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674320000349.

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The alternations in <u>/<v> and <i>/<j> are among the most well-known and commented-upon changes in Early Modern English spellings, yet little has been said about the potential factors underlying their standardisation, and whether and how the two alternant pairs could be linked together. The reason behind this knowledge gap may be found in the absence of a large-scale, quantitative investigation of these spellings, and consequently, the impossibility of commenting upon the relationship between patterns of chronological development and potential causes of change. This article focuses on the standardisation of word-initial <u>/<v> and <i>/<j> between 1500 and 1700 in printed English, and uses a quantitative model for the analysis of patterns of diachronic development in the two alternant pairs, across a range of texts from a sampled version of Early English Books Online. The results describe a rather abrupt, synchronised change in the redistribution of word-initial <u>/<v> and <i>/<j> between the 1620s and the 1640s. The discussion argues for a close connection between the diachronic developments in word-initial <u>/<v> and <i>/<j>, and pragmatic factors that affected the Early Modern English printing industry.
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6

MOLINEAUX, BENJAMIN, JOANNA KOPACZYK, RHONA ALCORN, WARREN MAGUIRE, VASILIS KARAISKOS, and BETTELOU LOS. "Phonotactics, graphotactics and contrast: the history of Scots dental fricative spellings." English Language and Linguistics, May 29, 2020, 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674319000479.

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The spelling conventions for dental fricatives in Anglic languages (Scots and English) have a rich and complex history. However, the various – often competing – graphemic representations (<þ>, <ð>, <y> and <th>, among others) eventually settled on one digraph, <th>, for all contemporary varieties, irrespective of the phonemic distinction between /ð/ and /θ/. This single representation is odd among the languages’ fricatives, which tend to use contrasting graphemes (cf. <f> vs <v> and <s> vs <z>) to represent contrastive voicing, a sound pattern that emerged nearly a millennium ago. Close examinations of the scribal practices for English in the late medieval period, however, have shown that northern texts had begun to develop precisely this type of distinction for dental fricatives as well. Here /ð/ was predominantly represented by <y> and /θ/ by <th> (Jordan 1925; Benskin 1982). In the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, this ‘Northern System’ collapsed, due to the northward spread of a London-based convention using exclusively <th> (Stenroos 2004). This article uses a rich body of corpus evidence for fifteenth-century Scots to show that, north of the North, the phonemic distinction was more clearly mirrored by spelling conventions than in any contemporary variety of English. Indeed, our data for Older Scots local documents (1375–1500) show a pattern where <y> progressively spreads into voiced contexts, while <th> recedes into voiceless ones. This system is traced back to the Old English positional preferences for <þ> and <ð> via subsequent changes in phonology, graphemic repertoire and letter shapes. An independent medieval Scots spelling norm is seen to emerge as part of a developing, proto-standard orthographic system, only to be cut short in the sixteenth century by top-down anglicisation processes.
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Books on the topic "1500-1700 Orthography and spelling"

1

Bridget, Cusack, ed. Everyday English, 1500-1700: A reader. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1998.

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2

Tryckt hos Salvius: En undersökning om språkvården på ett 1700-talstryckeri med särskild hänsyn till ortografi och morfologi. Lund, Sweden: Lund University Press, 1986.

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Yi, Pyŏng-un. Chungse kugŏ ŭi ŭmjŏl kwa pʻyogipŏp yŏnʾgu. Pusan Kwangyŏksi: Sejong Chʻulpʻansa, 2000.

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Wiesinger, Peter. Schreibung und Aussprache im älteren Frühneuhochdeutschen: Zum Verhältnis von Graphem, Phonem, Phon am bairischen-österreichischen Beispiel von Andreas Kurzmann um 1400. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1996.

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John Wycliffe und seine Rolle bei der Entstehung der modernen englischen Rechtschreibung und des Wortschatzes. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1998.

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6

Corbett, John, and Jennifer Bann. Spelling Scots: The Orthography of Literary Scots, 1700-2000. Edinburgh University Press, 2015.

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7

Corbett, John, and Jennifer Bann. Spelling Scots: The Orthography of Literary Scots, 1700-2000. Edinburgh University Press, 2015.

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8

Spelling Scots: The Orthography of Modern Literary Scots, 1700-2000. Edinburgh University Press, 2015.

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9

Stenbrenden, Gjertrud Flermoen. Long-Vowel Shifts in English, C. 1050-1700: Evidence from Spelling. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2016.

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Stenbrenden, Gjertrud Flermoen. Long-Vowel Shifts in English, C. 1050-1700: Evidence from Spelling. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "1500-1700 Orthography and spelling"

1

Evans, Mel, and Caroline Tagg. "Women’s Spelling in Early Modern English." In Advances in Historical Orthography, c. 1500–1800, 191–218. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108674171.010.

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Condorelli, Marco. "Towards a Relativity of Spelling Change." In Advances in Historical Orthography, c. 1500–1800, 219–37. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108674171.011.

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Lisowski, Tomasz. "A Phonological–Graphemic Approach to the Investigation of Spelling Functionality, with Reference to Early Modern Polish." In Advances in Historical Orthography, c. 1500–1800, 16–45. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108674171.002.

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Laing, Margaret, and Roger Lass. "Old and Middle English Spellings for OE hw-, with Special Reference to the ‘qu-’ Type: In Celebration of LAEME, (e)LALME, LAOS and CoNE: In Memoriam Angus McIntosh." In Historical Dialectology in the Digital Age, 91–112. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430531.003.0005.

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This chapter demonstrates how the four main electronic resources created in the same tradition as A Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediæval English (LALME), i.e. LAEME, LALME itself (and its electronic version eLALME), A Linguistic Atlas of Older Scots (LAOS) and A Corpus of Narrative Etymologies from Proto-Old English to Early Middle English and accompanying Corpus of Changes (CoNE) can be used in tandem to support an investigation into the initial wh-cluster in words such as when, where, what, who, which. No fewer than 57 different spellings are found for this cluster, from the earliest attested Old English to ca 1500. The authors show how LAEME, eLALME, and LAOS provide the data that allow this spelling variation to be analysed as reflecting various scribal choices, whether determined by orthographic variation (including traditional contextual rules for the use of <v> or <u>), phonological variation, geographical variation, and/or diachronic variation. The final section showcases CoNE, and reconstructs a diachronic account on the basis of these spellings, revealing a coherent, if extremely complex, picture of lenitions, fortitions, and reversals.
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Subačius, Giedrius. "Orthographic Variation and Materiality of a Manuscript Pre-standard Lithuanian Spellings in Simonas Daukantas’s ‘History of the Lithuanian Lowlands’ (1831–4)." In Advances in Historical Orthography, c. 1500–1800, 124–40. Cambridge University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108674171.006.

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