Academic literature on the topic '1485-1550'

Este trabajo ofrece una visión cronológica tanto de la técnica como de los materiales tipográficos utilizados en la impresión de música en España entre 1485 y 1550. Sugerimos otro punto de vista acerca del tratamiento de los fragmentos musicales, que lejos de ser meramente «ilustraciones» xilográficas, eran también objeto de composición tipográfica al igual que los textos que la acompañaban.

In 1492 the first edition of the bestselling almanac, the Reportorio de los tiempos, was published by Pablo Hurus in Zaragoza. Written by the converso Andrés de Li, the Reportorio incorporated in toto the Lunari, a Catalan text by Bernat de Granollachs, and published in 1485 in Barcelona. The Lunari contained month by month lunar charts of the years 1485 to 1550. These two works were enormously popular and versions of them appeared in over ninety editions in French, Catalan, Castilian, Latin, and Italian. It was probably the extreme popularity of Granollachs’ text that led to its expansion by Li and the subsequent success of the Reportorio. In the early days of printing, the success of each volume, and indeed the survival of the press, was determined for the most part by the type of work selected for production. This essay explores the evolution of the Lunari to the Reportorio de los tiempos, particularly in terms of text selection, marketability, and medieval traditions of textual incorporation.

Desde la propuesta teórica de Alberti en De re aedificatoria (ca. 1450-1485), el camino de acceso a la villa constituye uno de sus componentes definidores por excelencia, integrado muy tempranamente como parte de su composición general. En relación con este elemento de ordenación, se estudia un conjunto de villas que presentan desarrollo axial –principalmente dentro del tipo aterrazado– con viales de acceso de notable longitud, todas dentro del período renacentista, desde el ejemplo más antiguo de Quaracchi (ca. 1453) o Castello (ca. 1538-1550), entre otros de Toscana, entorno de Roma o el Véneto, hasta casos españoles como La Fresneda (ca. 1562-1569) o El Bosque de Béjar (ca. 1567).

Książki oznaczone polskimi superekslibrisami, znajdujące się w zespole druków zachodnioeuropejskich Rosyjskiej Biblioteki Narodowej, pochodzą nie tylko z Biblioteki Załuskich w Warszawie. Dowodzi tego materiał źródłowy opublikowany przez Autora stanowiący prezentację (zdjęcie z opisem) ułożonych alfabetycznie 24 superekslibrisów, w tym m.in.: poety, dyplomaty, biskupa warmińskiego Jana Dantyszka (1485-1548); biskupa krakowskiego, kanclerza wielkiego koronnego Samuela Maciejowskiego (1499-1550); biskupa płockiego, kanclerza wielkiego koronnego, dyplomaty, bibliofila Piotra Wolskiego-Dunina (1531-1590); działacza reformacyjnego, parlamentarzysty Mikołaja Dłuskiego (ok. 1540-1584); dyplomaty Samuela Łaskiego (po 1553-1611); arcybiskupa lwowskiego, dyplomaty, bibliofila Jana Andrzeja Próchnickiego (1553-1633); profesora i podkanclerzego Akademii Krakowskiej Stanisława Bątkowskiego (zm. 1617), biskupa krakowskiego, kanclerza wielkiego koronnego Jakuba Zadzika (1582-1642); królowej polskiej, żony Jana III Sobieskiego Marii Kazimiery de la Grange d`Arquien (1641-1716); marszałka wielkiego koronnego Franciszka Bielińskiego (1683-1766).

RESUMENCon el presente trabajo se pretende, sobre el soporte bibliográfico que registra la trayectoria del gremio sartorial, aportar un enfoque inédito proporcionado por las fuentes archivísticas y documentales para la época: la identificación, relación y análisis de la función ejercida por los sastres de los reyes y de aquellos vinculados al estamento nobiliario en la horquilla cronológica seleccionada, comprendida entre los años 1450 y 1615, fecha del primer y último documento trabajados en este sentido. Esta línea de investigación nos permitirá descubrir desde individuos con deseos de medrar en la escala social, como los sastres andantes y estantes en corte, hasta un subgrupo más consolidado marcado por la continua insatisfacción de las deudas por parte de la nobleza. Secciones archivísticas como el Registro General del Sello, Cámara de Castilla, Registro de Ejecutorias o Consejo de Estado, pertenecientes a variados archivos estatales españoles, nos servirán para proporcionar una nutrida nómina, en relación diacrónica, de los sastres vinculados a la Corona castellana en este periodo. Por otro lado, se destacará el proteccionismo regio hacia la figura de este artesano cercano a las élites de poder, ejemplificándolo en figuras concretas. Finalmente se apuntarán las posibilidades de la documentación analizada para conocer en profundidad, y de la mano de fuentes históricas primarias, aspectos de la historia del vestido regio y del de los empleados de la corte.PALABRAS CLAVE: sastres, reyes, nobles, Corona de Castilla, 1450-1615ABSTRACTThe aim of the present work is, on the basis of the literature that records the trajectory of the sartorial profession, to offer a new approach provided by the archival and documentary sources of the time: the identification, relation and analysis of the function exerted by tailors to kings and to those linked to the nobility. This line of research will allow us to discover people ranging from individuals seeking to climb the social ladder, such as tailors living at the court, to a more consolidated subgroup marked by the continued non-payment of debts by the nobility. Archival sections such as the General Registry of the Seal, Chamber of Castile, Registry of Executives or Council of State, belonging to various Spanish state archives, will provide us with a long list, in diachronic terms, of the tailors linked to the Castilian Crown between 1450 and 1615, the dates of the first and last documents used for this purpose. Furthermore, I shall highlight royal protectionism vis-à-vis the figure of this craftsman close to the elites, offering specific examples. Finally, I shall refer to the potential of the documentation analysed to explore in depth, and via primary historical sources, aspects of the history of royal attire and that of court employees.KEY WORDS: tailors, kings, nobles, Crown of Castile, 1450-1615 BIBLIOGRAFÍAAlcega, J. de, Tratado de Geometría, Práctica y Traza, el cual trata de lo tocante al oficio de sastre…, Valladolid, Maxtor, 2009.Alvar Ezquerra, A., El nacimiento de una capital europea: Madrid entre 1561 y 1609, Madrid, Turner, 1989.Baleztena Abarrategui, J., “Ordenanzas contra los sastres que tuvieren paños faltosos (1533)”, Cuadernos de etnología y etnografía de navarra, 74 (1999), pp. 563-570.Bello León, J. M., y Hernández Pérez, M. B., “Una embajada inglesa a la corte de los Reyes Católicos y su descripción en el ‘Diario’ de Roger Machado”, En la España medieval, 26 (2003), pp. 167-202.Bouza Brey, F., “Historia de la cofradía gremial de sastres de Santiago de Compostela”, Revista Compostellanum, 7 (1962), pp. 569-620.Carretero Rubio, V., La artesanía textil y del cuero en Málaga (1487-1525), Málaga, Cedma, 1996.Comisión Internacional de Diplomática, Folia Caesaraugustana I (normas de transcripción y edición de documentos), Zaragoza, CSIC, Institución Fernando el Católico, 1984.Domínguez Ortiz, A., “Madrid de villa a corte”, en Historia y documentos notariales, Madrid, 16-2 (1992), pp. 263-279.Falcón Pérez, M. I., “Sobre la industria del vestido en Zaragoza en el siglo XV: las ordenanzas de la cofradía de sastres, calceteros y juboneros”, Aragón en la Edad Media, 12 (1995), pp. 241-266.Fernández García, J., “La consideración social de los sastres en la tradición asturiana: (poesía popular y paremiología)”, en Polledo Arias, A. C. (coord.), Fiestas Balesquida, Oviedo, 2012, pp. 89-103.Francisco Olmos, J. M. de, “La evolución de los cambios monetarios en el reinado de Isabel la Católica según las cuentas del tesorero Gonzalo de Baeza”, En la España medieval, 21 (1998), pp. 115-142.Gestoso Pérez, J. y Fernández Gómez, M., Noticia histórico-descriptiva del antiguo pendón de la ciudad de Sevilla y de la bandera de la Hermandad de los sastres, Sevilla, Área de Cultura, 1999.Gómez de Valenzuela, M., “La regla de la cofradía jaquesa de sastres, bajo la advocación de San Lorenzo (1602)”, Argensola: Revista de CC. Sociales del Instituto de Estudios Altoaragoneses, 113 (2003), pp. 315-328.González Arce, J. D., “De la corporación al gremio. La cofradía de sastres, jubeteros y tundidores burgaleses en 1485”, Studia historica. Historia medieval, 25 (2007), pp. 191-219.González Arce, J. D., La casa y corte del príncipe don Juan (1478-1497): economía y etiqueta en el palacio del hijo de los Reyes Católicos, Sevilla, Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales, 2016.González Marrero, M. del C., “Un vestido para cada ocasión: la indumentaria de la realeza bajomedieval como instrumento para la afirmación, la imitación y el boato. El ejemplo de Isabel I de Castilla”, Cuadernos del CEMyR, 22 (2015), pp. 155-194.Haldón Reina, J. F., “Aproximación histórico-artística a la antigua Hermandad de Nuestra Señora de los reyes del gremio de sastres”, en Roda Peña, J. (coord.), II Semana de estudios Medievales, Nájera, 2009, pp.155-190.Juárez-Almendros, E., “Don Quijote y la moda: El legado de Carmen Bernis”, Cervantes: Bulletin of the Cervantes Society of America, 24.1 (2004), pp. 137-142.López García, J. M., El impacto de la corte en Castilla: Madrid y su territorio en la época moderna, Madrid, siglo XXI de España, 1998.Marchant Rivera, A., “Los sastres en los Procesos de fe del tribunal de distrito de la Inquisición de Toledo (1483-1597)”, Documenta & Instrumenta, 12 (2014), pp. 95-116.Martínez Carreño, A., “Sastres y modistas: notas alrededor de la historia del traje en Colombia”, Boletín Cultural y Bibliográfico, vol. 28, n. 28 (1991), pp. 61-76.Mediero Velasco, M. I., “El impacto de la corte sobre la villa de Madrid”, Pasea por Madrid: historia, turismo cultural y tiempo libre, 7 (2015), pp. 39-57.Monner Sans, R., De sastres: entretenimiento paremiológica, Talleres de la Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1909.Nieto Sánchez, J. A., “La conflictividad laboral en Madrid durante el siglo XVII: el gremio de sastres”, en Actas del I Congreso de jóvenes Geógrafos e Historiadores, 1995, pp. 283-289.Nieto Sánchez, J. A., Artesanos y mercaderes: una historia social y económica de Madrid (1450-1850), Madrid, Fundamentos, 2006.Nombela Rico, J. M., Auge y decadencia en la España de los Austrias: la manufactura textil de Toledo en el siglo XVI, Toledo, Ayuntamiento, 2003.Puerta Escribano, R. de la, “Los avatares del asociacionismo de los artífices del vestir en la Valencia Moderna”, en Prats, L. (coord.), Estudios en homenaje a la Profesora Teresa Puente, vol. 2, Valencia, 1996, pp. 481-495.Puerta Escribano, R. de la, Historia del gremio de sastres y modistas en Valencia: del siglo XIII al siglo XX, Valencia, Ayuntamiento, 1997.Puñal Fernández, T., Los artesanos de Madrid en la Edad Media (1200-1474), Madrid, UNED, 2000.Reguera Ramírez, R., “Costureras versus sastres. También una cuestión de género”, El Pajar: Cuaderno de etnografía canaria, 25 (2008), pp. 110-116.Rodríguez Plaza, M. Á., “Ordenanzas del gremio de sastres de Plasencia. Año 1795”, Revista de estudios extremeños, vol. 71, n. 2 (2015), pp. 1115-1136.Salazar y Castro, L., Pruebas de la historia de la casa de Lara sacadas de los instrumentos por…, Madrid, Imprenta Real, 1694, p. 102.Sanchís Llorens, R., “El offici de sastres y calcetters de Alcoy”, en Primer Congreso de Historia del País Valenciano: celebrado en Valencia del 14 al 18 de abril de 1971, vol. 3, Valencia, 1976, pp. 201-208.Vaamonde Lores, C., “La cofradía de los sastres de Betanzos”, Boletín de la Real Academia Galega, 46 (1911), pp. 244-251.Zofío Llorente, J. C., “Reproducción social y artesanos. Sastres, curtidores y artesanos de la madera madrileños en el siglo XVII”, Hispania: Revista española de Historia, 71/237 (2011), pp. 87-120.Zofío Llorente, J. C., Gremios y artesanos en Madrid, 1550-1650: la sociedad de trabajo en una ciudad cortesana preindustrial, Madrid, CSIC, 2005.

Medieval Church Barns in DenmarkThe subject of this article is medieval church barns within the area of present-day Denmark. A church barn (or tithe barn) is a building erected near a parish church and used for storing the crops that local peasants paid as tithes or taxes to the church. Constructed as functional buildings for the church, these barns have both a clerical and a secular context. In 1912 M. Mackeprang gave an account of relevant written sources and made a provisional list of barns preserved at that time. In this work the list has been revised to describe the present day situation and it is established that there are 31 church barns preserved today. There are a few additional buildings of which the original function is uncertain that could be added to this list (fig. 1). Since Mackeprang’s article no total account of Danish church barns has been compiled, and relevant information therefore had to be sought from various sources. The most important written sources for medieval and post-medieval times are the letters from the Chancellery (Kancelliets brevbøger) and church laws from the early Protestant period. Although these documents are not medieval, in this article they are used to give a probable picture of the condition of the medieval church barns. Another important source is the notebook that the Funen bishop Jacob Madsen made during his visitation of every parish in his diocese in the late 16th century. The bishop often mentions the condition of church barns and sometime adds some more information. His work is very reliable and gives an idea of the status of the Funen church barns approximately 50 years after the Reformation.All of the preserved barns are situated in the churchyard of the church to which they belong. Some are built at the periphery of the churchyard so that one of the walls forms part of the churchyard wall. Some church barns are free-standing within the churchyard (fig. 2), while a few are built as an extension of the actual church. This is the case of the preserved church barn in Voldum (fig. 3) and also of the now lost barn in Brønshøj. Jacob Madsen’s notes tell us that if the church was situated far from the village the church barn could be placed centrally in the village instead. All of the preserved church barns are made of stone. On Zealand they are mainly built of bricks but on the southern part of the island local limestone is also used to a great extent. (fig. 11). On Funen barns are built with both bricks and granite boulders (fig. 4). The few preserved barns in Jutland have plinths of granite boulders while the walls are built of brick. The fact that church barns are brick-built is surprising because secular barns in medieval Denmark were always wooden constructions. Perhaps many of the lost church barns were timbered or half-timbered buildings. This was certainly the case of some of the Funen barns which Jacob Madsen described. This can also be deduced from a document from the year 1573 in which a special licence was given to tear down all church barns in the Århus diocese that were not brick-built. This suggests that the remaining brick-built church barns may not be representative of the majority of the medieval barns.Judging from the remaining barns and reliable measurements from ruined barns the dimensions of these buildings are typically 14-16 m x 7-9 m. The biggest barn is that in Tranebjerg on the island of Samsø (21.5 m x 9 m) while the barn in Mogenstrup, no longer in existence, was only 8.5 m by 4.23 m. Thus the dimensions of the medieval barns seem to have varied greatly. Some of the existing barns have been reduced (Melby, fig. 10) or expanded (Mesinge, fig. 5) in size. It is difficult to determine what was used for roofing the medieval barns. It is unlikely, however, that a barn with a stepped gable would also have a thatched roof, since such a roof would not fit tight against the gable but would have to overlap the top of it. The decorated gables of some of the barns are described in detail because these decorations can be used to date the barns (figs. 10-12). Caution has to be exercised, however, since these gables have often been restored freely, as for example in Strø (figs. 6 & 7). The church barn in Skårup has also been restored, but the reconstructed form of the gables is based on traces in the brickwork (figs. 8 & 9). In general the decorated gables of church barns seem to adopt local types of decoration that are also used in the churches. An example is the lost church barn in Ejby (fig. 20). It is not known whether church barns have existed in Denmark since the tithe regulations were introduced in the 12th century or if they are solely a late medieval phenomenon. Palle Lauring argues that Finderup Barn, in which King Erik Klipping was killed in 1289, was the village church barn. If this is true this would be the earliest mention of a Danish church barn. In Hjallese, Funen, remains of foundations have been interpreted as a church barn. This building is dated by two coins from the reign of Christoffer II (1320-1326). If this is correct it would be the oldest archaeologically dated church barn in Denmark. All of the preserved church barns are much later. These buildings date from 1450-1550, to judge from the decorated gables. The barn in Øster Egesborg is the only one to have been dendrochronologically dated. The trees used for its rafters were felled in approximately 1485-90. Even though church barns generally seem to be a medieval phenomenon it is apparent from written sources that church barns were also built in the second half of the 16th century and even as late as the beginning of the 17th century. However, in the attempt to make an account of the distribution of church barns in medieval Denmark it is often impossible to differentiate between barns built before 1536 and those built after. All references to church barns that could be found were therefore included for the purposes of the map (fig. 13). The main source of information about lost church barns on Zealand is Danmarks kirker, a series of descriptions of the Danish churches which now covers all of Zealand. Jacob Madsen is the main source for Funen , while information about church barns in Jutland is much more scarce and diffusely spread. The map of Jutland may not at the moment, therefore, give as true a picture of the medieval situation as the maps of Zealand and Funen. It is often claimed that church barns were a phenomenon concentrated in the eastern parts of Denmark (Zealand, Funen and Eastern Jutland) and generally this work supports this assumption. However, there have been church barns even in the northwest part of Jutland. On the other hand only one church barn is mentioned in the sources for the southern part of Jutland. In a church law from 1537 it is said that in every parish peasants should bring their crops to the church barns, but as the above shows there might not have been a church barn in every parish throughout the country. Possible explanations for the relatively few church barns in Jutland will be given later.Church barns also existed in the boroughs (fig. 15). The function of these buildings was to house the crops that came from the town’s fields, which were cultivated by the citizens. Furthermore the churches in the boroughs could function as parish churches for peasants in nearby villages.In theory tithe should be paid on all agricultural products, but in Denmark the crop tithe was by far the most important. In other European countries the tithe was divided into four portions: the vicar’s tithe, the bishop’s tithe, the tithe to keep the church well-maintained and equipped (the so-called fabrica), and finally one fourth of the tithe was given to the poor. In Denmark the tithe was only divided into three portions – leaving nothing to the poor. Even inside the Danish kingdom the practice of tithe varied greatly. A bishop’s tithe was introduced on Zealand, in Scania and in Slesvig in the late 12th century, but in the rest of Jutland and on Funen the bishop was paid a fixed amount of money (the “bishop’s gift”) that would often be much less than a third of the tithe. The dislike of the bishop’s tithe could among other things stem from the fact that this tithe should in theory be transported to the bishop’s town, which could be very far from the village. When the bishop’s tithe was introduced by law on Zealand is it said in the letter of the law that the tithe should only be brought to a place within the parish – probably to ease the acceptance of this new tax. Only in 1443 was the bishop’s tithe introduced in Jutland and on Funen, and it was much disliked. Which of the three parts of the tithe was stored in the church barns? In King Christian III’s church law from 1536 it is mentioned that the tithe should be brought to the church barn and then divided in three. On the other hand it is reasonable to assume that the vicar’s third of the tithe was brought directly to the vicarage, which was situated within the parish. One source indirectly points at this fact. In 1536 it is said that the peasants should be given two barrels of beer on the day they bring the tithe – and it is then added that this beer should not be consumed at the vicarage, as had often happened before. Maybe this is the reason a late 16th century barn beside the vicarage of Nimtofte in Eastern Jutland is called the church barn. So, did the church barns house the bishop’s tithe, the fabrica or both? As a result of the Reformation in 1536 the church’s property was confiscated by the king. The king now became head of the church and the bishop’s tithe was now called the king’s tithe. Apparently in the first years after the Reformation this change was only in name and therefore the practices concerning the king’s tithe in the early Protestant period probably reflect how the bishop’s tithe was handled in the late medieval period. In 1546 it is said in a letter from the Chancellery that the vicar and the churchwarden were responsible for hiring two men to thresh the tithe and then divide it into two parts: the fabrica and the king’s tithe (fig. 17). In a letter from 1542 it is said that the Scanian peasants were to bring one third of the tithe (the king’s tithe) to the church barn. In the Middle Ages the churchwardens were responsible for the fabrica and probably also for the church barns. The church barn in Vedtofte, Funen, was built by the churchwardens in 1554 using the fabrica. Jacob Madsen suggested in 1589 that the church barn in Turup, Funen, could be used as a house for the vicar, but the churchwarden had the final word, which was no. It is thus plausible that the fabrica was stored in the church barns, but of course this crop might also have been brought to the farm of one of the churchwardens who lived in the parish. It is most likely that the bishop’s tithe was stored in the church barn until it could be picked up by the bishop’s men. Some twenty years after the Reformation new rules were introduced that the peasants were to bring the king’s tithe (formerly the bishop’s tithe) to the respective castles and not just to the churchyard as previously. In 1577 a general law for Zealand was made that the peasants should bring the tithe in sheaves to whoever owned it. It was no longer enough to bring it to the churchyard.The conclusion is that the vicar’s tithe was probably brought to the vicarage, the fabrica could be stored in the church barn or at the churchwarden’s house and the bishop’s tithe was most likely always stored in the church barn.A few of the largest church barns may have been drive-through buildings, meaning that wagons entered through a gate in one end of the building, the sheaves were unloaded inside the building, and the wagon left via a gate at the opposite end of the building. The church barn in Kalundborg (fig. 18) and possibly also that in Tranebjerg had this function. In the smaller barns the sheaves were simply carried into the barn (fig. 16) or passed in through a hole in the wall. The interiors of the barns have been radically changed everywhere but some have been archaeologically examined. The church barn in Flemløse had been divided into three rooms, one of which seems to have had a cellar. The finding of charcoal in Skårup church barn suggests that the building was also used for purposes other than storage. In Skårup there were also remains of a hard clay floor that would have been ideal for threshing. Since we know nothing about church barns until the last century of the Middle Ages it has been claimed that originally the church lofts were used to store the crops. When vaults were introduced in many parish churches in late medieval times, leaving no storage room in the lofts, it became necessary to build church barns. This could explain the few church barns in Jutland since many churches in that part of the country never had vaults built on. From post-medieval times we know that in several churches in Southern and Northern Jutland the lofts were used for storing crops. In Egen church a winch used for this purpose still exists and one can suppose that this also reflects the medieval practice (fig. 19). However, this poses the question of where the threshing would then have taken place, because it seems that the tithe was normally handed over in sheaves and not in the form of grain. Furthermore there does not seem to be a clear connection between vaults and church barns. All of the vault-less churches mentioned by Jacob Madsen also had church barns. Probably the church barns must be considered as part of the massive construction works that were undertaken in connection with the Danish churches in the last 150 years of the Middle Ages. Vaults, towers, porches, etc. were built. This building activity was most intensive in the eastern part of the country, while the western part of Jutland tended to follow at a much slower pace, and in the year 1536 the Reformation put an abrupt end to it all. Another reason for the lack of church barns in many parts of Jutland could be that they were wooden constructions. Most of the church barns we know about are mentioned in the sources when they are torn down and the bricks or boulders sold. Wooden constructions are less valuable in this sense and might be underrepresented in the written sources for this reason.Immediately after the Reformation the use of the church barns probably did not change dramatically. But in the late 16th century more church barns fell out of use. This was encouraged by law in 1643. As more and more churches became private property the landlord owned both church buildings and tithe. For the church owner it was more convenient to have the tithe brought directly to his own barn and as the church barns lost their original function the materials of which they were built could be used for restoring the churches – another matter for which the church owner was responsible. Many church barns were lost on this account in the 1660s. The few church barns that remain today survived because they were used for a new purpose soon after the Reformation. In the boroughs they were often used as schools (fig. 14) and in the country parishes they could be converted into workhouses for poor people (fig. 21). The church barns have not drawn as much attention to themselves as an object of research as have the medieval churches, but they are a unique group of medieval buildings and together with the churches they form a unity that dates back almost 500 years. Mikael Manøe BjerregaardAfdeling for MiddelalderarkæologiAarhus UniversitetMoesgård

Reinhardt, Volker, Pontifex. Die Geschichte der Päpste. Von Petrus bis Franziskus, München 2017, Beck, 928 S. / Abb., € 38,00. (Bernward Schmidt, Eichstätt) Schneider, Bernhard, Christliche Armenfürsorge. Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des Mittelalters. Eine Geschichte des Helfens und seiner Grenzen, Freiburg i. Br. / Basel / Wien 2017, Herder, 480 S. / Abb., € 29,99. (Benjamin Laqua, Wiesbaden) Kotecki, Radosław / Jacek Maciejewski / John S. Ott (Hrsg.), Between Sword and Prayer. Warfare and Medieval Clergy in Cultural Perspective (Explorations in Medieval Culture, 3), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XVII u. 546 S., € 135,00. (Florian Messner, Innsbruck) Mews, Constant J. / Anna Welch (Hrsg.), Poverty and Devotion in Mendicant Cultures 1200 – 1450 (Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West), London / New York 2016, Routledge, XI u. 214 S. / Abb., £ 110,00. (Margit Mersch, Bochum) Krötzl, Christian / Sari Katajala-Peltomaa (Hrsg.), Miracles in Medieval Canonization Processes. Structures, Functions, and Methodologies (International Medieval Research, 23), Turnhout 2018, Brepols, VI u. 290 S., € 80,00. (Otfried Krafft, Marburg) Carocci, Sandro / Isabella Lazzarini (Hrsg.), Social Mobility in Medieval Italy (1100 – 1500) (Viella Historical Research, 8), Rom 2018, Viella, 426 S. / Abb., € 75,00. (Christian Hesse, Bern) Seggern, Harm von, Geschichte der Burgundischen Niederlande (Urban-Taschenbücher), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, 294 S. / Karten, € 29,00. (Malte Prietzel, Paderborn) Pätzold, Stefan / Felicitas Schmieder (Hrsg.), Die Grafen von der Mark. Neue Forschungen zur Sozial-‍, Mentalitäts- und Kulturgeschichte (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 41), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, 171 S., € 29,00. (Dieter Scheler, Bochum) Selzer, Stephan (Hrsg.), Die Konsumentenstadt – Konsumenten in der Stadt des Mittelalters (Städteforschung. Reihe A: Darstellungen, 98), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2018, Böhlau, 287 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Eberhard Isenmann, Brühl / Köln) Arlinghaus, Franz-Josef, Inklusion – Exklusion. Funktion und Formen des Rechts in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt. Das Beispiel Köln (Norm und Struktur, 48), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, 439 S. / Abb., € 70,00. (Laurence Buchholzer, Straßburg) Die Reichenauer Lehenbücher der Äbte Friedrich von Zollern (1402 – 1427) und Friedrich von Wartenberg (1428 – 1453), bearb. v. Harald Derschka (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Würtemberg. Reihe A: Quellen, 61), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, LXXXVI u. 416 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Joachim Wild, München) Hülscher, Katharina, Das Statutenbuch des Stiftes Xanten (Die Stiftskirche des heiligen Viktor zu Xanten. Neue Folge, 1), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, 710 S. / Karten, € 86,00. (Heike Hawicks, Heidelberg) Kießling, Rolf / Gernot M. Müller (Hrsg.), Konrad Peutinger. Ein Universalgelehrter zwischen Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit: Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven (Colloquia Augustana, 35), Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VIII u. 240 S. / Abb., € 59,95. (Harald Müller, Aachen) Rizzi, Andrea (Hrsg.), Trust and Proof. Translators in Renaissance Print Culture (Library of the Written Word, 63 / The Handpress World, 48), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XVI u. 295 S. / Abb., € 142,00. (Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, Münster) Zwierlein, Cornel (Hrsg.), The Dark Side of Knowledge. Histories of Ignorance, 1400 to 1800 (Intersections, 46), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XVII u. 436 S., € 179,00. (Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Münster / Berlin) González Cuerva, Rubén / Alexander Koller (Hrsg.), A Europe of Courts, a Europe of Factions. Political Groups at Early Modern Centres of Power (1550 – 1700) (Rulers and Elites, 12), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, IX u. 263 S., € 119,00. (Volker Bauer, Wolfenbüttel) Matheson-Pollock, Helen / Joanne Paul / Catherine Fletcher (Hrsg.), Queenship and Counsel in Early Modern Europe (Queenship and Power), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XIII u. 284 S. / Abb., € 106,99. (Katrin Keller, Wien) Dunn, Caroline / Elizabeth Carney (Hrsg.), Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty (Queenship and Power), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XIV u. 199 S., € 96,29. (Katrin Keller, Wien) Maurer, Michael. Konfessionskulturen. Die Europäer als Protestanten und Katholiken, Paderborn 2019, Schöningh, 415 S., € 49,90. (Wolfgang Reinhard, Freiburg i. Br.) Duffy, Eamon, Reformation Divided. Catholics, Protestants and the Conversion of England, London [u. a.] 2017, Bloomsbury, 441 S., £ 27,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Kelly, James E. / Susan Royal (Hrsg.), Early Modern English Catholicism. Identity, Memory, and Counter-Reformation (Catholic Christendom, 1300 – 1700), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XIII u. 260 S., € 125,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) The Correspondence and Unpublished Papers of Robert Persons, SJ, Bd. 1: 1574 – 1588, hrsg. v. Victor Houliston / Ginevra Crosignani / Thomas M. McCoog (Catholic and Recusant Texts of the Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods, 4), Toronto 2017, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, XX u. 729 S., € 110,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Schumann, Eva (Hrsg.), Justiz und Verfahren im Wandel der Zeit. Gelehrte Literatur, gerichtliche Praxis und bildliche Symbolik. Festgabe für Wolfgang Sellert zum 80. Geburtstag (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. Neue Folge, 44), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter, X u. 194 S. / Abb., € 79,95. (Ralf-Peter Fuchs, Essen) Priesching, Nicole, Sklaverei im Urteil der Jesuiten. Eine theologiegeschichtliche Spurensuche im Collegio Romano (Sklaverei – Knechtschaft – Zwangsarbeit, 15), Hildesheim / Zürich / New York 2017, Olms, VI u. 344 S., € 58,00. (Markus Friedrich, Hamburg) Lorenz, Maren, Menschenzucht. Frühe Ideen und Strategien 1500 – 1870, Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 416 S. / Abb., € 34,90. (Pierre Pfütsch, Stuttgart) Lamb, Edel, Reading Children in Early Modern Culture (Early Modern Literature in History), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XI u. 258 S., € 96,29. (Helmut Puff, Ann Arbor) Kissane, Christopher, Food, Religion, and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cultures of Early Modern Europe), London [u. a.] 2018, Bloomsbury Academic, X u. 226 S. / Abb., £ 85,00. (Mario Kliewer, Dresden) Cavallo, Sandra / Tessa Storey (Hrsg.), Conserving Health in Early Modern Culture. Bodies and Environments in Italy and England, Manchester 2017, Manchester University Press, XVI u. 328 S. / Abb., £ 70,00. (Siglinde Clementi, Bozen) Rogger, Philippe / Nadir Weber (Hrsg.), Beobachten, Vernetzen, Verhandeln. Diplomatische Akteure und politische Kulturen in der frühneuzeitlichen Eidgenossenschaft / Observer, connecter, négocier. Acteurs diplomatiques et cultures politiques dans le Corps helvétique, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Itinera, 45), Basel 2018, Schwabe, 198 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Beat Kümin, Warwick) Greyerz, Kaspar von / André Holenstein / Andreas Würgler (Hrsg.), Soldgeschäfte, Klientelismus, Korruption in der Frühen Neuzeit. Zum Soldunternehmertum der Familie Zurlauben im schweizerischen und europäischen Kontext (Herrschaft und soziale Systeme in der Frühen Neuzeit 25), Göttingen 2018, V&R unipress, 289 S., € 45,00 / Open Access. (Marco Tomaszewski, Freiburg i. Br.) Absmeier, Christine / Matthias Asche / Márta Fata / Annemarie Röder / Anton Schindling (Hrsg.), Religiös motivierte Migrationen zwischen dem östlichen Europa und dem deutschen Südwesten vom 16. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg. Reihe B: Forschungen, 219), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, XIV u. 334 S. / Abb., € 34,00. 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À partir de plusieurs manuscrits contenant une partie de l’Épistolaire inédit d’Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale d’Espagne, nous avons tiré et édité une centaine de lettres, écrites en français, par un fonctionnaire de la Curie Romaine le protonotaire Andrés de Castillo. Les lettres, rédigées au Vatican, couvrent la période entre 1537 et 1544 et traitent les sujets relatifs aux questions administratives et juridiques de la famille Granvelle devant le Saint-Siège. Les lettres font parties des codex nº 7906 et nº 20210 de la Bibliothèque Nationale d’Espagne. Andrés de Castillo, dont on ignore les données biographiques, s’occupait de la gestion des questions relatives aux bénéfices et aux titres ecclésiastiques de tous les membres de la famille Granvelle. Les lettres, toujours de la main de Castillo, sont adressées à Nicolas de Granvelle et à Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle. Andrés de Castillo commence la correspondance alors qu’Antoine Perrenot était étudiant à Salamanque (Espagne). Mort l’évêque d’Arras et, recommandé par Marie d’Hongrie, le jeune Antoine fût nommé évêque d’Arras. Une des finalités de la thèse a été de répertorier des données présentes dans la correspondance, ce qui va faire connaître la structure et l’organisation de l’administration du Vatican, de ses responsables, des tarifs, des conflits et des obstacles, des désaccords et aussi de mettre au jour les procédés établis pour l’obtention des bénéfices. Dans ce sens, elle nous permet non seulement d’obtenir une information de première main, jusqu’aujourd’hui inconnue, des protocoles du Vatican, mais aussi de connaître les pratiques non officielles, comme les cadeaux, les remerciements et les pourboires. La correspondance découvre aussi le pacte d’alliances entre les membres de l’administration et les mécanismes pour éviter les prononcés, qui obligeait parfois à l’intervention des autorités supérieures. L’échange ininterrompu de missives depuis près d’une dizaine d’années nous permet de confirmer la récurrence des pratiques et la reconstruction complète du processus de certains dossiers. La correspondance éditée et les appareils montrent la langue française de la première moitié du XVIe siècle dans son emploi par un usager non francophone, l'espagnol Andrés de Castillo. Les lettres que nous présentons mentionnent certains des événements historiques les plus remarquables de son époque. Les années dans lesquelles se situent les missives que nous éditons sont des années de conflit dans l'Empire de Charles V. L'empereur lutte contre les trois grands rivaux impériaux : les turcs, les français et les protestants, comme on peut voir dans cette correspondance. La thèse présente l’édition des textes, une étude du lexique administratif et juridique des textes, une introduction aux documents et la contextualisation des faits mentionnés. La thèse est accompagnée d’un chapitre de notes historiques, d’un index de noms et des lieux qui facilite la tâche de la consultation et de la localisation des lieux mentionnés. L’index de lettres éditées et l’index de lettres mentionnées sont un apport pour identifier les documents que nous ne connaissons pas encore, mais que nous espérons trouver un jour. La bibliographie complète la tâche que nous nous avions imposée qui était celle d'étudier cette correspondance dans toutes ses facettes et suivant des critères philologiques, linguistiques et, plus largement, civilisationnistes
From Antonio Perrenot de Granvela's unpublished collection of letters kept in the National Library of Spain, a hundred of letters have been edited, written in French, for the prothonotary Andrés de Castillo. The letters comprise the period between 1537 and 1544 and deal with the matters relative to the administrative and juridical questions of the family Granvela before the Holy See. The letters belong to the codices: 7906 and 20210 of the National Library of Spain with headquarters in Madrid. Andrés de Castillo, of whom we do not know the biographical information, was under the service of the family Granvela and managed for all his members the matters relative to the benefits and the ecclesiastic titles. The letters, always from the hand of Castillo, are addressed to Nicolás Perrenot de Granvela and Antonio Perrenot de Granvela. He initiates the correspondence while Antonio was a student in Padua. At the death of the bishop of Arras and, following Maria's suggestion of Hungary, the young person Antonio is nominated the bishop of Arras. In the correspondence we will have the occasion to know the structure and organization of the Vatican administration, of the people in charge, of the different rates, of the conflicts and obstacles, of the disagreements and also of the procedure established for the achievement of the benefits. In this respect it allows not only obtain previous information first hand, unknown until today, of the Vatican protocols, but also of the not official practices, as gifts, gratefulnesses and gratuities. It discovers also the agreement of alliances between the members of the administration and of the mechanisms to avoid the pronouncements, which sometimes forces to the intervention of more high instances. The uninterrupted exchange of missives for almost ten years allows us to confirm the repetitiveness of the practices and the complete reconstruction of the process of some dossiers. The published correspondance shows the French language of the first half of the 16th century used by a Spaniard, Andrés de Castillo. The letters that we present mention some of the most relevant historical events of his epoch. The years in which the missives take place and that we edit, are troubled years in the Empire of Charles V. The emperor quarrelled with three big imperial rivals: the Turks, the Frenchmen and the Protestants, as it is reflected in this correspondence. The thesis presents the edition of the texts, a study of the administrative lexicon and juridical specific of the texts, an introduction to the documents and the context of the cited facts. The edition is accompanied by a device of historical notes, of an index of names, of an index and maps of places, which facilitates the task of the consultation and of the location of the places mentioned in the missives, of an index of published letters and an index of mentioned letters that are a contribution to identify the documents that we do not know yet, but that we expect to find some day. Finally, the bibliography completes the task that we had proposed ourselves on having studied this correspondence in all its features and following philologic, linguistic criteria and for civilizations