Journal articles on the topic '人物傳記'
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王絲嬋, 王絲嬋. "慰藉鄉愁以文學—論呂則之《海煙》中的澎湖文化." 國文經緯 20, no. 20 (May 2024): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/221845462024050020007.
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<p>呂則之（1955－）是澎湖文學及海洋文學極具代表性的作家，自1983年迄今，出版九部長篇小說，其內容緊繫澎湖和海洋，是典型的澎湖文學，因此不難在其中看見澎湖文化產物的足跡。對記憶中的家鄉的書寫，無疑是呂則之最大的貢獻之一，這些著作將成為珍貴的地方資產。《海煙》（1983）是呂則之的第一部小說，葉石濤評其為「一部臺灣文學史上未曾出現過的海洋為主題的小說，暗示在臺灣文學的領域上可以開拓的一條新路」；龍應台讚之「為澎湖立傳」。本文藉由討論《海煙》中的文化產物，試圖探索澎湖文化，可以發現呂則之在在刻劃了澎湖的歷史踏痕，某方面來說，更建構了澎湖人的記憶。探析呂則之的小說，不僅可以挖掘澎湖的歷史記憶、發展條件和居民的生活樣態，更可以看出他對家鄉的深厚情感。</p> <p> </p>
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羅秀美, 羅秀美. "文化記憶的追尋與再現：以「故宮文學家」作品中的「北溝故宮」書寫為主." 中正漢學研究 34, no. 34 (December 2019): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/2306036020191200340006.
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<p>1949年後北京故宮輾轉播遷至臺灣，落腳於臺中霧峰北溝(1950-1965)十六年。守護者莊嚴全家也落腳於此，此地乃當時臺中最重要的文化及旅遊勝地。然1965年北溝故宮北遷後，空餘庫房山洞供人憑弔。當時曾出現一批「故宮文學家」，他們與「北溝故宮」有或深或淺的關係，曾留下相關記憶的書寫，這些文本正是本論文考察的對象。職是，本論文以文化空間與文學記憶為論述概念，首論偏安北溝的「回憶空間」，莊嚴父子大半生與故宮文物流離至北溝所構建的回憶空間。其次則論在此文化空間的文人對傳統文化的傳承，即孔德成與臺靜農等人至北溝故宮清點文物的記憶。第三則論及個體記憶的再現，以臺靜農與林文月、凌叔華與蘇雪林的北溝旅行為主。第四則論及集體記憶中的文化旅遊勝地，兼論齊邦媛的英譯暨陪訪史。透過以上討論，可在集體的歷史大敘述外，呈現個體的文學記憶，豐富北溝故宮之文化記憶。</p> <p> </p><p>After 1949, the Palace Museum from Beijing relocated to Taiwan and settled in Beigou北溝 of Taichung (1950-1965) for 16 years. Zhuang Yan莊嚴 and his family who guard the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮 is also setteled here, this place also was the most important cultural tourist attraction in Taichung.However, after the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮 moved northward in 1965, the empty warehouse caves in this area were for people to hang. At that time, a group of " the Palace Museum writers故宮文學家" appeared. They had a deep or shallow relationship with the " the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮",they had left relevant memory writing,these texts are the objects of this paper. In this paper, the concept of cultural space and literary memory is discussed in this dissertation. Firstly, discussion is about the “memory space” in Beigou北溝,the memory space constructed by the Zhuang Yan莊嚴 father and son for most of his life and the Palace Museum 故宮’s cultural relics moved to Beigou北溝. Secondly, it discusses the inheritance of traditional culture by the literati in this cultural space, that is, the memory of Kung Te-Cheng孔德成 and Tai Jing-nong臺靜農 and others to the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮 to count the cultural relics. Thirdly, on the reappearance of personal memory, mainly on the the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮 trip of Tai Jing-nong臺靜農 and Lin Wen-yue林文月, Ling Shu-hua凌叔華and Su Xue-lin蘇雪林. Fourthly, the cultural tourism resort in the collective memory, as well as the history of Qi Bang-yuan’s齊邦媛English translation and accompanying visits. Through the above-mentioned discussion, the individual’s literary memory can be presented in addition to the collective grand historical narrative, especially enrich the cultural memory of the Palace Museum in Beigou北溝故宮.</p> <p> </p>
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Moon, mi-jin. "≪歷代人物傳記資料彙編≫에 수록된 ≪古先君臣圖鑑≫ 考察." JOURNAL OF CHINESE HUMANITIES 71 (April 30, 2019): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35955/jch.2019.04.71.331.
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黃雅莉, 黃雅莉. "疏離與聯繫，異化與同化—— 「眷村」作為一種歷史圖象的符碼意義." 國立彰化師範大學文學院學報 28, no. 28 (November 2023): 021–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/230597612023110028002.
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<p>「眷村」作為一種時代的印記，除了作為人物活動的背景之外，它本身也是個性鮮明的主體。在塑造空間圖景與時代變遷的想像上扮演著歷史演繹的核心角色，反映了眷村人的精神指向和價值觀念。有鑒於此，本文選擇以眷村的空間意涵為論述點，論述的邏輯脈絡是由眷村表面的形象層，進入意蘊層、哲理層，以見「眷村」作為離散遷移符碼的地理空間；作為外省人生命史演繹的場景空間；作為台灣歷史文化的記憶空間，由此可以確認眷村空間的美學價值與歷史意義。由全文論述可知，「眷村」作為一種時代符碼的空間意象，它具有四層意涵：生活的空間場景(客觀的描寫)，生活的時間與回憶(主觀的意蘊)，生命的精神根源(生存哲理與身份的思考)、時代與歷史的變遷(存史詳史的銘記)。綜合上述，「眷村」作為一種時代符碼的空間意象，被賦予了多重象徵意義，它不只是一種特定的聚落建築，它更是當代台灣社會獨特的政治文化產物，它不是自然的地理稱謂，而是外省人遷臺的群聚居地和集體記憶。眷村雖然已走入歷史，但它已展現了外省族群離散的體驗對於內在精神的影響，也傳達了一代「外省人」如何從離散到台灣落地生根的歷程。同時它也展現了身分認同的問題，攜帶著歷史創傷記憶的陳跡，體現著政治與文學的變化。眷村已由一個客觀的空間意涵一變而成了具有多種意味的大符碼，若把眷村置於歷史發展脈絡中，可見其展現了一種多元且變化的義涵。</p> <p> </p><p>As a mark of the times, "Military Village" is not only a background for the activities of the characters, but also a subject with distinctive personality. It plays a central role in historical interpretation in shaping the spatial image and the imagination of the changing times, reflecting the spiritual direction and values of the military dependents. In view of this, this paper chooses the spatial connotation of military dependents’ villages as the discussion point, and the logical context of the discussion is from the image layer on the surface of military dependents’ villages to the level of connotation and philosophy, so as to see the geography of “military dependents’ villages” as discrete migration codes Space; as a scene space for the interpretation of the life history of people in other provinces; as a memory space of Taiwan’s history and culture, from which the aesthetic value and historical significance of the space of the Military Military Village can be confirmed. From the discussion in the full text, we can see that "Military Military Village" as a space image of the code of the times has four meanings: the spatial scene of life (objective description), the time and memory of life (subjective meaning), and the spiritual origin of life (Thoughts on the philosophy of survival and identity), the changes of the times and history (the memory of the detailed history).</p> <p> </p>
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黃聖松, 黃聖松. "《春秋經》與《左傳》卿之身分判準三則." 人文研究學報 57 (October 2023): 097–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/241195042023105700003.
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<p>本文以《春秋經》與《左傳》為範圍，提出「帥師以納周天子、他國之君、他國之公子者為卿」、「行弔災與唁之事者為卿」、「『逆』公子而立為國君或大子者為卿」三項判斷卿身分之標準。二者記第一項之事計十則、十三位人物，經本文分析知齊之隰朋、楚之成得臣、楚之鬬勃、晉之趙盾、楚之屈建、齊之高偃、晉之籍談、晉之荀躒、晉之趙鞅、魯之叔孫舒、越之臯如、越之舌庸、宋之樂茷等十三人身分皆為卿。二者記第二項之事計五則、四位人物，記行唁之事有五則、五位人物。除國君外，二者計有魯之厚成叔、魯之叔弓、陳之公孫貞子、魯之臧紇、齊之高張、晉之荀躒等六位大夫，身分皆為卿。二者計第三項之事計八則，除一則對象不明，另有鄭之祭仲、石甲父、侯宣多、晉之趙穿、荀罃、齊之崔杼、莒之公子鐸、楚之子西等八位。祭仲、趙穿、荀罃、崔杼、子西確定為卿，又旁證石甲父與侯宣多亦是卿，整體比例已逾八成，推測莒之公子鐸身分亦是卿。</p> <p> </p><p>This article takes "Chūn Qiū Jīng" & "Zuǒ Zhuán" as the text scope, and proposes three criteria for judging the identity of Qīng. The first is "those Generals who escorted the Emperor Zhōu, Monarchs or Princes from other States to their own States with armies are Qīng." The second is "those who expressed their condolences to States or extended condolences to Monarchs are Qīng." The third is "those who welcomed Princes from other States to their own States and let them become Monarchs or the first Prince in succession to the throne are Qīng." Refer to "Chūn Qiū Jīng" & "Zuǒ Zhuán", there are ten stories and thirteen characters belong to the first criterion. According to the analysis of this article, they are Xí Péng (Qí State), Chéng Dé-chén (Chǔ State), Dòu Bó (Chǔ State), Zhào Dùn (Jìn State), Qū Jiàn (Chǔ State), Gāo Yǎn (Qí State), Jí Tán (Jìn State), Xún Lì (Jìn State), Zhào Yang (Jìn State), Shū-sūn Shū (Lǔ State), Gāo Rú (Yuè State), Shé Yōng (Yuè State) and Yuè Fá (Sòng State). All these thirteen above are Qīng. Besides, there are five stories and four characters belong to the second criterion and they were record by expressing their condolences to States. Another five stories and five characters were record for extending their condolences to Monarchs. Except those Monarchs, there are six persons who belong to the second criterion. They are Hòu Chéng-shū (Lǔ State), Shū Gōng (Lǔ State), Gōng-sūn Zhēn-zi (Chén State), Zāng Hé (Lǔ State), Gāo Zhàng (Qí State) and Xún Lì (Jìn State). All these six Dà-fū above are Qīng. In conclusion, there are eight stories and eight characters belong to the third criterion, except for an unknown character. The rest of them are Jì Zhòng (Zhèng State), Shí Jiǎ-fù (Zhèng State), Hóu Xuān-duō (Zhèng State), Zhào Chuān (Jìn State), Xún Yīng (Jìn State), Cuī Zhù (Qí State), Gōng-zǐ Duó (Jǔ State) and Zǐ Xī (Chǔ State). Jì Zhòng, Zhào Chuān, Xún Yīng, Cuī Zhù and Zǐ Xī are identified as Qīng. Shí Jiǎ-fù and Hóu Xuān-duō are also confirmed to be Qīng by some evidence. The overall ratio is more than 80%, and it is speculated that Gōng-zǐ Duó is also Qing.</p> <p> </p>
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唐立宗, 唐立宗. "俱撰有志：明代河東學派張良知的仕宦生涯與志書編刊析論." 明代研究 38, no. 38 (June 2022): 001–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/160759942022060038001.
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<p>明儒薛瑄於山西河東地區發揚程朱理學，倡研正心復性的實踐之學，受教弟子成眾，後世稱河東學派。薛瑄的再傳弟子呂柟，被視作明代中期河東學派的代表人物，呂柟同時受到關學的影響，除了持續推動研經講學外，還投入地方志的編纂工作，其言教身教之影響值得留意。本文主要探究明代河東學派門人編纂地方志的動向，特別以張良知為例，透過記載其生平事蹟的神道碑文，及相關志書、文集等，考察他在許州、漢中、中都三地的仕宦經歷與修志作為，及其所撰志書史料價值，並指出河東學派關心史志之剪裁編排、重視國家典章制度與官員政務活動的志書風格。</p> <p> </p><p>By focusing on the relationship between the Ming dynasty Hedong School member Zhang Liangzhi’s career and his selection of materials for the compilation of local gazetteers in three different locales (Xuzhou, Hanzhong, Zhongdu), this article makes a preliminary foray into what members of the Hedong School emphasized in their compilation of local gazetteers. Using Zhang’s stele epitaph, his gazetteers writings, and collected works (wenji), along with other historical documents, I investigate the relationship between his approach to governing local communities and the compiling of local gazetteers. Through an assessment of this relationship, this article reveals that the Hedong School not only focused on matters of editing and the arrangement of historical sources but further favored topics related to imperial decrees and regulations, and governmental affairs.airs.</p> <p> </p>
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潘大為, 潘大為. "托尼．莫里森：天堂裡的麻煩." 英語文暨口筆譯學集刊 18, no. 1 (January 2020): 069–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/199891482020011801004.
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<p>托尼．莫里森的《天堂》（1998年）是對非裔美國人歷史的透徹表現，它探討了我將在這部作品的介紹中描述的一些主題。主要是，我將在本文中仔細研究《天堂》中描繪的最重要的主題之一——黑人歷史以及美國文化背景下的政治和社會發展。對於激進分子莫里森來說，改革的禮物同樣重要，我們可以將她對「當前」非裔美國人歷史的看法一直延伸到奴隸制時代，因為正是在這個時代，非裔美國人的現代歷史才真正開始，並且這些人真正以有意義和重要的方式參與到美國的生活和文化中。莫里森已經認識到這種「長期觀點」歷史可以追溯到大約 160 年前的敘述可能性。這一觀點符合莫里森對祖先和祖先、記憶和傳統以及創立文化神話的興趣。在這些框架中，紅寶石的公民和修道院的居民——天堂的兩個不同且經常相互衝突的家庭、社區、政治和哲學參與概念的場所——參與了與非洲長期辯論密切相關的政治文化對話-美國社區。</p> <p> </p><p>Toni Morrison’s Paradise (1998) is a penetrating representation of African-American history that examines a number of topics which I will describe in the introduction to this work. Principally, I will in this paper scrutinize one of the most important of the subjects portrayed in Paradise—black history and political and cultural development within the parameters of American culture. As important as a reformed present is for the activist Morrison, we may extend her view of “current” African-American history all that way back to the slavery era, for it is in this era that African-American modern history truly begins, and these people actually become involved in American life and culture in significant and important ways. Morrison has recognized the narrative possibilities of this “long view” of history reaching back some 160 years. This view accords with Morrison’s interest in ancestry and the ancestor, memory and ritual, and founding cultural mythologies. In these frameworks the citizens of Ruby and the inhabitants of the Convent— Paradise’s two sites of differing and often conflicting conceptions of social and intellectual engagement—participate in a politico-cultural dialog that is germane to long-running debates in African-American communities.</p> <p> </p>
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鍾志偉, 鍾志偉. "宋人詠寫王荊公之主題形象與修辭探論." 中正漢學研究 34, no. 34 (December 2019): 065–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/2306036020191200340003.
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<p>歷代評價王荊公，兼有毀譽，尤以史傳、筆記、小說最多，建構起荊公立體形象。然而，詩歌亦屬王荊公故事詠寫系統主要體裁之一，至今無專文探討。本文借用詠史懷古詩之研究方法，觀察詩人對荊公之人物論定，回到形象聚訟之始，勾勒宋詩中之荊公形象與主體。可以發現詩中呈現宰相忠業及宋亡罪人之迥異面向。其次，歸納分析詠寫荊公之慣用素材與主題思想，如營造挽歌氛圍與世態炎涼之感慨；速寫讀書堂與嘲弄新學；關注書畫題詠與追慕風神等，最後探討宋人詠寫荊公之詩學設計，一則見詩人慣以一多對立及時空伸縮為篇章構思，有助興發感慨；二則融入荊公詩字句，翻新原典，借彼抒己。總此，讓荊公形象顯影在宋詩上，為荊公之歷史評騭提供初始依據。</p> <p> </p><p>The evaluations of past generations on Sir Wang Jing, mostly in historical biographies, jottings, and short stories, lead to both positive and negative comments and have established a three-dimensional image of Sir Jing. However, there is yet no monograph on poetry, which is also one of the important genres in the writing system of stories about Sir Wang Jing. This article attempts to explore the discussions of figures in history-themed poems and to return to the beginning of the arguments on Sir Jing’s image and depict the image of him portrayed in Song poems. First, it discovers the polarized identity, as a prime minister with loyalty or a guilty person causing the ruin of the Song dynasty. Second, it organizes and analyzes the common materials and theme thoughts in writings about Sir Jing, such as creating atmosphere of elegies around tombs and shrines and fickleness of the world, sketching the reading hall and mocking new learning, and paying attention to inscriptions of calligraphic works and paintings and admiration for the past manner. Finally, it probes into the rhetoric of Song people’s writings about Sir Jing. For example, the structure design of opposition between one and many and expansion and contraction of time-space helps to highlight the effect of sighs with emotions. To give another example, the adjusted use of the words of Sir Jing’s poems adds new meanings to their original meanings. To sum up, this article exhibits vividly on paper the Sir Jing in Song poems and provides a reference for studies on the image of Sir Wang Jing shaped by history.</p> <p> </p>
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黃瑞珍, 黃瑞珍, 賴秋香 Jui-Chen Huang, 楊淑斐 Chiu-Hsiang Lai, 張玉霜 Shu-Fei Yang, and 李權芳 Yu-Shuang Chang. "縮短主動脈支架的術前準備作業時間." 醫療品質雜誌 16, no. 2 (March 2022): 024–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/199457952022031602004.
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<p>目的：緊急置放支架是降低主動脈瘤破裂死亡的關鍵。本文分析造成主動脈支架術前準備時間過長的原因並實施對策，以縮短術前準備作業時間、維護病人安全，營造安全且優質的手術環境。</p> <p>材料與方法：採查檢表調查支架術前準備時間過長情形，導因有缺乏相關知識及經驗、忘記用物位置、採傳統切除手術個案車、透視床擺放錯誤及材料擺放凌亂。透過在職教育、用物位置圖、專屬個案車、標示床辨識圖、備物作業標準、備物查檢表、調整材料位置並標示及稽核機制改善術前準備時間。</p> <p>結果：改善後術前準備時間由28.2分鐘縮短為14.5分鐘，顯示專案對縮短術前準備時間具正面成效。</p> <p>結論：經改善後，成功縮短主動脈支架術前準備時間，日後仍需持續精進對策實施，改善殘餘之問題。</p> <p> </p><p>Purpose: Emergent endovascular stent grafts for ruptured aortic aneurysm can reduce mortality considerably. This study analyzed the factors relating to the time spent on preoperative preparation. Strategies for accelerating the preparation process, maintaining patient safety, and cultivating a safe and high-quality surgical environment are proposed.</p> <p>Materials and Methods: We investigated the factors that may lengthen preoperative preparation time and identified the associated causes, which included a lack of relevant knowledge and experience, failure to recall the location of equipment, use of traditional resection operation case carts, mistaken placement of the radiotranslucent table, and disorganized equipment. We implemented measures to improve preparation, such as enhancing staff education, listing instruments in the tray in detail, establishing specific-use case carts, drawing instructive diagrams detailing the use of the radiotranslucent table, setting a protocol and checklist for preparation, organizing and labeling surgical materials in an orderly fashion, and establishing an auditing system.</p> <p>Results: The time spent on preoperative preparation was shortened from 28.2 to 14.5 min. We verified that this intervention had a positive effect in terms of expediting preparation.</p> <p>Conclusion: The intervention successfully shortened the time spent on preoperative preparation. However, more methods are required to solve the remaining problems.</p> <p> </p>
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陳嘉璟, 陳嘉璟, and 許博期 許博期. "心悟與觀視：《察病指南》古今怪脈儀圖析解." 國立彰化師範大學文學院學報 29, no. 29 (May 2024): 075–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/230597612024050029004.
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<p>脈診，是中醫重要的診斷方法。醫者手觸脈動引發主觀的判讀，因抽象體會難以言說，故歷來做了許多努力。早期以文字譬喻為主描述脈象，至宋代施發《察病指南》增見具象的脈象圖示。文章以七怪脈為主，比對古脈圖與現代脈儀圖，尋其特點與限制，或能為新世代的診斷尋找更合宜的時代範式。研究發現，古脈圖是傳統脈診心象運思的表徵，有輔助文字的重要作用。科技脈儀圖，則以心臟或血液動力學為基礎，如實記錄脈搏的波動訊號，從時域到高低頻譜以揭露生理病理的訊息。比較兩者，可各見特點與限制：古圖提供他人藉以揣摩，難以盡言的脈覺體會，其譬喻文圖的運用所載意義更為豐富固是優勢所在；然也因非邏輯性的傳訊而形成多樣的表達，這非客觀化的限制，正是當代醫家的修正努力與科診儀器強調的優處。另一方面，儀器診察雖有客觀、標準化的特點，但其測值是否能涵蓋生命的整體現象亦有質疑聲音。故兩者該並行析究：在傳統理論與現代儀器之間，嘗試建構一套能銜接古今的替代理論，或許能為新世代的脈診量測，提供一個較為周全的診斷依據。而中醫的脈圖分析能進入當代，參與W.J.T.Mitchell圖像轉向中，生物圖像研究的子題是無疑的。</p> <p> </p><p>This article mainly focuses on the seven weird pulses, compares ancient pulse diagrams and modern pulse diagrams, and seeks out their characteristics and limitations, hoping to find a more suitable paradigm for the diagnosis of the new generation. Research has found that ancient pulse diagrams are representations of mental images and thoughts in traditional pulse diagnosis, and play an important role in supporting text. The technological pulse chart is based on heart or hemodynamics and faithfully records pulse fluctuation signals from time domain to high and low frequency spectrum to reveal physiological and pathological information. Comparing the two, we can see the characteristics and limitations of each: the ancient pictures provide others with an indescribable pulse-sensing experience, and the use of metaphors and pictures contains richer meanings, which is an advantage; however, it is also illogical Forming diverse expressions through communication, this non-objectification limitation is exactly the advantage emphasized by the revision efforts of contemporary doctors and medical diagnostic equipment. On the other hand, although instrumental diagnosis has the characteristics of being objective and standardized, there are also doubts about whether its measured values can cover the overall phenomenon of life. Therefore, the two should be analyzed in parallel: between traditional theory and modern instruments, trying to construct an alternative theory that can connect ancient and modern times may provide a more comprehensive diagnostic basis for pulse diagnosis and measurement in the new generation. The pulse diagram analysis of TCM can enter the contemporary era and participate in W.J.T. Mitchell’s pictorial turn. There is no doubt that it is a sub-topic of biological image research.</p> <p> </p>
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黄, 自鴻. "宗教人物傳記的寫作策略：《高僧傳》的神聖修辭學." 人文中國學報, June 1, 2017, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.241986.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
奠定佛教人物傳記傳統和分類的《高僧傳》受到傳記學者重視，認爲是中國傳記的一個高峰，從“傳叙文學”的角度來看，該部傳記“富於人性的描寫”。然而，與一般强調事實的傳記比較，《高僧傳》最引人注目的當屬衆多高僧的神異本領。在目前的研究基礎上延伸，本文從傳記文學的角度重新審視《高僧傳》的特色，包括撰作動機、神異情節、編選角度、傳主個性、襯托人物、空間和背景等。通過“神”與“人”、“聖”與“俗”的雙重“神聖修辭學”，慧皎筆下的高僧擁有打動讀者的神聖特質，藉此宣揚佛法。
In the view of “biographical literature,” Biographies of Eminent Monks is “full of humanity description” and is considered as a climax of Chinese biography; for the non-Buddhists, however, the most striking characteristic of Eminent Monks should be the miraculous ability of the biographees. To extend the current studies, this paper attempts to re-evaluate the features of Eminent Monks by investigating Hui Jiao’s writing motivation, the mystic plots, the criteria of selection, the personality of biographees, the secondary characters, space and background, etc. This research suggests that Eminent Monks uses a dual “holy rhetoric” — superhuman / human and holy / mundane — to impress the readers and propagate Buddhism.
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張, 錦池. "論《水滸傳》和《西游記》的神學問題." 人文中國學報, July 1, 1997, 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.42325.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 該文以神學問題作切入點，比較了《水滸傳》和《西遊記》思想和寫法的異同，論證了《易•觀•象》所云「聖人以神道設教而天下服矣」是這兩部作品「神道」描寫的真髓和旨歸。 該文認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》中的英雄人物，既具「神性」的特點，又具「魔性」的特點，明顯地呈現出一種「神」→外「魔」而內「神」→「神」否定之否定三段式生命歷程。執柄者用之則社稷從今化為禮樂笙鏞治，棄之則乾坤由此變作兵戈劍戟叢，這就是作者通過他筆端的英雄人物這一三段式生命歷程所欲曉諭的濟世哲理和療國良方。 該文認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》中的「神諭」實即作者的自諭。其主要作用有三：一是借以匡范英雄人物的人生道路，二是借以充當英雄人物公義觀念的辯護士，三是借以宣泄作者的難言之隱或暗示作品的創作本旨。 該文還認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》雖則同以「神境→人境→神境」作為自己敘事結構的三段式構架，而由於作者審美情感、審美理想、審美心理定勢的不盡相同，其所包蘊於這三段式構架中的思想亦呈現出同中之異。This paper approaches the similarities and differences in the concepts and the narrative methods of Water Margin and Journey To the West from the perspective of theology. It purports to show the didactic purpose and function of the two works. The heroes in the two works show characteristics of the divine and of evil. They move in a three-phase progress: from the divine to a manifestation of evil and then back to the innate divinity. Rulers who use them wisely do so and create a cultured, peaceful, prosperous realm, and those who do not know how to use them turn the world into a battlefield. This is how the two authors use the three-phase progress of their heroes as an exemplar of good governance. The concept of the divine in the two works is an expression of the authors’ concept of what is right. The concept serve three functions: a) as guiding principles for the progress of the heroes, b) as advocacy for the sense of justice in the heroes, and c) as an expression of the unstated purpose of the authors in the creation of the works. While both works use the “divine-human-divine” three-phase structure as the narrative structure of the novel, differences exist because of the differences in the aesthetics of feeling, of ideals and of psychology in the two authors.
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廖, 美玉. "海外傳衣鉢———李穡《牧隱詩藁》的唐詩接受與物候感知." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2014, 343–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.202169.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
李穡年十四始學詩，善於觀察及摹寫自然物色，以詩作爲記憶自然與生活的印記，又歷經元、明及高麗、李朝兩國六朝的跨國易代，除了在父母國由高麗到李朝外，尚有中原的“遼前宋後交馳日，元北明南兩立年”（《北庭》）的經歷，朝代的興亡更迭與個人的進退出處，以及自然物候、風土人情之異，每見於詩，終身吟詠不輟，留下豐富的詩篇與許多值得探究的議題。李穡習朱子學，深得歐陽玄之賞識，視爲海外傳衣鉢者；而李穡又以李杜與程朱並列，成爲一生用力所在。是以本文從唐詩接受與物候感知切入，探討李穡以杜甫爲“正宗”而上溯《南風》，喚起順應自然物候以長養天下之民的帝王記憶，不斷召喚與天相親的農耕記憶，尤以時雨潤物、發榮滋長的物理，最爲深微而親切，從而跳脱抒情傳統所側重的“悲秋傷春”主題，體現出以春天爲主軸的物候感知，映現潤物發榮與順性得所的自在清明。對於中國文化在三韓的發揚與建構，具有重要意義。
Li Se was a Korean scholar and learned to write Chinese poetry at the age of fourteen. He was a man of gifts. He was good at outstanding observation of natural scenery. Besides, he once studied and employed in China in his early life. Because of this experience, he encountered dynastic changes in both countries, including the transition of Yuan and Ming in China and the transition of Gao Li and Li Chao in Korea. These political and cultural experiences became the treasure of his poetry. Intriguingly, Li Se studied the philosophy of Zhu Xi. His poetry met with Ou Yang Xuan acceptance. Meanwhile, Li Se’s poetry had said he learned and inherit of China poetry. Li Se admired Li Bai and Du Fu as much as he respects Zhu Xi and Cheng Yi. All of them were honored by Li Se and become the cultural heroes in his mind. As for the poetics, Li Se considered Nan Feng to be the origin of Chinese poetry. In this poetry, it was his convictions that we should live in accordance with the nature, just like people in the ancient time. Thus, his poetry embodied the blessings in spring and avoided the “sadness of autumn/spring” in poetic tradition. He certainly was recognized as the important poet who represented the Chinese culture in Korea.
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李, 詠健. "據上博楚簡訂補楊伯峻《春秋左傳注》十則." 人文中國學報, January 1, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.292023.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
楊伯峻（1909—1992）《春秋左傳注》是近代重要的《左傳》注本。該書總結前人的研究，爲《左傳》全書作了通盤注釋。惟是書出版至今有年，期間有不少楚簡文獻出土，當中部分內容更可與《左傳》記載相互印證，對校訂《左傳》甚有裨益，亟待加以利用。本文即以2001至2012年間出版的《上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書（一至九）》所録文獻爲依據，就簡文與《左傳》相關之十處內容作比較分析，以訂正或補苴楊注。
Yang Bojun’s (1909-1992) Commentary on the Annals of the Spring and Autumn Periods with Zuoqiu Ming’s Exegesis (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu 春秋左傳注) has been regarded as an important commentary on the Zuozhuan since its publication in the late 20th century. Making use of relevant scholarship, Yang provides comprehensive and thorough annotations on the Zuozhuan. However, with the discovery of excavated texts in the last few decades, some of the commentaries by Yang need rectification and supplementation. The present article aims to re-examine selected commentaries by Yang in his Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu in light of evidence from a collection of excavated bamboo slips dated from the Warring States period, which is preserved in Shanghai Museum and the images of which were published in nine volumes from 2001 to 2012. Through a comparative study of the text of the Zuozhuan and relevant Chu bamboo slips, the author of this article discusses ten selected parts of Yang’s commentary.
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趙, 咏冰. "夢裏不知身是客——重讀脂評." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2008, 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.142513.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. “脂評”自其被發現以來，就一直被當作《石頭記》的副文本來閱讀，研究者或藉其作歷史考證，以倡《石頭記》自傳説；或爲“脂評”本身的歷史真實性大費周章，力辨其真僞。這類研究往往忽略了“脂評”本身的創作性和虚構性。本文旨在釐清上述討論之誤區，通過對“脂評”之語言風格、批評策略的舉例論證，探討“脂評”批書人特殊主體性的建構。要之，“脂評”批書人以《石頭記》之小説作爲參照物（鏡子）所作的自我認同，其中充滿想像、誤識、自戀和分裂的成份，故此，“脂評”是否能作爲閱讀《石頭記》的可靠依據，是紅學或脂學研究者亟需要深思的一個根本問題。 “Zhi-ping” has been regarded as the sub-text of Shi-tou ji or The Story of the Stone since it was discovered. Critics either employ the commentaries as historical proofs of Shi-tou ji being autobiography, or study the historicity or authenticity of the commentaries. What has been neglected is the subjectivity of the commentator(s). This essay tries to discuss the construction of the Subject of the commentator(s) of “Zhi-ping”. I am intended to argue that in the process of annotating, the commentator(s) regards the novel Shi-tou ji as his “mirror” of identification, which pervades with imaginary, misrecognition, narcissism, and split. As a result, reading of Shi-tou ji relying on the historicity of “Zhi-ping” is always misreading and questionable since “Zhi-ping” is itself a creative and fictive work.
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吳, 淑鈿. "超越與異化——《桃花扇》中李香君的藝術形象." 人文中國學報, December 1, 2002, 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.92383.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 清代孔尚任（1648—1718）的《桃花扇》是中國戲曲名篇之一，作為明清傳奇的最後傑作，歷來有關它的討論儘管不少，課題卻多集中在它的歷史素材所呈現的寫作意義上；如歷史事件的比附考述，劇中人物的歷史原型考訂，或通過作品探討歷史敎訓等，單純從文學角度展開的論述則少之又少，本文試圖探討劇中李香君藝術形象的深層意蘊，是希望藉此將《桃花扇》的研究主題自歷史、政治、傳記、性別及文化觀等外緣關懷回到文學的本身去，還它一個文學作品的本來面目。從文學角度看《桃花扇》一劇，劇中主要人物如侯方域、李香君和楊龍友等都是個性獨特的人，而三人中又以李的人物性格最鮮明，楊則表現為沉潛矛盾，侯雖是出場最多的生角，卻只是一般的正派與忠義，不見特別出眾。李香君的妓女形象充分展現了角色之塑造深度，及劇中人物內在性格發展的藝術功能。本文分別從超越與異化兩層次作論述。 The Peach Blossom Fan by Qing Dynasty author Kong Shangren (1648-1718) is a classic of Chinese drama. As the last masterpiece of Ming and Qing chuanchi, The Peach Blossom Fan has been widely discussed. While the topics mainly focus on the use of historical materials, such as the relevance to specific historical incidents, the historical archetypes of the characters or the historical lesson told by the story, the literary perspective is left glaringly unexamined. This paper investigates the significance of the artistic image of Li Xiangjun, trying to direct the critical attention from history, politics, biography, gender and cultural perspectives back to literature per se. Looking at The Peach Blossom Fan from a literary point of view, one will find that major characters like Hou Fangyu, Li Xiangjun and Yang Longyou are all having very special personalities. But among these characters Li is the most outstanding. Although Hou is the leading male character, he is just a typical righteous good man who has nothing special in terms of characterization. Yang's character embodies an internal paradox, but, in contract, he lacks the literary skill of in-depth characterization as shown in the prostitute image of Li Xiangjun. The character of Li can also exemplify the artistic function of the development of a character's internal personalities. This paper will analyze the characterization of Li Xiangjun with respect to the concepts of transcendence and alienation.
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潘, 銘燊. "《書於竹帛——中國古代的文字記錄》." 人文中國學報, December 1, 2002, 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.92391.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
影響人類歷史的中國四大發明，有明確記載發明經過的只有造紙術。《後漢書•蔡倫傳》一則「倫乃造意用樹膚、麻頭及敝布、魚網以為紙……」的記載，使蔡倫成為二千年來造紙作坊供奉的祖師。然而，蔡倫的發明權不是沒有爭議的，而且形成了兩個極端的看法。持否定看法的，譬如潘吉星，認為「如把『造意』改為『監作』或許還近於實際情況」（《文物》1973年第9期）。持肯定看法的，如楊巨中，則明詔大號宣稱「蔡倫發明了造紙術」（《中國古代造紙史淵源》，西安，2001年）。錢存訓在《書於竹帛》中則表達了一種持平的態度，他指出蔡倫對於造紙的貢獻至少有二：即新生原料的採用和製造方法的改進。「這雖然是從舊經驗中所獲得的新成功，但從生產原料和技術方法上加以評估，這確實是一種很重要的改進和貢獻。」（頁112。本評介提到的頁碼，都指上海版。）(撮要取自內文首段)
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林, 幸謙. "重讀《金鎖記》：鐵閨閣與雙重人格的儒家瘋女." 人文中國學報, April 1, 1998, 189–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.52341.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文試圖在中國傳統性別秩序的基礎上重讀張愛玲的〈金鎖記〉，並試圖借助西方女性主義理論去解構文本。這裏提出「鐵閨閣」的概念，藉此挖掘〈金鎖記〉中有關女性人物的壓抑符碼。在匮乏、焦慮和壓抑的主題下，作者把曹七巧推向歇斯底里的邊緣，並在性别文化的定位中把她推向瘋狂。此瘋女形象在中國現代文學史中具有獨特的意義。自傅雷〈論張愛玲的小説〉以來，評論者一向從慾望、壓抑與經濟的角度理解曹七巧的瘋狂現象。本文則進一步提出雙重人格的觀點，從人格分裂視角去理解曹七巧的瘋狂現象，及其深層的內在心理與文化層次的問題。This article attemtps to reread “The Golden Cangue” on the basis of the Chinese traditional gender order, also it attempts to deconstruct the text by means of the Western feminism theory. Hereby the article brings up the concept of “Iron Boudoirs” and by this, to dig out the oppression symbol regarding the female figures in this article. Under the premise of lack, anxiety and oppression, the author pushed Cao Qiqiao to the edge of hysteric and toward madness on the positioning of the gender culture. Moreover, Eileen Chang formed an unique mad woman image in the Chinese modern literature history. Ever since Fu Lei’s “The critique of Eillen Chang’s novel”, the commentators have always tried to understand the madness state of Cao Qiqiao from the viewpoint of desire, oppression, and economic. This article further brought up the viewpoint of split personality, to understand the madness state of Cao Qiqiao from the viewpoint of schizophrenia, as well as her psychical and the cultural aspect problems.
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李, 建軍. "宋元話本形態演進新探." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2020, 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.312001.
Full textAbstract:
LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
宋元時期“話本”一詞，作爲説話伎藝的文本化產物，應釋爲“故事傳本”，即將故事按照一定次序組織起來的相對完整的口頭或書面傳本。宋元話本存在著從口頭傳本到書面文本，從簡本到繁本，從脚本式準話本、録本式話本到擬本式話本的演進態勢；擬本式話本還會經歷從文言擬本到白話擬本的發展脈絡。脚本式準話本，指尚無話本體式特徵但有爲説話伎藝而進行改編形跡的小説文本；録本式話本，指説話内容的記録加工本，從體式而言參差不齊但大都有説話伎藝痕跡；擬本式話本，乃是文人模擬説書口吻和話本體制，用文言體或者白話體編創而成的文本。從脚本到録本再到擬本，體現了話本從雛形到成型再到被模擬的演進邏輯，呈現出話本從粗糙到精緻、從民間發育到文人模擬的發展趨勢。
The novella (huaben) of the Song and Yuan Dynasties was a product of the write-up process of storytelling and should therefore be understood as a “story script,” a relatively complete oral or written text in which stories are organized in a certain order. The evolution of the Song-Yuan novella outlines the changes from the oral version to the written, from simple to complex, and from script to recording to simulation. This last change also saw a transformation in language, from literary to vernacular. These evolutions illustrate a paradigm of changes from basing the writing on the prototype to simulation and imitation. This shows the process of formation and mutation of this genre, from rough in form and style in the hands of folklore writers to refined literati simulation.
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黄, 人二. "戰國郭店竹簡《語叢一》“夫生百物人爲貴”句釋解——兼論郭店簡與郭店墓之年代." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2009, 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.152572.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
戰國郭店竹簡《語叢一》第一八簡云：“夫生百物，人爲貴。”以諸出土與傳世文獻材料互相比較勘驗，知簡文《語叢一》之“夫”字，乃“天”字之誤摹。時代愈早之文獻，出自於地下之發掘（或盜掘），於内容上，理應最爲接近事實。然事理有不如是而適相反者，此其顯例。比對結果，知郭店竹簡“夫〔天〕生百物，人爲貴”一句，乃孔子之言論，而爲孔門弟子及再傳弟子所記載者。由《孝經》曾子曰“敢問聖人之德”句，知其與政治有關。“聖人”爲先秦諸子於政治上或道德上最高階層之人（於某些子書則不盡如是，但大致可以成立），落實到現實政治，則具體實指戰國楚國其時之君王楚懷王，但因墓主之身份可能爲太子太傅，故其人亦可能指當時的太子，即後來即位之楚頃襄王。而以前者的可能和機率較高。戰國郭店墓於考古學上的絶對下限約在公元前300年左右，依照其時其地的政治現況，與夫本文對於“天生百物，人爲貴”句的分析，有幾種可能：（1）若其確指楚懷王在位之最後一年，則年代應定爲公元前299年；（2）若指楚頃襄王之初始即位，爲公元前298年；（3）若指楚懷王之高壽享年（即客死於秦），便是公元前297年。四種不同之年代，於時間上，均極爲接近。然因有書面文字的暗示，考古學上之年代，似可往下修正一至三年。The 18th Slip of Yu Cong 1 from the Warring Period Guodian Bamboo Slips said, "Fu breeds all creatures, and man counts most." Based upon cross references between the excavated and handed-down document material, I have discovered that the “Fu” in the Yu Gong 1 is actually a misplacement for “Sky” or “God”. Generally speaking, scripts that are from earlier ages, especially excavated from underground or illegally operated, should be closer to reality. However, if there are examples opposite to the statement, one prominent example is this case.
According to the cross reference, the sentence "Fu [God] breeds all creatures, and man counts most" from the Guodian Bamboo Slip actually came from Confucius, which were handed down by his pupils and the pupils of his pupils. From the sentence asked by Chen-tse in “Shou-gin” - “What is the virtue of the saints?”, we know it was about politics. “Saints” were the highest in the ranking of politics or ethics in pre-chin period (while it is not necessarily so in some “Tse” books, this statement stands in most of the cases), and when these saints, when searched for real political examples, were in reality referred to the monarch Chu Whi-wong from Chu Kingdom during the warring period. Yet there is this possibility that because the tomb owner was likely to be the grand mater of the young monarch, the monarch could also refer to then young monarch, namely, the later successor Chu Chin-shon-wong. The former stands better chance and probability though.
Archeologically speaking, the absolute minimum year for the Warring Period Guodian Slips falls around 300 B. C. Based upon the political status quo at that time, and the current analysis of the sentence “Fu breeds all creatures, and man counts most”, there are three possibilities. First, if it actually refers to the last year of Chu Whi-wong on seat, then the date should be marked on 299 B. C. Second, if it refers to the initial year of Chu Chi-shon-wong’ s succession to the crown, then it should be 298 B. C. Third, if it refers to the last year of Chu Whi-wong’ s life (who passed away in Ching), then it should be on 297 B. C. These four different dates fall rather closely in time. However, as suggested from the textual literacy, archeological years can be more than from one to three years.
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凌, 頌榮. "踵金宋餘習：蘇天爵《元文類》中的詩歌史開端探論." 人文中國學報, July 1, 2022, 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.342271.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
蘇天爵（1294—1352），字伯修，爲元代中葉館閣文臣的代表人物。其精通史學之餘，亦善於詩文，有總集《元文類》七十卷傳世。《元文類》具備豐富的材料與龐大的規模，以賦體爲始，傳體爲迄，合計收録34類文體，文學史價值不可忽視。本文擬聚焦於《元文類》的詩歌部分，特别是各個類别的開端部分。蘇天爵固然希望建立元詩的主體性，卻必須處理元詩成形以前，與金、宋兩代詩學交雜的時期。這涉及元代對前朝詩歌與文化的認可與接受。是以本文希望從總集的編選手法入手，探討《元文類》對這問題的態度，以及處理手法。本文將分成三部分。首先是整理有關元詩開端之議題的理路，以及其與《元文類》之性質的關係；其次，本文會由元好問於總集中的位置入手，分析金人詩歌進入《元文類》的情況與意義；最後，本文會關注其他金、宋遺民，嘗試梳理隱於總集中的前朝記憶與遺民情感，並考察蘇天爵如何接受它們。
Su Tianjue (1294-1352) was a famous leader of the central government literati in the middle era of Mongol Yuan. Besides his proficiency in historiography, he also compiled a literary anthology titled Yuan wen lei (Yuan Literature Arranged by Genre), which has been an important source for the study of Yuan literature. This paper focuses on the poetic history shown in this book, especially the early part. Obviously, Su aimed to make Yuan poetry the main component of this poetic history, but it would be unrealistic to deny the continuous cultural influence of the Jin and Song dynasties, which were both conquered by the Mongolians. This contradiction is highly related to how Yuan adopted the previous culture. This paper contains three parts. First, it introduces existing scholarship concerning the starting point of the Yuan and thereby studies its relationship with the Yuan wen lei. Secondly, it explores the position of Yuan Haowen (1190-1257) in the anthology and how Su selected the Jin poetry and included it in his anthology. Finally, it examines the poetry written by the loyalists of Jin and Yuan as a means to explore Su’s attitudes towards these works.
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劉, 燕萍. "陽醜•鬼王與神堂———論《慶豐年五鬼鬧鍾馗》的造神過程." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2014, 253–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.202166.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《慶豐年五鬼鬧鍾馗》是有記載最早的“五鬼鬧判”戲，然而“五鬼鬧鍾馗”式的故事，至少在明萬曆三十年（1602）前，已在民間廣泛流傳。約寫於明隆慶二年（1568）至萬曆三十年（1602）間的《金瓶梅詞話》六十五回，李瓶兒死後，演出百戲便包括“五鬼鬧判”。
《慶豐年五鬼鬧鍾馗》一劇，與此前鍾馗文本不同處，在於鍾馗在劇中需要對付衆多鬼魅，並具備完整的由人到鬼至成神的造神過程。鍾馗在劇中，並非具備神通或有神助，卻能成神，强調的是其人格美。本文的重點，在探討鍾馗作爲醜神的“陽醜”：外貌醜與人格美的不協調（incongruity）。鍾馗成爲鬼王，必須降伏有如寓言人物（allegorical figure）的鬼魅。查劇中出現的大小耗鬼和五鬼，乃首次出現於鍾馗故事中。本文追查所提及鬼類的由來，以見鍾馗降伏大小耗鬼和五鬼，與登上鬼王位置的重要性。此外，神堂的獲得乃鍾馗成神的關鍵。《慶豐年五鬼鬧鍾馗》對鍾馗前文本作出“創造性背叛”（creative treason），一反鍾馗爲唐明皇“服務”———驅鬼的“傳統”，改爲替殿頭官驅鬼，以强化士人懷才不遇及官員奸貪的主題。本文通過對鬼（大小耗鬼、五鬼）、神（鍾馗和五道將軍）元素的探討，展示明代首次出現完整的成神過程的鍾馗文本，如何達至成熟的階段，並對後世鍾馗作品産生重要影響。
“Celebrating and Abundant Harvest the Five Ghosts Tease Zhong Kui” is the first drama on the tale of “Five Ghosts Tease Zhong Kui” which appears in the Ming Dynasty. In “Celebrating an Abundant Harvest the Five Ghosts Tease Zhong Kui”, Zhong Kui has to subdue a lot of ghosts. In addition, there is a complete deity- making process. The essence of deity-making is not due to the great magic power of Zhong Kui. It is the power of the character, integrity and righteousness that help Zhong Kui to conquer evil forces. This paper would discuss the incongruity of the ugly appearance and inner beauty of Zhong Kui. In addition, ghosts such as the five ghosts would be traced from its origin to bring out the importance of subduing these ghosts for Zhong Kui to become the ghost king. Different from the pre-texts of the Zhong Kui tales, in “Celebrating an Abundant Harvest the Five Ghosts Tease Zhong Kui”, Zhong Kui conquers the ghosts not for the king but for the court officer which is a kind of creative treason. This “action” brings Zhong Kui the temple which is an essential part of the deity- making. This article focuses on the role of ghosts and deity to show the process of making the Ghost King. “Celebrating an Abundant Harvest the Five Ghosts Tease Zhong Kui” is a mature Zhong Kui tale which inflicts influence on the related Zhong Kui tales of the following decades.
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鄭, 芳祥. "陳傅良《春秋》學與古文關係研究." 人文中國學報, December 1, 2021, 281–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.331980.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 奠基於學界長久以來經學與文學關係緊密的命題之上，本文所欲解決的問題是，陳傅良《春秋》學世變觀、書法觀與古文關係何在？本文認爲，陳氏世變觀著眼於“事端（始）”“漸”“累”“甚”，書法觀則强調《春秋》、《左傳》之書與不書如何互相發明。陳氏《春秋》學不僅僅用於解經，更廣泛的見用於各體古文，包括序跋、書信、雜記、墓誌銘、祭文、論説等等，以及相應的各種不同人事現象、歷史事件。其以“組絲貫珠”的敘事工夫處理古今事物，或是條理清晰的敘述演變現象與關鍵，抑或是以少總多的見出全幅圖像。最後輔以關鍵論斷，或兼述人情。這展現了陳傅良的經學、史學、文學素養與廣博學識，對於本文更重要的，此學養成就了其兼融敘事、議論、抒情的古文作品。 This paper proposes to study the relationship between Chen Fuliang's (1137 -1203) study of The Spring and Autumn Annals and his classical prose, especially how the former influenced the latter. Chen's main contribution to the study of The Spring and Autumn Annals are: 1 ) studying the changes in the world from a historical perspective and 2) the writing principle of The Spring and Autumn Annals. Chen's view of how the world changes focuses on “inception,” “gradual development,” “accumulation,” and “limits.” His view of the writing principle of The Spring and Autumn Annals stresses the reciprocal relationship between the “classic” and its commentary. Chen Fuliang wrote his classical prose in light of his theory of The Spring and Autumn Annals，as seen in his prefaces, postscripts, letters, miscellaneous notes, epitaphs, sacrificial writing, and treatises. The aesthetic appeal in these classical prose pieces reflects Chen's scholarship.
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區, 志堅. "《中山陵：一個現代政治符號的誕生》." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2010, 685–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.162549.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
辛亥革命爆發，國民政府（以下簡稱國府）成立，中華千年帝國瓦解，中國走向政黨政治，開始民族國家的發展歷程。國府自北伐後統一全國，統治地位日漸鞏固，國民黨成爲執政黨，政府不獨以強大的政治、軍事、經濟及教育制度，確立黨與國家的管治模式，又借助政治文化、社會儀式，控制及影響群衆公共、私人生活。今天中外學者已廣泛研究1949年前國府制度，卻較少從社會文化及知識傳播學的角度，分析這種黨、國結合的管治模式，更少注意孫中山死後，後人如何藉築陵墓、行葬禮，建構其“國父”形象。研究“國父”地位建構的過程，可見國府參與民間日常祭祀事務，藉紀念物的誕生，營造官方設定的紀念內涵，配合大衆參與，把國家政治和民衆公共生活結合成爲一個重要景觀，從而凝聚“黨治”的形象，以及建構國家、民族的集體記憶和認同。李恭忠著《中山陵：一個現代政治符號的誕生》一書，就是“考察孫中山逝世後的葬事操辦和中山陵作爲一個巨型政治符號的興起過程，將它與20世紀20年代的國民革命和‘黨治國家’體制的建立與過程結合起來分析，展現國民黨人通過喪葬運作來塑造孫中山身後形象，樹立新式精神偶像、增進現代國家認同的努力，從而揭示國民黨統治時代乃至整個20世紀中國政治文化變遷”（頁2），李氏更以中山陵的落成及爲中山舉行的“奉安大典”爲例，成功研究黨國政治文化的管治模式及成效。(撮要取自內文首段)
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廖, 棟樑. "抒情主義與現代《楚辭》研究———梁啓超、梁宗岱與李長之." 人文中國學報, May 1, 2016, 125–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.222124.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
誠如湯炳正先生所説：“從漢代起，對屈原的事迹即有不同的記載；談到評騭，從漢代起，對屈原的行誼已有歧異的見解。但是，根本否定屈原這一歷史人物的存在，或貶誣屈原這一代偉人爲‘弄臣’等等，則無疑是晚近纔出現的新的學術動態。”（《現代楚辭批評史•序》）在20世紀二三十年代的《楚辭》研究領域，關注的問題便主要集中在屈原的生平、身世，屈原作品的年代、真偽討論上，循著乾嘉樸學的考證舊路，這本是民國時期屈原《楚辭》研究的主流，向爲《楚辭》學術界所注目。不過，仍有些人主要不是通過屈原作品中涉及的地名、人名、時間、事件等内容推測是否有無屈原、是否爲屈原作品，他們本著文學在本質上是表達主觀情感的感性形式的“抒情”立場，循著情感、人格與體驗來梳理、窺測屈原“傳記”與“作品”，此尤具有學術史意義，值得我們探索。因爲，在革命、啓蒙之外，“抒情”代表中國文學現代性———尤其是現代主體建構———的另一面向。
唯情是問，從“抒情性”的再發現、被本質化與普遍化，五四以來詩論的“抒情主義”參與了中國現代《楚辭》研究，論證“詩的邏輯”即爲“情感的邏輯”，“情感的邏輯”即爲“詩史的邏輯”。從梁啓超到梁宗岱再到李長之，我們看到抒情主義的《楚辭》研究的拓深與辯證。
As Tang Bingzheng said, “Stories of Qu Yuan have been variously recorded since Han Dynasty. As to the pass judgment, disputes as well emerged then. However, some new academic developments, such as negating the existence of historian Qu Yuan and degrading the great Qu Yuan to a jester, appeared quite late. “(The Preface of History of Modern Criticism on Chuci) In 1920s and 1930s, the research on Chuci focused on discussing Qu Yuan’s life experience, dating his works, and verifying the authenticity of his works by adopting the traditional textual research method used in Qian-Jia Philology, which had been paid much attention to by the academia as the mainstream in field of research on Chuci in the Period of Republic of China. Nevertheless, there are still some scholars who are not intended to presume the existence of historian Qu Yuan or to verify the authenticity of his works according to the places, characters, time, and events that appeared in Qu Yuan’s works. These scholars believe that the essence of literature is the expression of subjective feelings in the form of emotion—the “lyrical” stance. Thus, they comb and estimate Qu Yuan’s biography and works according to emotion, personality and experience. This research, which is significant in the history of academy, is worth exploring because besides revolution and enlightenment, lyricism stands for another orientation of the modernity of Chinese literature, especially for the construction of modern subject.
Lyricism is the only thing that matters. From the rediscovery to the essentialization to the universalization of “lyricism”, the poetics of “lyricism” since May Fourth Movement has been involved in Chinese modern research on Chuci, and demonstrated that “poetic logic” is “emotional logic,” which also equals to “the logic of history of poetry”. From Liang Qichao to Liang Zongdai to Li Changzhi, we can observe the extension in depth and dialectics of “lyricism” in the research on Chuci.
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張, 霄軍, and 勤玲 胡. "張珮瑤：《中國翻譯話語英譯選集（上册）：從最早期到佛經翻譯》." 人文中國學報, September 1, 2014, 512–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.202175.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
2011年，教育部、財政部聯合印發了《高等學校哲學社會科學繁榮計劃（2011—2020年）》，教育部研究制定了《關於進一步改進高等學校哲學社會科學研究評價的意見》、《高等學校人文社會科學重點研究基地建設計劃》、《高等學校哲學社會科學“走出去”計劃》等配套方案，推動高校哲學社會科學繁榮發展。因此，哲學社會科學學術外譯已經成爲“中國文化走出去”戰略和教育部“推動高校哲學社會科學繁榮發展”等政策導向下的必然趨勢。中國傳統翻譯理論是中華民族悠久翻譯歷史和民族交流的産物，然而，近年來由於西方翻譯理論和流派的壓倒性影響，作爲中國社會科學重要内容之一的中國傳統翻譯理論在翻譯研究界日漸式微，逐漸喪失了話語權，“中國學界長期處於劣勢，並出現了‘失語’的現象”（張旭，2008）。張佩瑶先生（1953—2013，下稱“張先生”以示尊敬）鐵肩擔道義，主持編譯了《中國翻譯話語英譯選集（上册）：從最早期到佛經翻譯》（An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation, Volume 1, From Earliest Times to the Buddhist Project，下稱“《選集（上册）》”），可謂治療中國翻譯文化“失語症”的一劑良藥。2006年底，《選集（上册）》由St. Jerome出版社出版，成功地進入國外主流學術圖書市場，向國外學界介紹了中國的學術成果，廣受國内外讀者的歡迎和高度贊譽，有力地促進了中國哲學社會科學“走出去”工作，成爲我們學術外譯推動中國文化走出去的成功典範。《選集（上册）》共分爲兩部分，第一部分收入25個條目，主要選自儒道經典。第二部分是本書的重心，收入57個條目，絶大部分是從東漢到宋代的佛經翻譯論述。材料取自漢譯佛經的序跋和歷代高僧的傳記，涉及到佛經翻譯的方方面面，包括文質與繁簡問題、源本問題、格義問題、名義問題，以及譯場的組織與分工等。《選集（上册）》採用資料彙編的形式，系統梳理了中國古老的翻譯實踐及翻譯理論的發展脈絡，遵循獨特的選、譯、評、注原則，按照時間順序詳盡地展示出一幅宏大的中國傳統翻譯話語畫卷。《選集（上册）》後被收入“國外翻譯研究叢書”，由上海外語教育出版社2010年影印出版，反哺國内翻譯研究者，達到了内外並濟的出版效果〔1〕。(撮要取自內文首段)