Academic literature on the topic 'ʿAlī (1964-....)'

After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.

Abstract The Zaydīs in Yemen are the only current within Islam that fostered the continuous transmission and study of Muʿtazilī kalām up to the present time. This article aims to examine the presence and quality of Muʿtazilī kalām in a major Zaydī composition of the 20th century, namely ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-ʿAǧrī’s (1320-1407/1902-1987) Miftāḥ al-saʿāda, which was completed in May 1952. The Miftāḥ and other works of Zaydī scholars written during the first half of the 20th century provide us with valuable insights into Zaydī-Hādawī scholarship in Northern Yemen prior to the Republican revolution of 1962 and furnish important information about the education of 20th century Zaydī-Hādawī scholars and the contents of their libraries. The wide range of Muʿtazilī and non-Muʿtazilī sources used and quoted in the Miftāḥ sheds light on the distinct impact of various phases of a centuries-old school- and teaching-tradition.

On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel ʿUmar Hasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallah declared that he was the expected mahdī, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. Even under colonial rule, in the years 1899–1955, Mahdism continued to flourish despite the fact that the British rulers treated it with suspicion and preferred Sayyid ʿAli al-Mirghani, leader of the more docile Khatmiyya Sufi order. The defeat of the Mahdist Umma Party in the first general elections in 1953, by a coalition of secularists and Khatmiyya supporters was only a temporary setback. After Sudan became independent, in 1956, Mahdist supremacy was challenged both by the Khatmiyya and other groups, but its mass support among the Ansar, a political Islamic movement, enabled them to gain control, except during brief periods when so-called secularists governed independent Sudan. This happened in 1953–56 when the Khatmiyya joined forces with the intelligentsia, and again between October 1964 and March 1965 when the country was governed by a secular, transitional, nonelected government that was ousted from power as soon as the sects regained control. Secularism also thrived briefly under the military dictatorship of Jaʿfar al-Numayri between 1969 and 1977.

The contribution “Uncommunicative Communication: Competing Egyptian, Ottoman and British Notions of Imperial Order in 19th-Century Egypt” by Maurus Reinkowski (University of Basel) sees Egypt in the late 19th and early 20th century as a particularly illustrative case of competing imperial ventures, in particular of the Egyptian, Ottoman and British states. Whereas the Egyptian imperial venture, prominent under Muḥammad ʿAlī in the 1820s and 1830s and revived under Ismāʿīl (r. 1863–1879) in the early 1870s, quickly degenerates into bankruptcy and finally British occupation from 1882 onwards, the Ottoman-British imperial competition continues until 1914. A particularly colorful example of how the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain – in the way of uncommunicative communication – strived to maintain respectively to enforce their notion of an appropriate imperial order is to compare of Aḥmed Muḫtār Paşa and Lord Cromer. Aḥmed Muḫtār, a high-ranking Ottoman officer, was sent in 1885 as Extraordinary Commissioner to Cairo, where he stayed until 1908. Muḫtār’s semi-exile in Cairo was characterized by factual powerlessness as he was completely overshadowed by Sir Evelyn Baring, the British consul general who was the factual ruler of Egypt between 1882 and 1907. Starting from the assumption that Aḥmed Muḫtār’s status in Egypt does not only reflect his personal isolation, but also the precarious imperial status of the Ottoman Empire, this paper examines Aḥmed Muḫtār’s presence and politics in Cairo as a case of both personal self-reassurance and imperial self-representation.

Abstract The 177-verse Arabic Poem of the Intellect (Qaṣīdat al-ʿAql) composed by the Indian Fatimid-Ṭayyibī Dāʿī al-Muṭlaq Sayyidna Taher Saifuddin (d. 1385/1965) breaks new ground in substance and form. In form, the poem creatively amalgamates the genres of qaṣīdah (poem), risālah (treatise), and waṣiyyah (testament) to produce an eloquent and innovative hybrid text. In content, it uniquely combines a philosophical exposition on Islamic theology and ethics with a road map to living a Pure Life. After an opening frame that provides a philosophical foundation, the poem’s three large thematic sections draw on the Qurʾan, the Prophet’s Hadith, and the sermons of Imam ʿAlī to describe principles of belief and approach, articles of character and deeds, and the grounding of both—abstract philosophy and concrete instructions—in love for and allegiance to the divine guides, the Imams and Dāʿīs, who are “God’s rope.” It has a gentle tone, preaching harmony between all people on earth, tranquility in one’s life, cheerfulness and positivity, and an atmosphere of love and caring. The closing section brings the poet directly into the frame of reference, stating that he, as the incumbent Dāʿī, is himself the manifestation of God’s rope in the current time, and those who follow his guidance will return to Paradise. The present article provides a window into Sayyidna Taher Saifuddin’s remarkable poem, translating and analyzing it against the backdrop of Fatimid and Ṭayyibī theological works and, briefly, the colonial and post-colonial fabric of early 20th century India, to explore a significant and largely unknown chapter of Arabic poetry.

The relationship between religion and theatre is an ancient one; in fact this relationship has been the essence and raison d’être of theatre from ancient Egypt and Greece until the present day. However, in today's world, to borrow from, or be inspired by, a holy scripture is not only to debate issues pertaining to faith, but rather to aim for a dialectics between the dramatic work and the modern-day readers/spectators and their contemporary sociopolitical conditions. Indeed, it was his recourse to a Qur'anic story as plot for Ahl al-kahf (‘Sleepers of the Cave’, 1933) that helped Tawfīq al-Ḥakīm to initiate drama as an intrinsic genre into the literary canon, theatre having long been deemed an unessential art form within the Arabo-Islamic world. The subject of the current article, ʿAlī Aḥmad Bā Kathīr (1910–69), likewise wrote a substantial number of works for the stage derived from Islamic history and tradition. As a member of the cultural sector of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1940s and 1950s and a major contributor to al-masraḥ al-dīnī (‘the theatre of religion’) in Egypt, it is no surprise that Bā Kathīr devoted a large portion of his prolific dramatic writing to narratives inspired by the Qur'an and other religious sources. His play Hārūt wa-Mārūt (‘The Angels Hārūt and Mārūt’, 1962) is a very good example of this vein in his writing. Based in the Qur'anic story mentioned in Sūrat al-Baqara, it recounts the story of the two angels, who are transformed into humans and descend to earth, to demonstrate that sin can be combated by the practice of chastity, willpower, and self-restraint.

Abstract ‘Modern’ Salafis of the late nineteenth/early twentieth century have much more in common with contemporary ‘puritan’ Salafis than claimed in recent scholarship. Indicative of this is the debate over whether it is allowed to wipe over socks during ritual ablutions (wuḍūʾ), a visual identity marker for Salafis. This is a recurrent theme in contemporary polemics between the four Sunni madhhabs and the lā-madhhabiyya current associated with Salafis. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī’s (1866–1914) treatise al-Masḥ ʿalā al-jawrabayn is a late Ottoman ‘modern’ Salafi forerunner of this debate. By placing this work in its historical context, this article demonstrates how al-Qāsimī used the issue to address fundamental questions of fiqh and ḥadīth methodology in the heated debate over ijtihād. Later Salafi editions with introductions and comments of Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir (1892–1958) and Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Albānī (1914–99), show how his method influenced later ‘puritan’ Salafi scholars.

Cette thèse analyse la littérature arabe de l’exil et de la migration produite au tournant de la « crise des réfugiés » de 2015, à travers un corpus de six romans dont les auteurs diffèrent par leurs sexe, âge, origine, notoriété et statut migratoire. L’étude vise à décrire l’émergence d’une nouvelle esthétique migrante construite autour de l’expérience polyvalente et multiforme du refuge, en identifiant les différents éléments de continuité et de discontinuité qui relient la fiction contemporaine au canon littéraire du passé. Focalisée sur des romans qui puisent dans la littérature de harraga (Taytānīkāt afrīqiyya d'Abū Bakr Ḥāmid Kahhāl et Anāšīd al-milḥ d'al-'Arabī Ramaḍānī), la première partie met en évidence les liens entre les textes qui relatent l'expérience de la migration clandestine et ceux qui se concentrent sur l'exode des demandeurs d'asile, en faisant ressortir le même type de discours critique à l'égard de la forteresse Europe et des hiérarchies établies par le système humanitaire. Concentrée sur les concepts de vulnérabilité, traumatisme et résilience, la deuxième partie est consacrée aux réalités du transit et de l'immobilité. Elle analyse les espaces d'exception incarnés par les camps de réfugiés palestiniens (Muḫmal de Ḥuzāma Ḥabāyib) et par la Syrie prérévolutionnaire, caractérisée par une double réalité d'accueil et répression (Ḥurrās al-hawāʼ de Rūzā Yāsīn Ḥasan). La troisième partie se concentre sur l'expérience de l'asile en Europe (Barīd al-layl de Hudā Barakāt et 'Āzif al-ġuyūm de 'Alī Badr), nous permettant d'explorer des représentations anti-hégémoniques des notions d'hospitalité, d'identité, d'appartenance et de citoyenneté
This thesis analyses the Arabic literature of exile and migration produced at the turn of the 2015 "refugee crisis", through a corpus of six novels whose authors differ in gender, age, origin, notoriety and migratory status. The study aims to describe the emergence of a new migrant aesthetic built around the polyvalent and multifaceted experience of "refuge", identifying the different elements of continuity and discontinuity that link contemporary fiction to the canon of the past. Focusing on two novels that draw on the tradition of harraga literature (Abū Bakr Ḥāmid Kahhāl's Taytānīkāt afrīqiyya and al-Arabī Ramaḍānī's Anāshīd al-milḥ), the first part of this work sheds light on the links between texts that recount the experience of clandestine migration and those that focus on the exodus of asylum seekers, bringing out from them the same kind of critical discourse towards Fortress Europe and the hierarchies established by the humanitarian system. Linking the concepts of vulnerability, trauma and resilience, the second part is devoted to the realities of transit and immobility, and analyses the spaces of exception embodied by Palestinian refugee camps (Ḥuzāma Ḥabāyib's Muḫmal) and pre-revolutionary Syria, characterised by a dual reality of regional shelter and repression (Rūzā Yāsīn Ḥasan's Ḥurrās al-hawāʼ). The third part sheds light on the experience of asylum in Europe (Hudā Barakāt's Barīd al-layl and Alī Badr's Āzif al-ġuyūm), allowing the reader to explore the anti-hegemonic representations of notions such as hospitality, identity, belonging and citizenship