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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Zollkriminalinstitut (Cologne, West Germany)"
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Thompson, Martyn P. „Letter from Germany: Reflections Occasioned by the First East-West German Political Philosophy Meeting“. Government and Opposition 25, Nr. 4 (01.10.1990): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00397.x.
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ON THE SAME WEEKEND AS EAST GERMANS OFFICIALLY exchanged East Marx for real Marks, another kind of exchange took place between East and West German professors at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in Bielefeld. The recently established Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des politischen Denkens, in the person of Volker Gerhardt (Cologne), had invited some sixty senior philosophers, political theorists and political scientists from both sides of the inner-German border to discuss basic questions in political philosophy. The meeting was not a conference. The organizer, recognising the absence of any shared traditions of inquiry and debate, had issued invitations to a mere meeting. It was the first such meeting since the collapse of the East German Communist regime. In fact, it offered the first opportunity after almost six decades of dictatorships in the East for academics from the former front-lines, as it were, to reflect openly together on their subject, on their academic pasts and on their possible academic futures. Initially, the atmosphere was very tense. But, amazingly, the tensions soon evaporated. A strange sort of civility came to characterize the discussions both inside and outside the conference rooms. Conflicts were largely avoided, to the obvious relief of most participants. From an inner- German perspective, the meeting was a great success. At the end, Ernst Vollrath (Cologne) summed up a general view: ‘We have begun to see that we can learn from one another.’ But this reciprocity was not evident in the academic discussions. Something else was involved apart from the surface issue of Marxism-Leninism versus the rest of the world. It is worth reflecting on the development of the meeting and on what this something else was.
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Schieder, Martin. „»Entartete Genialität« Guernica im geteilten Deutschland“. Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 82, Nr. 2 (11.07.2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2019-2005.
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Abstract When in 1955/1956, for the first time in divided postwar Germany, a major Picasso exhibition took place in Munich, Cologne, and Hamburg, it came to be a cultural event that reached and emotionalized the German audience, media, and sciences to an unprecedented extent. The exhibition Picasso 1900 – 1955 contributed significantly to the popularization of Picasso at all levels of society and gave the German people access to modern art on a much wider scale than the first documenta held concurrently in Kassel. The undisputed eye-catcher of that spectacular exhibit was Guernica, on display in Germany for the first and only time. Its controversial reception reveals that at that time there was no intention to see the work in Germany in a memorial relationship with Germany’s own historical responsibility. Thus it virtually functioned as a symbol for a collective amnesia of the West German postwar society, whereas the socialist East of the Republic stylized the painting into an anti-fascist icon.
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Pantenburg, Volker. „From the golden age of television: The case of Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR)“. Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 14, Nr. 1 (März 2019): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602018818263.
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The mid-1970s proved a particularly fertile moment in the encounter between cinema and television in West Germany. Focusing on different editorial units at Cologne-based Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR), this dossier traces the sense of experimentation at the public service broadcaster. Commissioning editors like Werner Dütsch at the film unit, Angelika Wittlich and the series Telekritik, but also those at the department ‘Language and Literature’ made it possible for critics and film-makers like Harun Farocki to explore essayistic formats and programmes. The dossier combines a retrospective essay by WDR commissioning editor Dütsch, several archival documents from 1974 to 1976, and starts with a contextualising essay by Pantenburg.
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Ibraheem, Ismael M., Bülent Tezkan und Rainer Bergers. „Integrated Interpretation of Magnetic and ERT Data to Characterize a Landfill in the North-West of Cologne, Germany“. Pure and Applied Geophysics 178, Nr. 6 (10.05.2021): 2127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00024-021-02750-x.
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AbstractElectrical resistivity tomography (ERT) and ground magnetic surveys were applied to characterize an old uncontrolled landfill in a former exploited sand and gravel quarry in an area to the north-west of the city of Cologne, Germany. The total magnetic field and its vertical gradient were recorded using a proton precession magnetometer to cover an area of about 43,250 m2. The magnetic data were transferred to the frequency domain and then reduced to the north magnetic pole. The amplitude of the analytical signal was calculated to define the magnetic materials within and outside the landfill. Eight ERT profiles were constructed based on the results of the magnetic survey using different electrode arrays (Wenner, dipole–dipole, and Schlumberger). In order to increase both data coverage and sensitivity and to decrease uncertainty, a non-conventional mixed array was used. The subsurface resistivity distributions were imaged using the robust (L1-norm) inversion method. The resultant inverted subsurface true resistivity data were presented in the form of 2D cross sections and 3D fence diagram. These non-invasive geophysical tools helped us to portray the covering soil, the spatial limits of the landfill, and the depth of the waste body. We also successfully detected low resistivity zones at deeper depths than expected, which probably be associated with migration pathways of the leachate plumes. The findings of the present study provide valuable information for decision makers with regards to environmental monitoring and assessment.
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Jung, Theo, Cristian Roiban, Gregor Feindt, Alexandra Medzibrodszky, Henna-Riikka Pennanen und Anna Björk. „Reviews“. Contributions to the History of Concepts 12, Nr. 2 (01.12.2017): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2017.120206.
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Ernst Müller and Falko Schmieder, Begriffsgeschichte und historische Semantik: Ein kritisches Kompendium (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2016), 1,027 pp.Jörn Leonhard and Willibald Steinmetz, eds., Semantiken von Arbeit: Diachrone und vergleichende Perspektive (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2016), 413 pp.Balázs Trencsényi, Maciej Janowski, Mónika Baár, Maria Falina, and Michal Kopeček, A History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe, Volume I: Negotiating Modernity in the “Long Nineteenth Century” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 687 pp.Yasuhiro Matsui, ed., Obshchestvennost’ and Civic Agency in Late Imperial and Soviet Russia: Interface between State and Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), xi + 234 pp.Riccardo Bavaj and Martina Steber, eds., Germany and “the West”: The History of a Modern Concept (New York: Berghahn Books, 2015), 328 pp.Lauren Banko, The Invention of Palestinian Citizenship, 1918–1947 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), 278 pp.
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Fitz Gibbon, Elaine. „Beethoven Returns to Bonn: Origins, Belonging and Misuse in Mauricio Kagel’s Ludwig van (1969)“. Current Musicology 107 (28.01.2021): 29–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cm.v107i.7195.
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In 1969 West Germany, the country was abuzz with anticipation of the approaching Beethoven bicentennial. That year the composer and experimental filmmaker Mauricio Raúl Kagel, born in Argentina to Russian- and German-Jewish parents in 1931 and living in Cologne since 1957, was commissioned by the State to commemorate the momentous occasion. What resulted was a film that surely no West German official had anticipated. Entitled Ludwig van: A Report and strongly inflected by Kagel’s absurdist aesthetic, Kagel’s film critiques the fetish object that Beethoven’s music and person had become in twentieth-century West Germany, touching upon, amongst many topics, East German claims of Beethoven’s “misuse” by the West German government, as well as the rise in the 1960s of the theory that Beethoven was Black. While Ludwig van has been recognized for its sendup of bourgeois music culture, it has yet to be analyzed from the perspective of diasporic experience. Simultaneously a love letter to and deconstruction of Beethoven’s cultural legacy, Ludwig van asks its audience to consider the complex diasporic experiences of avant-garde artists in the wake of WWII. Drawing on work by Brigid Cohen, I argue for the centrality of the theme of migration and displacement in Ludwig van. And in reading two central scenes from the film, I consider, in dialogue with Scott Burnham, what light the fifty-one-year-old film’s critique of the fetishization of origins and genealogy might shed on the celebration of Beethoven’s 250th birthday in 2020, and such acts of memorization more generally. [Please note: This article contains embedded video files. These files cannot be played on all PDF readers. Current Musicology recommends Foxit PDF Reader, Adobe Acrobat, or any other PDF reader capable of reading "enriched" media.]
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Prokschová, Daniela. „To Join or Not to Join? Contextualising the Motives of Organisational Membership in the Czech Republic and East and West Germany“. Politics in Central Europe 17, Nr. 4 (01.12.2021): 743–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0039.
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Abstract This article investigates sources of motivation for organisational engagement in different sociopolitical contexts. On the grounds of my own qualitative data, this text aims to answer the main research question: ‘Why do Czech and German university students get involved in political and civic organisations?’ The analysis also shows how the perception and understanding of politics differ according to the types of political motivation. The research draws upon a unique dataset of 60 interviews with university students conducted in former East (Jena) and West Germany (Mannheim, Cologne), and the Czech Republic (Prague, Ostrava and Olomouc). The results identify the notion of influence as a core factor for joining a political group and forming political commitment among the young generation. The article introduces a personal typology of political motivation, which extends existing theories and frames them in the pathways to politics of young Czech and German activists. It distinguishes three main motivations: idealistic, doer and pragmatic with a variety of subtypes. The paper elaborates on classical typologies refraining from membership. These outcomes have practical implications for the recruitment of new party members.
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Kent, Alexander J., Martin Davis und John Davies. „The Soviet mapping of Poland – a brief overview“. Miscellanea Geographica 23, Nr. 1 (31.01.2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2018-0034.
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Abstract The Soviet military mapping project was the most comprehensive cartographic endeavour of the twentieth century. The resulting maps have been commercially available to the West since at least 1993, when a Latvian business first offered Soviet plans of Western cities for sale at the 16th International Cartographic Conference in Cologne, Germany. Covering the globe at a range of scales, Soviet military maps provide a fascinating – if disconcerting – view of familiar territory with a striking aesthetic. But they also provide a substantial untapped geospatial resource, often with an unparalleled level of topographic detail. This paper gives an overview of the Soviet global military mapping programme and its coverage of Poland, including the 1:25,000-scale city plan of Warsaw (printed in 1981). By illustrating the extensive topographic symbology employed at various scales of mapping, it suggests how these maps may offer scope for regional studies and how their cartographic language can provide some solutions for addressing the ongoing challenges of mapping the globe.
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Rudolph, Karsten. „German Foreign Trade Policy Towards the East in the Light of Recent Research“. Contemporary European History 8, Nr. 1 (März 1999): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000193.
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Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.
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Verhoeyen, Etienne. „Een Duits netwerk bij de voorbereiding van de Militärverwaltung in België (1939-1940)“. WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, Nr. 4 (26.01.2011): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12342.
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Nadat Hitler in oktober 1939 beslist had een aanval in het Westen te ondernemen, werden in Keulen twee studiegroepen opgericht, die het toekomstig bezettingsregime van België en Nederland moesten voorbereiden. Er was een studiecommissie die geleid werd door de toekomstige leider van het Duits Militair Bestuur in België, Regierungspräsident Reeder, en daarnaast bestond een geheime studiegroep die de Sondergruppe Student werd genoemd. Deze bijdrage belicht het voorbereidend werk van de leden van deze studiegroep op het gebied van handel, industrie, recht, Volkstum en cultuur in België. De groep legde een grote belangstelling voor de Flamenfrage aan de dag en trok daarbij lessen uit de ervaringen met de bezetting van België tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Ofschoon er van diverse zijden in Duitsland werd op aangestuurd, hebben zowel de 'commissie Reeder' als de Sondergruppe de wederinvoering van de bestuurlijke scheiding van het Vlaams en Franstalig landsgedeelte, één van de 'verworvenheden' van het Vlaams activisme uit 1914-18, beslist afgewezen. De bijdrage laat ook de tegenstellingen zien die in Duitsland bestonden op het gebied van de beïnvloeding (ten voordele van Duitsland) in de te bezetten gebieden.
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A German network in the preparation of the Militärverwaltung (Army administration) in Belgium (1939-1940)After Hitler had decided in October 1939 to carry out an attack on the West, two study groups were set up in Cologne in order to prepare the future occupational regime of Belgium and the Netherlands. The future leader of the German Army Administration in Belgium, President of the Government Reeder chaired the study group, and in addition there was a secret study group called the Sondergruppe Student (Special Student Group).This contribution illuminates the preparatory work of the members of this study group in the area of trade, industry, law, Volkstum (nationality) and culture in Belgium. The group demonstrated a lot of interest in the Flamenfrage (Flemish question) and in doing so drew lessons from the experience of the occupation of Belgium during the First World War.Although people from various quarters in Germany aimed for the reintroduction of the governmental separation between the Flemish and French speaking parts of the country, one of the 'achievements' of Flemish activism from the period of 1914-1918, both the 'Reeder committee' and the 'Sondergruppe' definitely dismissed it. This contribution also demonstrates the contradictions present in Germany in the area of influencing the territories to be occupied (in favour of Germany).
Bücher zum Thema "Zollkriminalinstitut (Cologne, West Germany)"
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P, Ashby J., und European Committee for Clinical Laboratory Standards., Hrsg. Clinical laboratory science in the changing scene of health care: Proceedings of the Sixth ECCLS Seminar held at Cologne, West Germany, 8th-10th May, 1985. Lancaster: MTP Press, 1987.
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Ashby, J. P. Clinical Laboratory Science in the Changing Scene of Health Care: Proceedings of the Sixth ECCLS Seminar Held at Cologne, West Germany, 8th-10th May 1985. Springer London, Limited, 2012.
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Ashby, J. P. Clinical Laboratory Science in the Changing Scene of Health Care: Proceedings of the Sixth ECCLS Seminar Held at Cologne, West Germany, 8th-10th May 1985. Springer, 2011.
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Clinical Laboratory Science in the Changing Scene of Health Care: Proceedings of the sixth ECCLS Seminar held at Cologne, West Germany, 8th-10th May, 1985. Springer, 2011.
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Fischer-Lichte, Erika. Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199651634.003.0009.
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Chapter 7, ‘Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre’, covers the 1960s and 1970s. It situates the chosen productions in the socio-political climate of the GDR—that is, within the discussions on the leadership of the Party—and in the Federal Republic of Germany, where the anti-authoritarian movement, the student movement, and the emergence of the Red Army Faction provide the context. The aesthetics of Benno Besson’s Oedipus Tyrant (1967, East Berlin), Hansgünther Heyme’s Oedipus (1968, Cologne), Hans Neuenfels’ Medea (1976), and Christoph Nel’s Antigone (1978, both in Frankfurt/Main) is evaluated in terms of their contribution to this discussion and their political stance. The last three productions serve as examples of how the Bildungsbürgertum—still the majority of the theatregoers in West Germany—wanted the politicization of theatre to be not merely justified but mandatory.
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Iverson, Jennifer. Electronic Inspirations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190868192.001.0001.
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Cold War electronic music—made with sine tone and white-noise generators, filters, and magnetic tape—was the driving force behind the evolution of both electronic and acoustic music in the second half of the twentieth century. Electronic music blossomed at the Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR [West German Radio]) in Cologne in the 1950s, when technologies were plentiful and the need for cultural healing was great. Building an electronic studio, West Germany confronted the decimation of the “Zero Hour” and began to rebuild its cultural prowess. The studio’s greatest asset was its laboratory culture, where composers worked under a paradigm of invisible collaboration with technicians, scientists, performers, intellectuals, and the machines themselves. Composers and their invisible collaborators repurposed military machinery in studio spaces that were formerly fascist broadcasting propaganda centers. Composers of Cold War electronic music reappropriated information theory and experimental phonetics, creating aesthetic applications from military discourses. In performing such reclamations, electronic music optimistically signaled cultural growth and progress, even as it also sonified technophobic anxieties. Electronic music—a synthesis of technological, scientific, and aesthetic discourses—was the ultimate Cold War innovation, and its impacts reverberate today.
Buchteile zum Thema "Zollkriminalinstitut (Cologne, West Germany)"
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Moebius, Stephan. „Reconstruction and Consolidation of Sociology in West Germany from 1945 to 1967“. In Sociology in Germany, 49–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_3.
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AbstractThis chapter will focus on the two decades after 1945, the period of the “post-war society” (1945–1967), which in the historical sciences is also characterized as a period of boom (keywords: “Wirtschaftswunder” (“economic miracle”), expansion of the welfare state, expansion of the educational sector, certainty about the future) and which comes to an end in the 1970s. Germany was undergoing a profound process of change: socio-structural changes in an advanced industrial society, structural changes in the family and a retreat into the private sphere, new opportunities in the areas of consumption and leisure due to the “Wirtschaftswunder,” urbanization and changes in communities, “Western Integration” (“Westbindung”), the ban on the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) in 1956, remilitarization, the development of the mass media and mass motorization, and the repression of the Nazi past were central social and sociological issues. At the same time, fascist tendencies were still virulent during the 1950s and 1960s. After 1945, sociology had to be rebuilt. Journals were refounded or newly founded, the German Sociological Association was restored and sociology was re-established as a teaching subject. Different “schools” and regional centers of sociology emerged. The so-called Cologne School centered around René König, the Frankfurt School around Adorno and Horkheimer, and the circle around Helmut Schelsky should be mentioned in particular; but also, Wolfgang Abendroth, Werner Hofmann, and Heinz Maus (Marburg School), Otto Stammer (Berlin), Arnold Bergstraesser (Freiburg i.Br.), and Helmuth Plessner (Göttingen). Despite their theoretical and political differences, up until the 1950s, they all had in common the decisive will for political and social enlightenment regarding the post-war situation. Furthermore, the particular importance that empirical social research and non-university research institutions had for the further development of sociology after 1945 is worth mentioning.At the end of the 1950s, field-specific dynamics gained momentum. The different “schools” and groups tried to secure and expand their position in the sociological field and their divergent research profiles became increasingly visible. The so-called civil war in sociology drove the actors further apart. Additionally, disciplinary struggles and camp-building processes during the first 20 years of West German sociology revolved around the debate on role theory and the dispute over positivism. By the end of the 1950s, an institutional and generational change can be observed. The so-called post-war generation, which included Ralf Dahrendorf, Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann, Erwin K. Scheuch, Heinrich Popitz, Hans Paul Bahrdt, M. Rainer Lepsius, and Renate Mayntz, assumed central positions in organizations, editorial boards of journals, and universities. While the early “schools” and circles (König, Schelsky, Adorno, and Horkheimer) initially focused on the sociology of the family and empirical research, the following generation concentrated foremost on industrial sociology, but also on topics of social structure and social stratification as well as on social mobility.
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Fanghanel, Alexandra. „Not the Wild West: Femonationalism, Gendered Security Regimes and Brexit“. In Geographies of Gender-Based Violence, 135–49. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529214499.003.0009.
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On 31 December 2015 throngs of men profited from the New Year’s festivities in Cologne, Germany to rob and sexually molest women revellers. At the time, it was widely reported in the press that the attackers of these women were predominantly men who were Black and foreign. Initially, men seeking asylum from Syria were blamed for the attacks, subsequently it was discovered that many of these perpetrators were from North Africa. These attacks, in Cologne and in other parts of Germany, sparked nationalist backlashes that continue to reverberate around Europe. This chapter examines how imaginaries of migrant sex crime against women has been used to mobilize ideologies of nationhood and of belonging, not least in pro-Brexit pre-referendum discourses. Across the spectrum of the political right and the political left rhetoric about the female body – violated by the Black Other – has been mobilized as both crucible and synecdoche for the forging of a vision of nationhood. This chapter considers some of the implications of the discourses expressed here, which mobilize the figure of the woman-as-victim and enshrines rape culture within the fabric of the nation-building.
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Iverson, Jennifer. „Introduction“. In Electronic Inspirations, 1–22. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190868192.003.0001.
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The Westdeutscher Rundfunk [West German Radio] or WDR studio emerged in the early 1950s in Cologne, West Germany in a conflicted Cold War climate. On the one hand, electronic music signified social and artistic progress; avant-garde music stood as a reliable marker of democracy and freedom in contrast to Nazi and Soviet aesthetic mandates. On the other hand, technophobic audiences and critics reacted with skepticism to de-personalized, machine-mediated concerts, often regarding the new sounds with disdain. Nevertheless, cultural administrators, especially by means of the regional radio network, channeled funding to new music and the electronic studio as a way of rebuilding West Germany’s cultural hegemony. The WDR studio’s heterogeneity—its ability to incorporate and make use of several different types of resources—became a key to its success. The studio’s composers and technicians synthesized new sounds from scientific discourses. They reclaimed military technologies and long-standing musical lineages, opening up a new frontier. By embracing electronic music, West Germany found a way out of its decimated postwar landscape and emerged as a leader in the cultural Cold War.
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Pantenburg, Volker. „A Televisual Cinematheque“. In How Film Histories Were Made. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724067_ch13.
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Research on film historiography usually focuses on academia and film cultural institutions. The contribution of public television to this field has largely been ignored. This chapter highlights TV as a multiplier and agent of film history, alongside cinematheques and film archives, university programmes, journals, festivals, and other practical and intellectual networks. It focuses on West Germany, and specifically the Filmredaktion (film unit) of Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR), based in Cologne. However, this case study also more generally indicates how, in the 1970s to the 1990s, the combination of public financing and state support, an educational mission, and a specific generation of cinephile auteurs and commissioning editors managed to turn European public television into an important site of film historiography.
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Rodden, John G. „“Who Has the Youth, Has the Future”“. In Repainting the Little Red Schoolhouse. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112443.003.0007.
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Experiencing everyday life in another culture places your own in stark relief. Assumptions stand revealed, often by utterly minor objects and events. Consider, for instance, bananas. Bananas? We Americans take them for granted, we even trivialize them—playing second banana, being driven bananas, going bananas, and on and on. But not so in Germany. To Germans, bananas are not such a light-hearted matter. As one well-known Cologne artist who has stenciled his Andy Warhol–style, Day- Glo bananas on the outer walls of hundreds of art galleries has proclaimed: “Bananas are almost a holy object in Germany.” Banana-crazed Germans, joked Der Stern in 1992, are “the apes of the EC.” These exaggerations warrant our attention. For bananas are an impossibly overdetermined symbol in Germany, signifying justice, national self-determination, cultural pride, deprivation, prosperity, communist tyranny, capitalist luxury, unity, and economic and even sexual freedom. The banana occupies a special place in Germany’s national psyche and in the history of German re-education, given its role in both early postwar reconstruction and recent reunification. Let us therefore examine that role at some length here, for it turns out that “banana politics” bears revealingly, if unexpectedly and often amusingly, on the issues of German identity and German re-education—and reflects Teutonic tensions both within and outside reunited Germany. Ever since hunger overtook war-torn, occupied Germany in the mid-1940s, when even basic foodstuffs were unobtainable, bananas have symbolized Plenty to both western and eastern Germans—the plenty western Germans eventually obtained, the plenty eastern Germans always lacked. In West Germany, the early postwar generation endured rationing and shortages until mid-century. As children, many of them knew of bananas only through the reminiscences of their elders. For them the fruit still evokes childhood memories of humiliation, dispossession, and hunger. All this began to change in West Germany with the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) of the 1950s. West German parents delightedly weaned their infants on “Banana Salad” baby food, the leading seller of Hipp, the Gerber’s of West Germany.
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Stryk, Karin Nehlsen-von. „The Centralization ofJustice and the Formation of aJudicial Hierarchy in the Early Modern State: The Principality of Hesse“. In Legislation and Justice, 131–58. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198205463.003.0008.
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Abstract In contrast to other West European countries, the formation of the modern state in Germany proceeded not at the royal and national level but on a princely and regional one. The German principalities, such as the electorates of Brandenburg, Saxony, and the Palatinate, the archbishoprics of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier, the duchies of Bavaria, Wilrttemberg, Jillich-Berg, Brunswick Lilneburg, and Mecklenburg, the margravate of Baden, and the bishoprics of Munster, Wilrzburg, and Bamberg, were recognizably developing from the thirteenth century onwards in the direction of institutionalized territorial states, with the ultimate goal of unitary systems of administration and oflaw under the control of a single sovereign, the ruler of the principality. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, by contrast, right down to its demise in 1806, continued to remain in the older world ofhierarchical and feudal relationships.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Zollkriminalinstitut (Cologne, West Germany)"
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Tennery, V. J., und E. L. Long, Jr. (Ceramic components in machines), Cologne and Aachen, West Germany, Maastricht, The Netherlands, and Brussels, Belgium, June 14-27, 1989: Foreign trip report. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), Juli 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/6051513.
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