Zeitschriftenartikel: „Xenophon“

1

Farrell, Christopher A. „Xenophon Poroi 5“. Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 33, Nr. 2 (20.09.2016): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340097.

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The present study examines section five of Poroi and Xenophon’s proposal to restore the reputation of Athens. After outlining his plan for ‘justly’ supplying the dēmos with sufficient sustenance in Poroi 1-4, section 5 addresses the desire to regain hegemony after Athens had lost the Social War. Xenophon does not adopt an anti-imperialist stance; instead he seeks to re-align imperial aspirations with Athenian ideals and earlier paradigms for securing hegemony. Xenophon’s ideas in Poroi are contextualized with consideration for his ‘Socratic’ distinction between tyranny and kingship, as well as his wider advice for ruling well. It is shown that his proposals for securing the consent of the allies reiterates ideas that Xenophon outlines across his corpus, especially Hiero and Cyropaedia. In Poroi Xenophon therefore applies his political thought in an attempt to re-direct Athenian ambitions away from policies that prompted charges of being a ‘tyrant polis’ and towards ‘legitimate rule’.

2

Huitink, Luuk, und Tim Rood. „Xenophon de Halbattiker?“ Lampas 53, Nr. 4 (01.01.2020): 420–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.4.003.hutt.

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Summary This article analyses Xenophon’s lexical choices in Anabasis. It examines ancient and modern critical approaches to his language: Xenophon has often been criticized for lapses from ‘pure’ Attic, but this notion of a ‘pure’ Attic should be regarded as a conservative response to the increasing variety of spoken Attic in the fourth century BC. Xenophon’s lexical choices reflect the influence both of this ‘Great Attic’ (which developed into koine Greek) and of the non-parochial historiographical tradition inaugurated by Thucydides.

3

Altman, William H. F. „Xenophon, the Old Oligarch, and Alcibiades“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, Nr. 2 (11.05.2022): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340365.

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Abstract Modifying the conjecture of Wolfgang Helbig (1861) by means of the distinction between Xenophon and his various narrators introduced by Benjamin McCloskey (2017), this paper uses the insights of Hartvig Frisch (1942) to show how drawing a distinction between the first-person speaker in pseudo-Xenophon’s Constitution of the Athenians and its author indicates that the former is Alcibiades and the latter is Xenophon himself.

4

Rood, Tim. „Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis“. Mnemosyne 71, Nr. 5 (13.09.2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.

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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and explores the implications of the proposed intertextuality for Roman self-positioning and for ideas of leadership and military hierarchy. The article as a whole suggests that the influence of Xenophon on Latin historiography is greater than has often been conceived.

5

Rood, Tim. „Political Thought in Xenophon: Straussian Readings of the Anabasis“. POLIS, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, Nr. 1 (05.05.2015): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340041.

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The main aim of this paper is to discuss some influential approaches to political thought in Xenophon’s Anabasis within the field of Political Science, especially within the United States, where the influence of Leo Strauss’ writings on Xenophon has been powerful. It starts by discussing a number of features shared by these discussions, notably a strong idealisation of Xenophon’s wisdom and accuracy; a lack of interest in the conditions under which Xenophon wrote; a pro-Hellenic perspective; and a tendency to innovative (and often allegorical) literary explication. It then discusses the two most important themes treated by Strauss and his followers, Xenophon’s piety and philosophy and politics. It argues that Straussian exegesis introduces anachronistic conceptions while neglecting the narrative dynamics of the text. The final section sets out briefly some ways of exploring Xenophon’s relationship to other currents in Greek political thought.

6

Jaskelevičius, Alius. „Xenophon’s political philosophy: a project for the whole of Greece“. Literatūra 60, Nr. 3 (31.01.2019): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/literatura.2018.2.

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[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] This paper discusses Xenophon’s political philosophy and its Greek context. One of the major themes running through Xenophon’s works is leadership, which he tackles implicitly or explicitly in virtually all of his writings (be it his philosophical, historical or literary writings). For Xenophon, the leader was important not only as an individual leading the armed forces, but as a leader of a city or a community as well. Bearing in mind the importance of leadership and the role of leaders for Xenophon, the author of this paper tries to show that Xenophon’s political philosophy can be seen as part of his Panhellenic program. The aim of this program is to politically unite the Greeks by making them enter into an alliance in the name of a common Panhellenic crusade against Persia.

7

Vandiver, Josh. „Xenophon contra Plato: Citizen Motivation and Socratic Biography“. Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 31, Nr. 1 (25.04.2014): 74–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340004.

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Abstract Xenophon’s Cyropaedia should be considered a classic text of political theory. It inaugurated the political biography and is one of the most extensive classical Greek works on political leadership. It has, however, been neglected or, when studied, misunderstood as a cautionary tale of political corruption. I argue that Xenophon’s method in the Cyropaedia is illustrative of Socratic biography and focused on three problems: why leaders emerge, what motivates them, and how their character is constituted. Xenophon responds to these questions by modelling a spirited character type, a person uniquely motivated by philotimia, the desire for political status and honour, and thus uniquely suited for development into a political leader. Furthermore, Xenophon is in theoretic dialogue with Plato over the concepts which comprise this model and a proper understanding of their dialogue impacts interpretations of the Cyropaedia as a whole, Xenophon’s intervention in Greek political discourse, and Plato’s influence on contemporaries.

8

Whidden, Christopher. „Cyrus’s Imperial Household: an Aristotelian Reading of Xenophon’s Cyropaedia“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 25, Nr. 1 (2008): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000124.

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Xenophon’s Cyropaedia is a fictional account of the life of Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian Empire. This article argues that reading the Cyropaedia through an Aristotelian lens provides a useful means by which to understand Xenophon’s analysis of Cyrus’s empire. On an Aristotelian reading, a crucial facet of Cyrus’s knowledge is his view that the household provides an appropriate model by which to found and govern an empire. By incorporating many nations into what I call his ‘imperial household’, Cyrus finds a way to avoid what Xenophon sees as the fundamental problem of political rule, which is that human beings do not wish to be ruled by others and eventually revolt against their rulers. But in contrast to all previous rulers known to Xenophon, Cyrus secures his subjects’ obedience. He does so by treating them as women, children, and slaves, each of whom looks to him as the head of the household. Under Cyrus, the perpetual political revolutions Xenophon describes thus become a thing of the past, at least so long as Cyrus is alive to preside over his imperial household. But Xenophon also suggests that order, peace, and security in the empire come at a cost. In order to keep his subjects in line, Cyrus as leader must distort and do violence to their humanity. Read carefully, the Cyropaedia thus provides a thoughtful critique of imperial ambition and empire.

9

Hindley, Clifford. „Xenophon on male love“. Classical Quarterly 49, Nr. 1 (Mai 1999): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.74.

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In a previous article I attempted to trace the way in which, for Xenophon, homosexual liaisons might or might not affect the discipline of military life, and the emphasis which he placed upon the virtue of self-control (έγκράτεια) in dealing with desires of this kind. The present paper seeks to broaden the enquiry into a study of Xenophon's attitude to male same-sex affairs in general.

10

Dobski, Bernard J. „Athenian Democracy Refosunded: Xenophon’ss Political History in the Hellenika“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, Nr. 2 (2009): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000156.

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This article aims to shed new light on the character of political history as written by Xenophon, by exploring the first two Books of the Hellenika, which, it is argued, implicity correct Thucydides’ judgment that the regime of the Five Thousand in Athens was the best Athenian regime during his lifetime. Thucydides and Xenophon thus appear to disagree about the best regime, a theme central to classical political philosophy. But when we consider Thucydides’ praise of this regime in light of Xenophon’s Socratic defence of traditional political authorities (especially as presented in Euryptolemus’ speech), we see that the two treatments complement each other. Xenophon’s endorsement of a regime rooted in traditional authorities protects the Socratic way of life, while Thucydides’ praise of a non-conventional regime endorses those conditions that make such a life possible.

11

Marsico, Claudia. „Habladurías sobre tiranos felices. Platón y Jenofonte a propósito de filosofía, tiranía y buen gobierno“. PLATO JOURNAL 20 (04.08.2020): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-4105_20_3.

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Plato and Xenophon had different perspectives on the better governance. In this paper, I study the notion of tyranny in Plato's Republic and Xenophon's Hiero to trace their views on the aptitude of philosophy to redeem the tyrant and indicate some intertextual points. On this basis, I analyse the meaning and extent of Simonides’ proposal in the Hiero rejecting the idea of a mere pragmatic approach. Finally, I examine the platonic Hipparchusto find a key to figure out the election of Simonides as Xenophon’s spokesperson. Paying attention to the context of the discussions among the Socratics, this approach enhances our understanding of these authors, regarding tyranny, the possibility of its abandonment, and the role of the intellectuals in this process.

12

Bochko, V. S. „“Oeconomicus” of Xenophon: Its Significance for Modern Economic Science“. Zhurnal Economicheskoj Teorii 18, Nr. 3 (2021): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31063/2073-6517/2021.18-3.2.

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The article analyzes Xenophon’s ‘Oeconomicus’, where he traced the emergence of economic science. In his work, Xenophon offers a broader understanding of the subject field of economics, including the ethical aspect. The article argues that it was in fact Xenophon rather than Aristotle who was the first economic theorist. Xenophon’s idea about the ethical foundations of economics was developed during the Renaissance and in the age of Enlightenment. Thus, economics went beyond the science of household management to the science about the quality of life and its enhancement. By looking at the origins of economic science (theory) and connecting them to the modern agenda we can ensure the methodological completeness of approaches to including ethics into economic theorizing. The article makes a special focus on strategic planning, which is one of the ways of combining ethics and economic practice.

13

Shapiro, Susan O. „Xenophon“. Mediterranean Studies 29, Nr. 2 (01.10.2021): 248–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.2.0248.

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14

Tuplin, C. J. „XENOPHON“. Classical Review 48, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1998): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98370018.

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15

Mozhajsky, Andrej Yu. „The Portrayal of the Thebans in the Works of Xenophon“. ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, Nr. 2 (2019): 580–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-580-595.

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It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work “Hellenika”, where even Epaminondas - the winner of The Battle of Leuctra – is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore, he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon’s view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athens’ traditional education, which created a negative literary tradition towards Thebes. The literary tradition was established long before Xenophon’s existence and continued after him. The tradition was established as response to the border conflicts between the Thebans and the Athenians, that continued during archaic and classical periods of the history of Greece. The anti-Theban literary tradition is also supported by evidence of material culture, namely the border system of defense. Studying these materials, allows us to conclude that at the time of Xenophon, in the first half of the 4th century BC, at a time when their oppositions escalated against each other, the Athenians and the Thebans literally observed each other over the fortress walls. With regard to Xenophon, his hatred against the Thebans is mostly visible in his work “Hellenika”. The main argument that Xenophon uses is retelling of Pelopidas’ speech that he gives at the court of the Persian king, where the first thing he mentions is the Thebans’ pro-Persian attitude. Epaminondas is mentioned in the “Hellenika” only in episodes of his career as a commander where he cannot achieve his goals or develop past success.

16

Olivares Chávez, Carolina. „La presencia de Odiseo en la Anábasis de Jenofonte“. Nova Tellus 39, Nr. 1 (27.01.2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.1.27544.

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In this article we intend to trace Homeric references within Xenophon’s Anabasis, in order to prove the Historian constructs an Epic text in which he immortalizes his own exploits among Persians and compares himself with the hero Odysseus. I also consider other works of Xenophon as Banquet, Memorabilia and Apology, since there he describes the poems of Homer as an essential part of his own Greek culture in IV Century. Among the main sources I have consulted, ancient and modern, are Homer, Christos Tsagalis and Emerson Cerdas. And while Naoko Yamagata founds only one Homeric reference in Anabasis, I find two direct references and several indirect references which allude to the hero and to certain situations in Odisea Xenophon similarly faced.

17

Mitford, Tim. „Thalatta, Thalatta: Xenophon's view of the Black Sea“. Anatolian Studies 50 (Dezember 2000): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643017.

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The moment when the Ten Thousand sighted the Euxine is one of the most haunting scenes to come down to us from the ancient world. Retreating from Cunaxa near Babylon in 401 BC, Xenophon describes how the Greeks fought their way northwards across Kurdistan to scale the Pontic mountains, and reached the sea at the Greek city of Trapezus, already more than two centuries old. By linking Xenophon's famous account with Hadrian's inspection of his eastern frontier, their route across the mountains, and their triumphant viewpoint, can be determined with some certainty.About 120 miles before the Greeks reached the Black Sea, the ruler of a large and prosperous city called Gymnias, probably the modern Bayburt, sent a guide to Xenophon.

18

Mishurin, Aleksandr. „The Power of Corruption: Xenophon on the Upbringing of a Good Citizen in Sparta“. Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, Nr. 1 (2021): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-107-123.

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In the given article, the author offers an interpretation of the work titled Lacedaimonion Politeia, written by the ancient political philosopher Xenophon of Athens. Judging from Xenophon’s sober and open-minded attitude to the regime he researches, the author focuses on the central issue of the treatise, namely, the upbringing of a virtuous or good citizen. This became the cornerstone of Sparta’s success as a polis, and provided it with a fame as a unique political entity praised by all, but copied by none. The author identifies the three stages of the Spartan education given by Xenophon and continues with the practices of its implementation at a mature age. The research makes it clear that the purpose of the laws of Lycurgus, as described by Xenophon, is twofold. On the one hand, the given laws instill respect, obedience, and the virtue of manliness which the lawgiver desired in citizens. On the other hand, the laws create citizens who merely imitate the above-described traits of character and law-abidance, and who are actually more like unmitigated criminals constantly fighting with each other. It is the second type of people—good criminals—who find themselves in power in Sparta, and they are the ones who end up destroying the Spartan state. By providing this diagnosis of the Spartan regime and the laws of Lycurgus, Xenophon attempts to show that handling the problem of the education of good citizens as suggested in Sparta is misguided and requires additional deliberation.

19

BARTLETT, ROBERT C. „How to Rule the World: An Introduction to Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus“. American Political Science Review 109, Nr. 1 (13.01.2015): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000550.

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As a contribution to the study of empire and imperial ambition, the present study considers the greatest analysis—Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus—of one of the greatest empires of antiquity—the Persian. Xenophon's lively and engaging account permits us to watch Cyrus as he builds a transnational empire, at once vast and stable. Yet Xenophon is ultimately highly critical of Cyrus, because he lacks the self-knowledge requisite to happiness, and of the empire, whose stability is purchased at the price of freedom. Cyrus finally appears as a kind of divinity who strives to supply the reward for moral excellence that the gods evidently do not. Xenophon implies that any truly global empire would have to present itself as a universal providential power capable of bestowing on human beings a blessed happiness that as such transcends our very mortality.

20

Rood, Tim. „Xenophon's parasangs“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000042.

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AbstractThis paper analyses one aspect of Xenophon's representation of space, focusing on the famous stages-and-parasangs formula employed by Xenophon in the Anabasis. It starts by discussing the meaning of his terms, and then explores patterns of repetition and variation in his account of the march, split into three sections (the marches upcountry, to the sea and along the coast). Rather than explaining Xenophon's usage in terms of sources, it suggests that variations in the marching formula elaborate the successive stages of the Greeks' encounter with the spaces of the Achaemenid Empire.

21

Reisert, Joseph R. „Ambition and Corruption isn Xenophon’s Education of Cyrus“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, Nr. 2 (2009): 296–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000155.

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What knowledge enables Cyrus to rule easily over multitudes? Why does Xenophon convey it in a novel? Cyrus possesses knowledge of ambition’s effects in the honour-loving soul. He perceives that honour-loving men can be ensnared into abject dependence if they can be made to accept any one individual’s will as the sole source of honour; easier still is the task of ruling those far more numerous men whose love of honour is infused with or subordinated to the love of the material rewards that accompany victory. Cyrus creates a hierarchy of dependence, with himself at the apex, and he rules his honour-loving followers easily, creating the institutions of an empire that endured to Xenophon’s own day. Xenophon depicts this arrangement in a historical romance, rather than describe it in a treatise, in ordermore effectively to inspire the love of virtue in his readers.

22

Whidden, Christopher. „The Account of Persia and Cyrus's Persian Education in Xenophon'sCyropaedia“. Review of Politics 69, Nr. 4 (2007): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670507000952.

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AbstractTheCyropaediais a biographical account of what Cyrus, the founder of the Persian Empire, knew in order to rule human beings. This essay focuses on Cyrus's twofold Persian education, which consisted of his conventional and heterodox educations. The former emphasized the rule of law, while the latter stressed the need for absolute rule by a single leader. In order to evaluate Cyrus's revolution, one must grasp the relative strengths and weaknesses of the Persian regime that educated him, especially in light of the impressive but short-lived empire he founded. In the end, theCyropaediaunfolds as a deeply ironic work. Despite Cyrus's prodigious wisdom, the empire he founded was for Xenophon neither unequivocally lasting nor good. In this sense, Xenophon's own knowledge rivals and supercedes that of Cyrus, insofar as Xenophon realized that wisdom is no match for the chaotic world of politics, a sobering and realistic outlook still applicable today.

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Lewis, Sian. „Καὶ σαφῶς τύραννος ἦν: Xenophon's Account of Euphron of Sicyon“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246150.

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AbstractXenophon's account of Euphron, tyrant at Sicyon from 368 to 366, appears to present him as a typical fourth-century ‘new tyrant’, dependent on mercenaries and concerned solely with his own power. But why did Xenophon choose to recount Euphron's actions and fate at such length, and why does he insist so strongly that he was a tyrant? Xenophon's interest in Euphron is part of his general approach to tyranny in the Hellenica, which depicts a series of individuals and regimes, all described as tyrannies. The model of tyranny with which Xenophon operates is broader and more inclusive than we would expect, contrasting with the narrow, constitutional idea of tyranny defined by Aristotle. Understanding this has two consequences. It allows us to appreciate Euphron in a new light, giving credit to the positive tradition about his support for the Sicyonian democracy and his posthumous heroization; we can see the debate which existed in his own time about his role and position. It also raises the question of why Xenophon recognized tyranny in so many places, and was so keen to emphasize his construction of these regimes. We need to situate him within the evolution of ideas about tyranny, since the concept of tyranny is largely constructed by historians: Herodotus ‘created’ tyranny in the aftermath of the Persian Wars, while Thucydides developed the concept from the individual to the general, as this better fitted his Athenocentric model. Xenophon, in contrast, was reflecting contemporary debates over the interpretation of different types of ruler and regime, and developing his own theory of tyranny. Therefore to see a ‘new tyranny’ movement in the fourth century is misplaced: an examination of Euphron reveals the complexities of self-presentation in fourth-century Greek politics.

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McNamara, Carol. „Socratic Politics in Xenophon’s Memorabilia“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, Nr. 2 (2009): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000152.

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Xenophon’s intention in writing the Memorabilia was to show that Socrates was neither naïve nor aloof with regard to the political fate of Athens. In a section on ‘Socratic Politics’ (3.1–7), Xenophon shows us that Socrates was a teacher of practical politics by recounting, in the first part of that section, Socrates’ conversations with aspiring and practising, but mostly anonymous, Athenian politicians about the limitations and practical requirements of military and political leadership; and, in the second part, applying those lessons to well-known Athenians. This article argues that, according to Xenophon, Socrates’ objectives in teaching politics were three-fold: first, he aimed to moderate the ambitions of his companions by instructing them about the proper ends and practice of a decent politics; second, he provided advice to these politicians that pointed Athens towards a non-imperial and hence more moderate political life; and finally, he sought to carve out within the city a private sphere reserved for friendship and philosophy.

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Németh, György. „Xenophon der Lügner“. Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 43, Nr. 3-4 (Dezember 2003): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.43.2003.3-4.5.

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26

Chaves, John F. „Theodore Xenophon Barber“. American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis 48, Nr. 4 (April 2006): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00029157.2006.10401531.

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27

Moles, J. L. „Xenophon and Callicratidas“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632734.

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Despite increasingly sophisticated theoretical debate, scholars concerned with ancient historiography effectively still divide into two camps: historians, who want to use the texts as sources and assess them by criteria of accuracy, reliability, completeness of record and presence or absence of prejudice according to their presumed relationship to the facts which they purport to represent; and literary scholars, who want to interpret the texts as texts, with their own internal logic.

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Schofield, Malcolm. „Plato, Xenophon, and the Laws of Lycurgus“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, Nr. 3 (09.09.2021): 450–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340345.

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Abstract The relation between the opening section of Plato’s Laws and Xenophon’s Constitution of the Lacedaemonians usually goes unnoticed. This paper draws attention to its importance for understanding Plato’s project in the dialogue. It has three sections. In the first, it will be shown that the view proposed by Plato’s Athenian visitor that Lycurgus made virtue in its entirety the goal of his statecraft was anticipated in Xenophon’s treatise. It has to be treated as an interpretation of the Spartan politeia, alternative to that advanced by Cleinias and Megillus, and accepted by (for example) Aristotle, which Plato could expect or at any rate hope to be taken seriously as such. In the second, the argument will focus on the contents of the legislative programme the Athenian says he had hoped to hear Cleinias ascribe to the Cretan and Spartan lawgivers. The case will be made that Plato can expect recognition by the reader (as by the Athenian’s interlocutors) that the programme is properly Spartan and Cretan by virtue of its echoes of the programme attributed to Lycurgus by Xenophon. Finally, the third section will argue that in making law primarily concerned with fostering the proper development, conduct, and treatment of human beings at every stage of the life cycle, above all by provision for sound customary practices (ἐπιτηδεύματα) and the like, Plato adopts the approach to law making taken by Xenophon’s Lycurgus.

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Daugherty, C. G. „Toxic Honey and the March Up-Country“. Journal of Medical Biography 13, Nr. 2 (Mai 2005): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777200501300210.

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This article gives an account of the Greek warrior-historian Xenophon and his Anabasis ( The March Up-Country), one of the most famous events in military history. It includes a description of how the Greek soldiers, after reaching apparent safety near the south-eastern Black Sea, were felled by a strange honey that rendered them as if dead for a day. Modern understanding of the toxicology of this honey is given, then an epilogue summarizing the rest of Xenophon's life.

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Altman, William H. F. „Rereading Xenophon’s Cyropaedia“. Ancient Philosophy 42, Nr. 2 (2022): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil202242224.

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In suggesting that its last chapter’s purpose is to provoke the reader to begin reconsidering and thus rereading the book they have just read, this article attempts to negotiate the interpretive quarrel as whether Xenophon’s Cyropaedia deserves a “sunny” reading—in which Cyrus straightforwardly embodies Xenophon’s own political ideals—or a more critical “dark” one, that separates the author from his protagonist. To help us get the most advantage from the paideia his book was intended to provide, Xenophon made a “sunny” first reading plausible, but he also sowed in his text the kind of clues—especially with respect to pleonexia—that would reveal his full intentions only to those who reread his book.

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Dorion, Louis-André. „Akrasia et enkrateia dans les Mémorables de Xénophon“. Dialogue 42, Nr. 4 (2003): 645–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300005692.

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AbstractThis article aims to shed light on both the foundations and the consistency of the position regarding akrasia Xenophon attributes to Socrates in the Memorabilia. As does Plato's Socrates, Xenophon's Socrates maintains that akrasia is impossible in the presence of knowledge. On the other hand, he differs from the platonic Socrates by granting to enkrateia, instead of knowledge, the role of foundation for virtue. If enkrateia is the very condition for acquiring knowledge and virtue, consequently the responsibility for countering akrasia falls to enkrateia.

32

Takhtajan, Souren A. „Antiphon in the New Millennium“. Philologia Classica 17, Nr. 2 (2022): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.205.

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This paper is an overview — in it I take a critical look at works that have come out in recent years about Antiphon. My primary focus is on four books: two scholarly works on Antiphon, one by Annie Hourcade and another by Michael Gagarin, an edition of the fragments of Antiphon’s treatises with a detailed commentary by Gerard Pendrick, and, finally, a new edition of Antiphon’s speeches prepared by Mervin Dilts and David Murphy. There is still a dispute among scholars about the authorship of the Corpus Antiphonteum. Some (the separatists) consider that there were separate authors for the speeches, on the one hand, and for the treatises, on the other — Antiphon the orator and Antiphon the sophist, respectively. Others (the unitarians) insist that there was a single author for both the speeches and the treatises. In the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries, the separatists had the upper hand, but the situation slowly began to change, and now most scholars — rightly so in my opinion — argue for a single authorship. The separatists are compelled to divide the biographical testimonies of Antiphon between the orator and the sophist. But in the case of a single Antiphon, it turns out there is more than a little information about that person. In this paper, I present a review of scholarly opinion about evidence according to which Antiphon invented τέχνη ἀλυπίας and opened a psychotherapeutic clinic, where he tried to help his patients using verbal therapy. Some scholars call the tradition of the clinic into question. The separatists attribute any evidence about it to Antiphon the sophist. Like other scholars, I uphold the credibility of the clinic. I also take a look at the image of Antiphon presented by Xenophon (Mem. 1, 6.). Many scholars consider Xenophon’s story to be fictitious or reject it outright. The separatists believe that Xenophon calls Antiphon a sophist in the very first sentence of the sixth chapter in order to distinguish him from his namesake, Antiphon the orator. I think Xenophon’s goal is different. Socrates,in conversation with Antiphon during their second meeting, which Xenophon describes later on in the same chapter, likens sophists to πόρνοι (Mem. 1. 6. 13). Obviously, Xenophon calls Antiphon a sophist because he intends that the shameful implications of this comparison be applied first and foremost to him. Hourcade and Gagarin want to show that the author of the treatises and the speeches was one and the same person. Even though Pendrick is a separatist, the parallels he draws between the fragments of the treatises and individual passages in the speeches also, I think, favor the idea of a single Antiphon. I conclude that, thanks to the workof these scholars, Antiphon has, although not yet fully, been put back together again.

33

Morrison, Donald. „On Professor VIastos’ Xenophon“. Ancient Philosophy 7 (1987): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil198772.

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34

Waterfield, Robin. „The return of Xenophon“. Philosophers' Magazine, Nr. 37 (2007): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20073784.

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35

Altman, William H. F. „Xenophon and Plato’s Meno“. Ancient Philosophy 42, Nr. 1 (2022): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20224212.

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Not only was it a reference to Ismenias the Theban (Men. 90a4-5) that allowed nineteenth-century scholars to establish a date of composition for Plato’s Meno on the basis of Xenophon’s Hellenica but beginning with “Meno the Thessalian” himself, immortalized as a scoundrel in Xenophon’s Anabasis, each of the four characters in Plato’s dialogue is shown to have a Xenophontic resonance, thus revealing Meno to be Plato’s tombeau de Xénophon.

36

Reinfelder, Martin. „Xenophon, De Vectigalibus 4,40“. Philologus 162, Nr. 2 (25.10.2018): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0009.

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37

Plastira-Valkanou, Maria. „Dreams in Xenophon Ephesius“. Symbolae Osloenses 76, Nr. 1 (Januar 2001): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003976701753387996.

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38

Sowa, Joanna. „EROS PAIDIKOS KONTRA MIŁOŚĆ MAŁŻEŃSKA W UCZCIE I EKONOMIKU KSENOFONTA – POCZĄTEK STAROŻYTNEGO SPORU“. Collectanea Philologica 16 (01.01.2013): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.16.05.

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In Xenophon’s Symposium and Oeconomicus we can observe two ways of manifestation of Eros: eros paidikos (i.e. pederasty) and matrimonial love between man and woman. On the one side, Xenophon describes eros paidikos as a power creating true, lasting and deeply affectionate friendship, which, still, may not include sexual intercourses; on the other, matrimonial love can offer erotic reciprocity and mutual respect, but a man and his wife remain quite different and, in fact, unequal. This picture helps us to understand reasons of the ancient controversy between followers of these two kinds of eros, which remained unsolved for many centuries.

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Nadon, Christopher. „Leo Strauss's First Brush with Xenophon: “The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon”“. Review of Politics 83, Nr. 1 (07.12.2020): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000728.

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AbstractLeo Strauss is most well known for his thesis on the philosophic practice of exotericism. One of strangest aspects of his work is the amount of attention he devoted to Xenophon. This article attempts to explain how these two important facets of Strauss's thought are connected by examining their connection in his first published treatment of them both: “The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon.”

40

Whitehead, Ian. „The Periplous“. Greece and Rome 34, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1987): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028126.

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The naval tactic, the periplous, referred to by both Thucydides and Xenophon has yet to be convincingly identified by any scholar. πɛρπλους and πɛριπλω are widely used in their non-tactical sense to mean ‘a voyage round a stretch of coast’, and ‘to sail round’. The only passages in which we can be certain that Thucydides and Xenophon are writing about the naval tactic are not accounts of battles but passages setting the scene for naval battles, theorizing about sea warfare. The problem then is to separate and identify the tactical from the normal usage. If we study the nature of the theoretical periplous referred to by Thucydides and Xenophon, and then look for a battle manoeuvre of a similar nature, we may be able to make that distinction.

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O'Connor, Stephen. „THE AGORANOMOI AT COTYORA (XEN. AN. 5.7.21–9): CERASUNTIANS OR CYREANS?“ Classical Quarterly 66, Nr. 1 (05.04.2016): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000082.

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In the late spring of 400 b.c.e., when the Ten Thousand were encamped outside the city of Cotyora, Xenophon addressed the soldiers gathered in assembly in order to defend himself against accusations that he was planning to lead them on a colonizing expedition to the land of the Phasis river. Having demonstrated that he was not misleading the soldiers (that is, that his true intentions were not to lead them to the Phasis) by proving that he could not hope to deceive them into travelling east, Xenophon then moved on to what he presented as a more serious matter for the assembled mercenaries: the problem of growing indiscipline in the army, and its consequences (both potential and actual). Xenophon illustrated the extent of the problem by describing to the men two incidents in detail.

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Christesen, Paul. „Xenophon'sCyropaediaand military reform in Sparta“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 126 (November 2006): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900007655.

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AbstractXenophon'sCyropaediacan be read as a proto-novel, a biography, or as an essay on leadership or constitutional theory. This article argues that theCyropaediacan and should also be read as a pamphlet on practical military reform with special relevance to the Spartan state.The inclusion of a series of proposals for the reform of the Spartan army in theCyropaediahas not heretofore been recognized because Xenophon presented those proposals in the guise of a reform of the Persian army undertaken by Cyrus. There was no historical basis for this part of theCyropaedia, and there is no trace of a major military reform in either the Greek or the Persian tradition about Cyrus as it existed before Xenophon. Cyrus' military reform was thus an authorial invention that presumably served some important narrative purpose.Xenophon inserted a military reform into theCyropaediaas a way of presenting a proposal for the restructuring of the Spartan army. When Xenophon wrote theCyropaedia, the Spartans were struggling desperately to maintain their position in the face of a powerful Boeotian army. The Boeotians could put many more hoplites into the field and had a large cavalry force that they were using to excellent effect. The obvious response on the part of the Spartans was to take whatever measures were necessary to increase the number of men in their phalanx and to assemble a sizeable, highly trained group of horsemen. The programme of military reform enacted by Cyrus in theCyropaediaproduces just this result. If implemented in Sparta, this programme would have involved the wholesale addition of non-Spartiates to the Spartan phalanx and the conversion of the Spartanhomoioiinto an all-cavalry force.Xenophon thus used Cyrus' army in theCyropaediato show what a revamped Spartan military might look like. The use of fictional narrative to explore ideas with immediate application to the real world has long been recognized as an integral part of theCyropaedia.This aspect of theCyropaediahas in the past been explored largely in regard to Xenophon's thinking about leadership and ethics, but it can and should be extended to include military reform in Sparta.

43

Danzig, Gabriel. „Xenophon and the Socratic Elenchos“. Ancient Philosophy 37, Nr. 2 (2017): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil201737225.

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44

Rahn, Peter J., Xenophon und Peter Krentz. „Xenophon, Hellenika I-II.3.10“. Phoenix 46, Nr. 1 (1992): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088778.

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45

Nemes, Júlia. „ПEΔH and ΓNΩMONEΣ in Xenophon“. Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2009): 359–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.3.12.

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46

Sage, Paula Winsor, Xenophon und Peter Krentz. „Xenophon: Hellenica I-II.3.10“. Classical World 84, Nr. 5 (1991): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350887.

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47

Zimansky, Paul. „Xenophon and the Urartian Legacy“. Pallas 43, Nr. 1 (1995): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/palla.1995.1373.

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48

Gish, D., und W. s. Ambler. „The Political Thought of Xenophon“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, Nr. 2 (2009): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000149.

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49

Seager, Robin. „Xenophon and Athenian Democratic Ideology“. Classical Quarterly 51, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2001): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.2.385.

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50

Brock, Roger, und Malcolm Heath. „Two passages in pseudo-Xenophon“. Classical Quarterly 45, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1995): 564–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043639.

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This sentence has long been regarded as problematic; Kirchhoff's emendation is palaeographically simple and has met with general approval, but if ίερά is taken to mean ‘temples’, as is usual, the phrase is not without its difficulties. ỉστασθαι is normally used of inscriptions, statues and trophies rather than buildings; LSJ cite only one instance of the latter usage, Thucydides 1.69.1, and there it might be argued that the Long Walls were not a building as such (although Thucydides does use οίκοδομεîν of them at 1.107.1). Furthermore, it does seem rather pointless to say that individual poor members of the demos are unable to build temples, for that was something that even the richest were unlikely to be able to afford.

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