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1
Talbot, Brian. „’The Struggle for Spiritual Values’: Scottish Baptists and the Second World War“. Perichoresis 16, Nr. 4 (01.12.2018): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0024.
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Abstract The Secord World War was a conflict which many British people feared might happen, but they strongly supported the efforts of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain to seek a peaceful resolution of tensions with Germany over disputes in Continental Europe. Baptists in Scotland shared these concerns of their fellow citizens, but equally supported the declaration of war in 1939 after the German invasion of Poland. They saw the conflict as a struggle for spiritual values and were as concerned about winning the peace that followed as well as the war. During the years 1939 to 1945 they recommitted themselves to sharing the Christian message with their fellow citizens and engaged in varied forms of evangelism and extended times of prayer for the nation. The success of their Armed Forces Chaplains in World War One ensured that Scottish Baptist padres had greater opportunities for service a generation later. Scottish Baptists had seen closer ties established with other churches in their country under the auspices of the Scottish Churches Council. This co-operation in the context of planning for helping refugees and engaging in reconstruction at the conclusion of the war led to proposals for a World Council of Churches. Scottish Baptists were more cautious about this extension of ecumenical relationships. In line with other Scottish Churches they recognised a weakening of Christian commitment in the wider nation, but were committed to the challenge of proclaiming their faith at this time. They had both high hopes and expectations for the post-war years in Scotland.
2
PARMARA, INDERJEET. „Engineering consent: the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the mobilization of American public opinion, 1939–1945“. Review of International Studies 26, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000358.
Annotation:
The role of private organizations and think tanks in the United States have been well documented. The Council on Foreign Relations in particular has been much discussed—less so, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. This article seeks to fill that gap by exploring its influence on American public opinion during World War II. Based upon archival research, the essay examines the background of the key members of the Endowment, their outlook and the impact their work had in shaping US attitudes. Using Gramsci's notion of an ‘historic bloc’ wedded to the insights of the ‘corporatist’ school of American foreign relations, the conclusion reached is that the organization—along with other key bodies situated at the interface between the private and public spheres—played a not inconsiderable part in educating Americans for internationalism before the end of the war and the onset of the Cold War two years later.
3
Aznar Soler, Manuel. „Cultural Cold War and 1939 Republican Exile: the World Congress of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace (Wroclaw, 1948)“. Culture & History Digital Journal 7, Nr. 1 (06.07.2018): 009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.009.
Annotation:
The cultural battle between the USA and the Soviet Union belongs to the chapters of the Cold War held by the two superpowers in the aftermath of World War II. This article studies how the intellectuals of the 1939 Republican exile took part in the Soviet Union-fostered World Peace International Committee of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace Council, which started with the participation of a delegation of Republican intellectuals in the World Congress of Intellectuals for Peace, held in Wroclaw (Poland) on August 25-28, 1948.
4
Seton-Watson, Christopher. „1919 and the persistence of nationalist aspirations“. Review of International Studies 15, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1989): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112720.
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‘The characteristic feature of the crisis of the twenty years between 1919 and 1939 was the abrupt descent from the visionary hopes of the first decade to the grim despair of the second, from a Utopia which took little account of reality to a reality from which every element of Utopia was rigorously excluded… The Utopia of 1919 was hollow and without substance,’ So wrote E. H. Carr in the conclusion to his Twenty Years Crisis, which he sent to the press in the middle of July 1939. Fifty years later one cannot but agree with him that the peace settlement of 1919 ‘failed’: Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin wiped it off the map of Europe. But though the Second World War created a very different ‘realistic’ world, some of the ‘Utopian’ ideals of 1919, so brusquely dismissed by Carr, re-surfaced irrepressibly after 1945, and some of their practical applications returned to the agenda of international politics.
5
Grishaeva, L. „Long echo of the soviet-japanese war 1945“. Diplomatic Service, Nr. 4 (01.08.2020): 18–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2004-03.
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The author writes about the inadmissibility of revising the main results of the Second World War, the consequences of which are really felt in the 21st century. On the role of the USSR in the Victory in World War II. About the factual non-recognition by Japan of the results of World War II. About the reasons for the lack of a peace treaty between Russia and Japan so far. On the existence of territorial contradictions between our states. On linking Japan with the problem of concluding a peace treaty with territorial claims against Russia. On opposing views on the history of the conclusion, observance and annulment of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of 1941. On attempts to blame the USSR for the ''unlawful'' entry into the war against Japan in 1945. Why is this happening, why Japan never attacked the USSR during the Second World War, what are the results of the war and what are their consequences, this article is devoted to the consideration of these fundamentally important issues.
6
WARD, W. R. „‘Peace, Peace and Rumours of War’“. Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2000): 767–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900005170.
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Nationaler Protestantismus und Ökumenische Bewegung. Kirchliches Handeln im Kalten Krieg (1945–1990). By Gerhard Besier, Armin Boyens and Gerhard Lindemann (postscript by Horst-Klaus Hofmann). (Zeitgeschichtliche Forschungen, 3.) Pp. vi+1074. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1999. DM 86. 3 428 10032 8; 1438 2326This is indeed a formidable offering – three and a half books by three and a half authors, all for the price of one and a half – and it must be admitted to those whose stamina or German quail at the prospect that some of the viewpoints and a little of the material by two and a half of the contributors has been made available in English in Gerhard Besier (ed.), The Churches, southern Africa and the political context (London 1999) at £9.99. The soft option is, however, no substitute for the real thing, which, like that other blockbuster, the late Eberhard Bethge's Bonhoeffer, is a contribution both to scholarship and to a struggle inside the German Churches. This, readers in the Anglo-Saxon world need to assess as best they can. It is not often that attempts are made by both the World Council of Churches and their principal paymasters in the German Churches to stop the publication of a work of scholarship, to be foiled (in best nineteenth-century style) by the liberalism of the German Ministry of the Interior; but that has happened here. And the rest of the world has the more reason to be grateful to the ministry for the authors have exploited the archives of the Stasi and the KGB, access to the latter of which has now been closed under pressure from the Russian Orthodox Church, which appears to have more to hide than anyone.The link between all this and Besier's inquiries in America is provided by the sad fate of the Protestant Churches of the Ost-Block during the Cold War.
7
Jannette, Lauren. „From Horrors Past to Horrors Future: Pacifist War Art (1919–1939)“. Arts 9, Nr. 3 (13.07.2020): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9030080.
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In this paper, I argue that interwar pacifists working in France presented an evolving narrative of what the First World War represented in order to maintain support for their movement and a continued peace in Europe. Utilizing posters, photographs, pamphlets, and art instillations created by pacifist organizations, I interject in ongoing debates over the First World War as a moment of rupture in art and pacifism in France, arguing that the moment of rupture occurred a decade after the conflict had ended with the failure of the Conference for the Reduction and Limitation of Armaments of 1932–1934 and the election of Hitler as the leader of a remilitarized Germany. Pacifist art of the 1920s saw a return to traditional motifs and styles of art that remembered the horrors of the past war. This return to tradition aimed to inspire adherence to the new pacifist organizations in the hopes of creating a new peace-filled world. The era of optimism and tradition ended with the economic and political crisis of the early 1930s, forcing pacifists to reconceptualize the images and styles of art that they utilized. Instead of relying on depictions of the horrors of the past war, these images shifted the focus to the mass civilian casualties future wars would bring in a desperate struggle to prevent the outbreak of another world war.
8
Heft, James. „Religion, World Order, and Peace: Christianity, War, and Peacemaking“. CrossCurrents 60, Nr. 3 (09.09.2010): 328–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-3881.2010.00133.x.
9
Cheng, Victor Shiu Chiang. „Rethinking the Chongqing Negotiations of 1945: Concession-making, the Trust/distrust Paradox, and the Biased Mediator in China’s Post-war Transitions“. Journal of Chinese Military History 9, Nr. 2 (08.09.2020): 168–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10004.
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Abstract This article rethinks what are perhaps the most important attempts at making peace in modern Chinese history: the first post-World War II peace talks convened in Chongqing, between the two old foes of the Chinese Civil War. Previous studies treat the peace conference as a sideshow to the subsequent full-scale civil war. Examining the political and military situation in China toward the end of World War II, this article argues that a peace agreement was needed for both parties. The core of the article examines the hitherto unexplored aspects around the negotiating table: the debate, disagreements, and compromises, and the American mediator’s attempt to alter the dynamics of the peace talks from an inherently biased position. It finds that the history of the Chongqing negotiations is more important to our understanding of China’s struggle between peace and war in the modern era than previously acknowledged.
10
ANAND, R. P. „The Formation of International Organizations and India: A Historical Study“. Leiden Journal of International Law 23, Nr. 1 (02.02.2010): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990318.
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AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.
11
Kasprzycki, Remigiusz. „Pacyfizm i antymilitaryzm w Europie Zachodniej w latach 1918–1939“. Prace Historyczne 148, Nr. 3 (2021): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.036.14012.
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Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.
12
J. VISER, VICTOR. „Winning the Peace: American Planning for a Profitable Post-War World“. Journal of American Studies 35, Nr. 1 (April 2001): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875801006557.
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Shortly after the end of World War II, on 11 December 1945, James Webb Young, Chairman of the Advertising Council and Director of the J. Walter Thompson Company, spoke to the annual meeting of the American Association of Advertising Agencies at the Continental Hotel in Chicago. The title of his speech was, “What Advertising Learned From the War,” and in it Young talked about an immediate post-war period that was, by most accounts, an exuberant time for an America flushed by a victory that finally marked it as a true global power. The American government proclaimed it, the American people believed it, and American business stood ready to sell it through an advertising industry that itself had come of age during, and because of, the war.
13
Weinberg, Gerhard L., und Bernd Wegner. „From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the World, 1939-1941.“ Journal of Military History 61, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1997): 834. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954121.
14
LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. „FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE“. Historical Journal 49, Nr. 2 (Juni 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
15
Edwin, Edwin. „RESOLUTION DECISION-MAKING TO INCREASE THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS FOR WORLD PEACE“. JOURNAL ASRO 12, Nr. 02 (19.04.2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37875/asro.v12i02.398.
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The United Nations (UN) was founded on October 24, 1945 or after World War II ended. At the time of its establishment, the UN consists of 51 member countries and continues to grow until now it has 193 members. The birth of the UN was motivated by the failure of The League of Nations because it could not realize the desire of its founders to create peace throughout the world by preventing war. After World War I, it turned out that World War II was still followed. The UN is considered successful in preventing a widespread war so that until now there has been no World War III. However, in the current situation, wars in several parts of the world have recurred, such as in Syria, Palestine, Azerbaijan and others. The existence of the UN as a universal organization that maintains peace is again being questioned. The ability, especially the Security Council, as one of its organs to prevent war, needs to be improved.
Keywords: The Security Council, UN Charter, Veto
16
Young, Nigel. „Concepts of Peace: From 1913 to the Present“. Ethics & International Affairs 27, Nr. 2 (2013): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000063.
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Over the next few years much will be made of the hundred-year anniversary of the breakdown of the European peace into a thirty-one-year civil war that did not fully cease until 1945. In 2012 the European Union was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of the fact that there has been no war within its borders for the past sixty years, and today the Union stands as a model for regional peace. But the consequences of the “Great War” and the disastrously unsuccessful “peace” of 1918 are still with us. Like Andrew Carnegie, Alfred Nobel recognized that it is essential that political decision-makers and a wider public act with an awakened sense of the everyday significance of world events.
17
PECENY, MARK, CAROLINE C. BEER und SHANNON SANCHEZ-TERRY. „Dictatorial Peace?“ American Political Science Review 96, Nr. 1 (März 2002): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402004203.
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Is there a dictatorial peace that resembles the democratic peace? This paper uses a new data set compiled by Barbara Geddes to examine the conflict behavior of three types of autocratic regimes—personalist, military, and single-party dictatorships—in the post-World War II era. We find some evidence that specific types of authoritarian regimes are peaceful toward one another. No two personalist dictators or two military regimes have gone to war with each other since 1945. These dyads were not less likely to engage in militarized interstate disputes than were mixed dyads, however. Although single-party regimes were the only homogeneous dyad in this study to have experienced war, multivariate analyses of participation in militarized interstate disputes suggest that single-party states are more peaceful toward one another than are mixed dyads. Thus, while we have found no unambiguous evidence of a dictatorial peace to match the robustness of the democratic peace, there is substantial interesting variation in the conflict behavior of specific types of authoritarian regimes. The analysis presented here demonstrates that studies of the impact of regime type on conflict behavior must work from a more sophisticated conception of authoritarianism.
18
Savelli, Mat. „‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85“. History of the Human Sciences 31, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.
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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
19
Kanu, Donald. „A CRITIQUE OF THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL (1945-2020)“. Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 05, Nr. 02 (03.12.2022): 288–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2022-05-02-015.
Annotation:
The United Nations was established after the Second World War in 1945 to maintain peace and security because of the threats posed by global poverty, disease, and the breakdown of the environment. To help actualize these objectives, the United Nations Security Council was an absolute necessity in order to make world peace a priority for all nations. However, studies show that a number of institutional issues visible in the UN system have hampered the mandate of the Security Council towards achieving world peace. This study, therefore, intends to critique the United Nations Security Council's efforts to promote international law-based global peace on this basis. The study employed the use of the in-depth interview to elicit data from respondents while content analysis was used to identify data gotten from the field. Findings from the study revealed that the United Nations Security Council has succeeded in the maintenance of global peace and security. This study concluded that the United Nations Security Council’s roles are to prevent nuclear proliferation, clear landmines, and promote disarmament. The study also reveals that the body is able to ensure security by constituting peacekeeping and special political missions.
20
Otto, Dianne. „Rethinking ‘Peace’ in International Law and Politics From a Queer Feminist Perspective“. Feminist Review 126, Nr. 1 (22.10.2020): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778920948081.
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What does peace mean in today’s world of endless wars? Why has the project of ‘universal peace’, so ardently hoped for by the drafters of the UN Charter in 1945, failed so profoundly? I reflect on these questions through three stories of peace. The first is told by a series of four stained-glass windows in the Peace Palace in The Hague; the second is of the world’s demilitarised zones; and the third of a peace community in Colombia. These stories provide a springboard to reflect on how we might rethink peace in the context of today’s world, drawing on feminist, queer and postcolonial analyses. My discussion exposes the limits of the UN Charter’s approach to peace, and the impossibility of its methods ever achieving ‘universal peace’. The Charter’s reliance on militarism and collective enforcement, as well as its commitment to peace as an evolutionary process, maintain rather than dismantle global hierarchies of domination. I also question the dualism of war and peace, which obscures much of the violence of what we call peace. The task of rethinking peace is urgent. To do so we need to go beyond the worlds we know, beyond the confines of law and the inevitability of quotidian hierarchies of gender, sexuality and race, to invent new methods of peace-making, outside the ‘frames of war’.
21
Iriye, Akira. „Peace as a Transnational Theme“. Ethics & International Affairs 27, Nr. 2 (2013): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000051.
Annotation:
Peace is normally understood as the absence of war among nations. But that definition presupposes the overarching importance of nations as the key units of human association. There are, however, many other non-national entities, such as races, ethnic communities, religions, cultures, and civilizations. These entities, too, engage in conflict from time to time, as exemplified by the interracial violence and religious antagonisms in various parts of the world today and, of course, that which took place in the past. Yet why do we preserve the terms “war” and “peace” only for interstate relations? This is a very limited perspective, inasmuch as wars are a phenomenon whose appearance long preceded the formation of nations in the modern centuries; and besides, a presumed state of peace among countries can conceal serious hostilities between races or religions within and across national boundaries. Nazi Germany was technically at peace with all countries till 1939, and yet violent acts were committed there against groups of people domestically who were not considered racially acceptable. In today's world, there are no large-scale international wars, but domestic tensions and physical assaults occur daily within many countries. Terrorists wage war against states and their citizens alike, but they are not nations. To counter their threat, war preparedness in the traditional sense may be useful, perhaps, but it is much less effective than the coming together of individuals and groups to create a condition of interdependence and mutual trust. World peace must fundamentally be founded on a sense of shared humanity, regardless of which country people happen to live in. To consider war and peace purely in the context of international relations, therefore, is insufficient, even anachronistic. What we need is less an international than a transnational idea of peace.
22
Troy, Michele K. „The Dangers of Peace“. Quaerendo 47, Nr. 2 (11.08.2017): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700690-12341377.
Annotation:
In 1945, publishers in Western Europe looked forward to an era free of censorship and press restrictions enacted during Nazi occupation. Yet the postwar peace offered existential challenges, ones that can be seen in the efforts of the Dutch publisher Sijthoff to form a partnership with the Albatross Press, known as continental Europe’s largest publisher of English-language paperbacks in the 1930s. Both firms imagined a future bright with possibility in the late 1940s, selling English books in a free continental market hungry for Anglo-American literature. Yet postwar Europe presented them with a world of paper shortages, governmental regulations, and upstart American publishers eager to flood Europe with cheap paperbacks. Ironically, it wasn’t war, but the peace that would pose the greatest existential threat to Sijthoff, Albatross, and Western Europe’s other continental publishers of books in English.
23
RYNHOLD, JONATHAN. „The German question in Central and Eastern Europe and the long peace in Europe after 1945: an integrated theoretical explanation“. Review of International Studies 37, Nr. 1 (19.07.2010): 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000501.
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AbstractWithin the field of International Relations, theoretically informed explanations of the long peace in Europe since 1945 tend to focus on Western Europe, especially the revolution in Franco-German relations. In contrast, German relations with Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are ignored, despite the fact that this nexus was a major cause of instability prior to 1945. This article focuses on why the German question in CEE ceased to threaten the stability of Europe after 1945. The article empirically examines the development of the German question in CEE since 1945, which refers here mainly to the Oder-Neisse line and the plight of ethnic Germans expelled from CEE after World War II. It provides a theoretically integrated and chronologically sequenced explanation. First, it argues that Realism primarily explains the successful containment of the German question in CEE between 1945 and the late 1960s. Second, it argues that the Constructivist process of cultural change, which altered German intensions, was primarily responsible for subsequently increasing the depth of peace and stability between Germany and CEE, especially after the Cold War. Finally, it is argued that prior Realist factors and Liberal processes constituted a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for cultural change.
24
Flint, James. „English Catholics and the Proposed Soviet Alliance, 1939“. Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, Nr. 3 (Juli 1997): 468–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014883.
Annotation:
By and large, the western world received the news of the Nazi-Soviet Pact (23 August 1939) with horror and a sick apprehension of what would come next. Quite different was the response of Guy Crouchback, the fictional hero of Evelyn Waugh's Sword of honour trilogy on the Second World War:News that shook the politicians and young poets of a dozen capitals brought deep peace to one English heart [He had] expected his country to go to war in a panic, for the wrong reasons or for no reason at all, with the wrong allies, in pitiful weakness. But now, splendidly, everything had become clear. The enemy at last was plain in view, huge and hateful, all disguise cast off. It was the Modern Age in arms. Whatever the outcome there was a place for him in that battle.
25
Kościelniak, Karol. „Intercontinental Ballistic Missile – ICBM – a Symbol of “Cold War”?“ Reality of Politics 6, Nr. 1 (31.03.2015): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201502.
Annotation:
World War II marked the beginning of the forty-five years long period of tense peace, described as the Cold War. Two superpowers that emerged from World War II started to compete for hegemony over the world, representing two diametrically different political and economic systems. In any other historical period, such situation would lead to an inevitable great war, but after 1945 the competition was threatened by the possibility of using nuclear weapon whose capability of destruction was so enormous that neither of parties ventured direct confrontation. World War II contributed to scientific advancement that played a crucial role in the military progress of these states. The development of technologies assisting nuclear weapon resulted in a revolutionary change in military capability provided by the parties of the conflict. Rocket projectiles were the symbol of the 20th century, due to the fact that they carried humans into space, but also because they carried deadly weapon capable of killing hundreds thousands people. This combination of nuclear weapon with medium-range and intercontinental missiles caused that the world had to face permanent threat.
26
SHAPOVAL, VIKTOR. „Obscure years of Soviet Roma literature (1939-1941)“. Romani Studies: Volume 31, Issue 1 31, Nr. 1 (01.06.2021): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/rs.2021.2.
Annotation:
The history of Soviet Roma literature from the middle of 1938 to the beginning of the Second World War cannot be explored through an analysis of published books, since no books were published in those years. Moreover, a very specific chronological dilemma arises. In Soviet historiography, the events of the Second World War, which began on 22 June 1941, are considered separately from the events of the war that took place beyond the territory of the USSR. This period is also significant for the history of Soviet Roma literature, since for a period lasting almost two years - from September 1939 to June 1941 (when the interwar period formally ended) - Roma writers enjoyed a time of relative peace, which they spent in an intense search for new opportunities, interactions with authorities, and attempts to revive Roma book publishing. This article presents a study and analysis of this period based on previously unexamined archival documents and letters from Roma writers. The analysis of these documents helps create a picture of this time period and clarifies aspects of the plans and hopes that Roma writers had “relatively speaking, after the brief era of Romani Gutenberg.”
27
Nouvel-Kirschleger, Maguelone, und Steffen Sammler. „Construire une paix durable après 1945 : l'enseignement des origines de la Première Guerre mondiale en France et en Allemagne“. Didactica Historica 1, Nr. 1 (2015): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2015.001.01.71.
Annotation:
At the end of the Second World War, the times are convenient for an awareness of the stakes in History Education: School narratives are accused of instigating hatred between nations. Consisting of professors of History, a French-German Committee has met since 1951 with the aim of revising the school narratives and reconciling people by proposing an education common to the peace. How, in this context, do the authors of French and German textbooks intend «to calm » their narratives of the wars? How do they organize « war teaching » and «peace education»?
28
Finch, Michael P. M. „A Total War of the Mind: The French Theory of la guerre révolutionnaire, 1954–1958“. War in History 25, Nr. 3 (16.07.2017): 410–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516661214.
Annotation:
French theorists of guerre révolutionnaire conceptualized contemporary conflict in the 1950s as a particular form of total war. Located in the idea of global subversive war which provided intellectual rationalization for the army’s experiences in colonial wars after 1945, the theorists argued that the collapse in the distinction between war and peace rendered war permanent and constant, so that France’s colonial wars were a symptom of a broader conflict necessitating the ideological mobilization of the French people. This article contends that much of the inspiration for these ideas can be found in intellectual developments preceding the Second World War.
29
PITTAWAY, MARK. „Making Peace in the Shadow of War: The Austrian–Hungarian Borderlands, 1945–1956“. Contemporary European History 17, Nr. 3 (August 2008): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004529.
Annotation:
AbstractThis article examines the process of state reconstruction in Austria and Hungary's borderlands that followed the Second World War. This process of state reconstruction was also a process of pacification, as it represented an attempt to (re)build states on the foundations of the military settlement of the war. The construction of legitimate state authority was at its most successful on the Austrian side of the border, where political actors were able to gain legitimacy by creating a state that acted as an effective protector of the immediate demands of the local community for security from a variety of threats. On the Hungarian side of the border the state was implicated with some of the actors who were seen as threatening local communities, something that produced political polarisation. These differences set the stage for the transition from war to cold war in the borderlands.
30
Wulandari, Fenny, und Abdul Azis. „THE ROLE OF WOMEN AS MEMBERS OF THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY FORCES (Indonesian Women's Security Forces Recruitment Process)“. Pamulang Law Review 2, Nr. 1 (25.08.2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32493/palrev.v2i1.5342.
Annotation:
International organizations are formed by an agreement in which three or more countries are parties, or also called intergovernmental organizations because their members are state. The state as a party to the international organization must accept the obligations arising from the agreement. Countries incorporated in an international organization usually have the same interests and goals. Even in some difficulties and to help progress the member countries of the international organization did not hesitate to provide assistance. International organizations such as the United Nations have the aim of maintaining international peace and security. The establishment of the United Nations (UN) was set against the concerns of mankind for international peace and security based on the experience of the First World War and the Second World War. Indonesia's commitment to participate in carrying out world order based on independence, lasting peace and social justice is the mandate of paragraph IV of the Opening of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This commitment is always realized through Indonesia's active participation and contribution in the UN Mission of Maintenance and Peace. In the international context, participation is an important and concrete indicator of the role of a country in contributing to maintaining international peace and security.
31
Goldfield, David. „THE SELECTIVE MEMORY ОF US-SOVIET COOPERATION DURING WORLD WAR II“. RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, Nr. 2 (2021): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-37-54.
Annotation:
By the time the US formally recognized the Soviet Union in 1933, the American economy was in desperate circumstances. President Roosevelt hoped that the new relationship would generate a prosperous trade between the two countries. When Germany, Italy, and Japan threatened world peace, a vigor- ous “America First” movement developed to keep the US out of the international conflicts. By the time the Germans invaded Poland in September 1939, this be- came increasingly difficult. The US, instead, became “the arsenal of democracy” and supported the efforts of the British and, by 1941, the Russians to defeat Nazi aggression, particularly through the Lend-Lease program. Although after the war, the Soviets tended to minimize American, the residual good will from that effort prevailed despite serious conflicts. The Cold War did not become hot, and even produced scientific and cultural cooperation on occasion.
32
Hoffmann, Peter. „Roncalli in the Second World War: Peace Initiatives, the Greek Famine and the Persecution of the Jews“. Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, Nr. 1 (Januar 1989): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900035430.
Annotation:
Apostolic delegate in Turkey and Greece and archbishop of Messambria from January 1935 to December 1944, Angelo Roncalli was confronted from 1939 to 1944 with extraordinary situations of human suffering. His response to some of the challenges has received little attention. Yet both public and private archives contain materials sufficient to throw considerable light on Roncalli's activities during those years.
33
Knight, W. Andy. „The United Nations and International Security in the New Millennium“. Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, Nr. 3 (2005): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915005775093331.
Annotation:
AbstractThe end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for the United Nations to play a greater role in international security than it was allowed to play in the midst of the ideological conflict between the United States and the former Soviet Union. However, the expected "peace dividend" never materialized in the post-Cold War period. Instead, a number of civil conflicts erupted and new threats to security, particularly to human security, emerged. This chapter critically examines the evolution of the UN's role in addressing international security problems since 1945, including global terrorism. It also outlines recent attempts by the world body, through extension of its reach beyond the territorial constraints of sovereignty, to build sustained peace through preventive measures and protect human security globally.
34
WILSON, JAMES GRAHAM. „Jack Benny and America's Mission after World War II: Openness, Pluralism, Internationalism, and Supreme Confidence“. Journal of American Studies 45, Nr. 2 (29.06.2010): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875810001131.
Annotation:
This article argues that the Jack Benny radio program reflected and illuminated America's sense of mission coming out of World War II by providing listeners with a conceptualization of a world in which the promotion of universal values was to usher in an era of lasting peace. A study of the Jack Benny Program from 1945 to 1950 illustrates how World War II changed the purpose of the show; how Jack Benny, his writers, and his cast understood notions of openness, pluralism, and internationalism; how the correlation they drew between social equality at home and international priorities abroad sometimes preempted official US policies; and how they provided, in the form of the show's central character, a model of supremely confident leadership in an era fraught with anxieties.
35
Wyver, John. „War and Peace: Play for Today’s Home Front Quintet“. Journal of British Cinema and Television 19, Nr. 2 (April 2022): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2022.0619.
Annotation:
Although Play for Today is a strongly contemporary series, for many of its dramas the Second World War and the immediate aftermath are years of considerable significance. Numerous plays refer explicitly to aspects of the war, and nine productions are set wholly or primarily between 1940 and 1945. This article focuses on five of these, all of which were made on film for the later seasons of Play for Today: Licking Hitler (1978), Blue Remembered Hills (1979), The Imitation Game (1980), Country (1980) and Rainy Day Women (1984). Each film aims to offer a revisionist understanding of the conflict, setting out to de-mythologise established myths about the war at home. This article argues that this ‘home front quintet’ forms a significant and, in part at least, a coherent group of dramas within the series. It seeks to identify connections across these dramas, and to understand their politics as engagements with the war and its aftermath during a period that the Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher were consolidating power. My argument is that concerns with landscape, heritage and home, game-playing and simulation, and ideas of self-reflexivity are combined with generic aspects of the war film in ways that challenge understandings of the war at home but also fail to link their re-imaginings of the conflict to credible and progressive presentations of the post-war peace.
36
Khanday, Dr Qysar Ayoub, und Dr Zahoor Ahmad Ganai. „Historical Perspective of Human Rights: An Analysis“. International Journal of All Research Education & Scientific Methods 10, Nr. 03 (2022): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.56025/ijaresm.2022.10301.
Annotation:
After the world war second in 1945 a new world order came into being, putting respect for human rights alongside peace, security and development as the primary objectives of the United Nations. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed in 1948, provided a frame work for a series of international human right conventions. The main objective of the study is to investigate and analysis the historical development of human rights. For conducting of this study data was collected from several articles, books, related documents and internet regarding human rights as a quality paper.
37
Podriez, Yuliya. „Transformation the world construction after the Second World War and places in its USA and USSR (1945 – 1946)“. American History & Politics Scientific edition, Nr. 7 (2019): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.84-91.
Annotation:
The article is devoted to studing the trunsformation (changes) in the world after the Second World War, as well as the role and the place in it of two powerful states – the USA and the USSR. The article is devoted to the study of the question of the universe after the Second World War, as well as the role and the place in it of two powerful states – the USA and the USSR. In the article, the author emphasizes the objective and subjective circumstances that transformed Soviet-American relations since 1945. At the same time, it is emphasized that relations are complicated by the emergence of a new factor – atomic. Consideration of Soviet-USA relations is proposed through the lens of attempting to establish USA-USSR cooperation in the economic sphere, the development of nuclear weapons, and a technological approach in strategic arms. Much attention is paid to the meeting of the Big Three, which took place in Potsdam. In particular, on the one hand, the focus is on the direct procedure for concluding peace treaties and establishing diplomatic relations with Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Finland; on the other, the distribution of spheres of influence across Germany, based on the relevant protocol. In general, the author attempted to prove that the Berlin Conference made it possible to find mutually agreed solutions and to reach compromises, despite the escalation.
38
Myagkov, M. Yu. „USSR in World War II“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, Nr. 4 (04.09.2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
Annotation:
The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
39
TAMÁS, ÁGNES. „OLD-NEW ENEMIES IN HUNGARIAN AND YUGOSLAV CARICATURES AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1945–1947)“. ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, Nr. 28 (27.12.2017): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2017.28.171-188.
Annotation:
In this paper I analyse caricatures of Hungarian and Yugoslav comic papers (Jež, Ludas Matyi, Új Szó, and Pesti Izé) between 1945 and 1947. I chose this source since the analysis of caricatures can demonstrate the functioning of communist propaganda. After the presentation of sources and goals of the paper, I analyse the depiction of war criminals, the perception of democracy and the Western states, and the representation of democrats and German enemies within the country in Hungary. Then I analyse the depiction of the self of the communists and finally, before the conclusions, the Peace Treaty of Paris in caricatures. The analysed propaganda caricatures documented well the views and propaganda methods of the Communist Parties regarding the above-mentioned topics.
40
Jones, Edgar. „War and the Practice of Psychotherapy: The UK Experience 1939–1960“. Medical History 48, Nr. 4 (01.10.2004): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300007985.
Annotation:
During the Second World War, it is argued, “the neuroses of battle” not only deepened an understanding of “psychopathological mechanisms”, but also created opportunities for the practice of psychotherapy, while its perceived efficacy led to a broader acceptance within medicine and society once peace had returned. This recognition is contrasted with the aftermath of the First World War when a network of outpatient clinics, set up by the Ministry of Pensions to treat veterans with shell shock, were closed within a few years in response to financial pressures and doubts about their therapeutic value. In the private sector, psychoanalysis under the leadership of Ernest Jones remained an idiosyncratic activity confined largely to the affluent middle classes of London. According to Gregorio Kohon, “it was strongly opposed by the general public, the Church, the medical and psychiatric establishment, and the press”. The Medico-Psychological Clinic of London, originally set up in 1913, offered psychotherapy on three afternoons a week in premises at 30 Brunswick Square under the direction of Dr James Glover. However, it closed in 1923 after Glover and his brother Edward had both become psychoanalysts. As the First World War drew to a close, Maurice Craig helped to persuade Sir Ernest Cassel to fund a hospital for ‘Functional and Nervous Disorders’ at Penshurst, Kent, to treat neuroses in the civilian population. Although moved to permanent premises near Richmond, it remained small-scale and at the time no attempt was made to establish a network of similar institutions throughout the UK. The Tavistock Clinic, opened in Bloomsbury in 1920, struggled to secure funding throughout the interwar period and its efforts to win official recognition from the University of London were consistently rebutted. Thus, despite the epidemic of shell shock and other so-called war neuroses, psychotherapy remained a marginal activity during the 1920s and 1930s.
41
Grass, Kacper. „Military Conflicts Between Communist States: Geopolitical Realities and the Realization of a Communist Peace“. Studia Historyczne 62, Nr. 3 (247) (18.03.2022): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.62.2019.03.04.
Annotation:
Despite historical perceptions of systemic communist-capitalist bipolarity in the Cold War world order, the international communist system was nevertheless affected by the same geopolitical realities that influenced the international system as a whole. By examining the seven cases of military conflicts between communist states from 1945 to 1991 – the Soviet invasion of Hungary (1956), the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia (1968), the Sino-Soviet border conflict (1969), the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia (1978-1989), the Chinese invasion of Vietnam (1979), the Somali invasion of Ethiopia (1977-1978), and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (1979-1989) – this article challenges both the notions of Cold War bipolarity between communist and capitalist systems as well as the Marxist theory of peaceful coexistence between communist states.
42
Green, David Michael. „Has Europe Solved the Problem of War? Explaining the ‘Long Peace’ of the Post-1945 Era“. European Review 18, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798710000086.
Annotation:
May 9, 2010, marks the 60th anniversary of what is arguably the boldest and ostensibly the most successful experiment in the history of international politics. On that date, in 1950, the Schuman Declaration1 was issued, seeking to release Europe from its centuries of fratricidal war, those conflagrations having just previously reached near suicidal proportions. The process of European integration – culminating in today’s European Union – was launched by six states at the heart of the continent, for the purposes of making war ‘not only unthinkable, but materially impossible.’ There is today little empirical question of Europe’s success. War between former bitter enemies has never been even remotely near the horizon during the period that has now become known as ‘The Long Peace,’ and, looking forward, such militarized conflict remains all but inconceivable. But was it the process of European integration that produced this achievement? And if so, is the model exportable to other regions? This essay catalogues the factors that account for Europe’s success in ending the scourge of war on a continent where it had been a commonly employed extension of politics for centuries. I conclude that the integration process represents an important contribution, but is only one of a plethora of causal factors that massively over-determined Europe’s long peace of our time, and that the European experiment is mostly non-exportable to other parts of the world.
43
Gnydiuk, Olga. „Defining the ‘best interests’ of children during the post-1945 transformations in Europe“. Journal of Modern European History 19, Nr. 3 (20.07.2021): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211020460.
Annotation:
After World War II, the welfare workers of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration and International Refugee Organization took care of refugee children in post-war Germany and assisted them in returning to their home countries. This article analyses the changes in welfare workers’ decisions about the future of unaccompanied displaced children of presumably Ukrainian origin in the light of the post-1945 transformations. It explores the relationship of transformations in the humanitarian approach to child resettlement with geopolitical ruptures between the former Allies after 1945. It aims to demonstrate that by 1947, welfare workers’ preconceived notion that the ‘best interests’ of Ukrainian children were served by reconnecting them with family and homeland, wherever possible, had given way in the face of political transformations that welfare workers confronted on the ground during the transition from war to peace. Despite their deep commitment to restoring children to their national and familial roots, they soon began to consider that allowing Ukrainian refugee children to emigrate was better for them than their repatriation to Soviet Ukraine.
44
Machniak, Arkadiusz. „Dyplomata. Żołnierz. Literat. Hrabia Franciszek Xawery Pusłowski w świetle dokumentów komunistycznego aparatu represji“. UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, Nr. 3 (2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.3.5.
Annotation:
Count Franciszek Xawery Pusłowski was born in France on June 16, 1875. He studied law, philosophy and art history. He was fluent in six languages. During World War I, he was arrested in Russia. As a result of efforts made by influential friends in 1918, he was released from captivity after the personal decision of Feliks Dzerzhinsky, the head of the Cheka. After the end of World War I, he participated in the Versailles peace conference. Until 1923, he served in the diplomatic corps. He was an opponent of Józef Piłsudski and his political camp. After being released from military and diplomatic service, he was active as a writer, publicist and social activist. He also led an intense social life. During World War II, he lived in Krakow. After the war, in 1945-1950, he was the vice-president of the Society of Friends of Fine Arts. He also worked as a sworn translator at the District Court in Krakow and as a lecturer at the AGH University of Science and Technology, the Jagiellonian University and the Krakow University of Technology. Despite the politically uncertain times, Pusłowski ran his salon in Kraków after 1945, where Kraków artists, journalists, sportsmen, soldiers and his students from Kraków universities used to visit. Count Pusłowski was famous for the fact that, thanks to his relatives living abroad, he had at his home excellent coffee and curiosities, rare for the post-war years, such as figs and pineapples. He remained under the interest of the communist security authorities, inter alia, due to international contacts and the art collection.
45
Lee, Mordecai. „Presidential Management and Budgeting from War to Peace: Truman’s First Budget Director, Harold D. Smith, 1945–1946“. Journal of Public and Nonprofit Affairs 8, Nr. 1 (10.02.2022): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20899/jpna.8.1.122-144.
Annotation:
This article provides a glimpse into cutback management long before the term came into use. The end of World War II was a major transitional stage in public administration, including demobilization, abolishing wartime agencies, and cutting military spending. It also included the need for novel governmental structures to deal with new subjects emanating from the war, including how to govern atomic energy, how to administer science research, merging the military services, and a policymaking structure to implement the goal of full employment. As Truman’s budget director and de facto manager-in-chief of the executive branch, Harold D. Smith was at the crossroads of practically everything from April 1945 to June 1946. What did he do and how did it do it?
46
Güçlü, Yücel. „Turco-British Rapprochement on the Eve of the Second World War“. Belleten 65, Nr. 242 (01.04.2001): 257–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2001.257.
Annotation:
The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 marked the beginning of a definite closeness in Turco-British relations, which were to undergo a long process of development. During the Ethiopian crisis, Turkey followed Britain in defence of the League of Nations Covenant. Firm co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference of 1936 further accelerated the pace of rapprochement. With King Edward VIII's visit to Turkey, just after the Montreux settlement, the mutual friendship took a step forward. At the Nyon Conference of 1937, Turkey supported Britain in its defence of international shipping against attacks by pirate submarines in the Mediterranean. Nyon drew the Turks and British closer together. In 1938 Britain granted a credit of sixteen million pounds to Turkey which strengthened the growing friendship between Ankara and London and aimed at reducing the necessity of Turkish economy depending on Germany. Germany's occupation of Czechoslovakia and Italy's annexation of Albania in the spring of 1939 soon led Turkey and Britain to sign a mutual assistance agreement. This accord combined Turkish and British energies for the protection of peace and paved the way for the conclusion of the Turco-Anglo-French Triple Alliance Treaty in the autumn of the same year.
47
Borisov, A. Y. „Diplomatic History of the Great Patriotic War and the New World Order“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 3(42) (28.06.2015): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-9-20.
Annotation:
From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.
48
Redfern, Neil. „British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War“. International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
Annotation:
For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
49
Grottanelli, Cristiano. „Fruitful Death: Mircea Eliade and Ernst Jünger on Human Sacrifice, 1937–1945“. Numen 52, Nr. 1 (2005): 116–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527053083449.
Annotation:
AbstractMircea Eliade, the writer and historian of religions, and Ernst Jünger, the hero of the Great War, novelist, and essayist, met in the 1950s and co-edited twelve issues of the periodical Antaios. Before they met and cooperated, however, and while the German writer knew about Eliade from their common friend, Carl Schmitt, they both dealt with the subject of human sacrifice. Eliade began to do so in the thirties, and his interest in that theme was at least in part an aspect of his political activism on behalf of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, or the Iron Guard, the nationalistic and anti-Semitic movement lead by Corneliu Codreanu. Sacrificial ideology was a central aspect of the Legion's political theories, as well as of the practice of its members. After the Iron Guard was outlawed by its allies, and many of its members had been killed, and while the Romanian regime of Marshal Ion Antonescu was still fighting alongside the National Socialist regime in the Second World War, Eliade turned to other aspects of sacrificial ideology. In 1939 he wrote the play Iphigenia, celebrating Agamemnon's daughter as a willing victim whose death made the Greek conquest of Troy possible; and as a member of the regime's diplomatic service in Lisbon he published a book in Portuguese on Romanian virtues (1943), in which he presented what he called Two Myths of Romanian Spirituality, extolling his nation's readiness to die through the description of the sacrificial traditions of Master Manole and of the Ewe Lamb (Mioritza). Jünger's attitude to sacrifice ran along lines that were less traditional: possibly already while serving as a Wehrmacht officer, in his pamphlet Der Friede, the German writer attributed sacrificial status to all the victims of the Second World War, soldiers, workmen, and unknowing innocents, and saw their death as the ransom of a peace "without victory or defeat." In this article, the sacrificial ideologies of the two intellectuals are compared in order to reflect upon the complex interplay between traditional religious themes, more or less freely re-interpreted and transformed, political power, and violent conflict, in an age of warfare marked by fascisms and by the terrible massacre some refer to by the name of an ancient Greek sacrificial practice.
50
Konecny, Peter. „From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia and the World, 1939-1941, edited by Bern WegnerFrom Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia and the World, 1939-1941, edited by Bern Wegner. Providence, Rhode Island, Berghahn Books, 1997. vii, 632 pp. $75.00.“ Canadian Journal of History 34, Nr. 2 (August 1999): 288–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.34.2.288.