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1
Robison, William B. „Lancastrians, Tudors, and World War II: British and German Historical Films as Propaganda, 1933–1945“. Arts 9, Nr. 3 (10.08.2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9030088.
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In World War II the Allies and Axis deployed propaganda in myriad forms, among which cinema was especially important in arousing patriotism and boosting morale. Britain and Germany made propaganda films from Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 to the war’s end in 1945, most commonly documentaries, historical films, and after 1939, fictional films about the ongoing conflict. Curiously, the historical films included several about fifteenth and sixteenth century England. In The Private Life of Henry VIII (1933), director Alexander Korda—an admirer of Winston Churchill and opponent of appeasement—emphasizes the need for a strong navy to defend Tudor England against the ‘German’ Charles V. The same theme appears with Philip II of Spain as an analog for Hitler in Arthur B. Wood’s Drake of England (1935), William Howard’s Fire Over England (1937), parts of which reappear in the propaganda film The Lion Has Wings (1939), and the pro-British American film The Sea Hawk (1940). Meanwhile, two German films little known to present-day English language viewers turned the tables with English villains. In Gustav Ucicky’s Das Mädchen Johanna (Joan of Arc, 1935), Joan is the female embodiment of Hitler and wages heroic warfare against the English. In Carl Froelich’s Das Herz der Königin (The Heart of a Queen, 1940), Elizabeth I is an analog for an imperialistic Churchill and Mary, Queen of Scots an avatar of German virtues. Finally, to boost British morale on D-Day at Churchill’s behest, Laurence Olivier directed a masterly film version of William Shakespeare’s Henry V (1944), edited to emphasize the king’s virtues and courage, as in the St. Crispin’s Day speech with its “We few, we proud, we band of brothers”. This essay examines the aesthetic appeal, the historical accuracy, and the presentist propaganda in such films.
2
Chugunov, Dmitriy. „On the Value Approach to the Description of the Newest German-language Literature“. Izvestia of Smolensk State University, Nr. 2(58) (03.07.2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2022-58-2-46-59.
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The article expresses a hypothesis about the need to search for criteria for describing the latest literary process. An assessment of the literary history of Germany after 1945 shows that the situation of the turning point (1990s), which divided the post-war and after the post-war literature, at the beginning of the 21st century, began to transform into something else, to the description of which the
approaches have to be determined.
In the context of human civilization entering into the era of a new understanding of oneself in general and of the individual in particular, retrospective use of the terms «literary direction», «style» or «literary period» does not work. As a possible way, the author of the article proposes a value approach, as one of
the criteria – an appeal to the Christian component of modern texts. Thus, fiction
is understood as a sensitive seismograph reflecting the spiritual quest and de-
mands of the society in the era of civilizational transformations.
Highlighting key value characteristics in literary texts allows us to show
the search for a way out of postmodern indifference to the world, the change in
the playful ambivalence of creativity by the expression of the author’s unambigu-
ous moral position. Comparison of individual works of E. Heidenreich, D. Dörrie, B. Schlink, W. Hilbig, T. Dückers, J. Winkler, S. Lewicharoff, using the theses of K. Jaspers and J. Habermas helps us to represent the actual significance of the stated criterion for describing a modern literary history.
3
Khvorova, Liudmila E. „Yu.S. Semenov: from “Seventeen Moments of Spring” to “The Third Map”. “Encryption” of historical facts“. Neophilology, Nr. 4 (2023): 822–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2023-9-4-822-834.
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In a study based on the material of the author’s (source) text of the said novel (1973), a “verification” of the key provisions that became the basis of its complex polyphonic conflict was carried out. To achieve this goal, we mainly used the receptive method, which is widespread in modern literary research practice. The concept of “artistic historicism” is emphasized, both its similarities and differences from the realities of history, the details of the historical process. The understanding of the original artistic and documentary style of Yu. Semenov is continued – the specifics of historicism as the “ciphering” of historical facts, which began in the first part of the study. The author’s hypothesis about the “exit” of the conflict embedded within the artistic paradigm of the novel’s text on the geopolitical and psychological levels – into the real vicissitudes of world history in the middle of 20th – 21st centuries was analytically tested. In this regard, the key statements of documentary-fiction characters (A. Dulles, W. Churchill and W. Schellenberg), deliberately removed by the director from the film version (intertext) of the novel, are emphasized and studied. The emergence of a real global geopolitical conflict between the West and Russia of the era of “peace at war” (the author’s term of the article), formed in the spring of 1945, in the days of the approaching defeat of Nazi Germany, but originating in June 1941, is traced (Yu. Semenov’s novel “ Third card"). In conclusion, the foundations of this scientific research are formulated with verification of historical, geopolitical facts set out in the report of a modern Russian statesman, Director of the FSB of Russia, Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev (“They want to turn Russia into Muscovy”: document dated January 10, 2023).
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Dalimunthe, Anantha Andhikatama, Guntur Eko Saputro und Lukman Yudho Prakoso. „Impact of Economic Currency Counterfeiting in Germany in World War II (1939-1945)“. Wahana Didaktika : Jurnal Ilmu Kependidikan 21, Nr. 1 (31.01.2023): 228–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31851/wahanadidaktika.v21i1.11160.
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In World War II one of the German strategies was the counterfeiting of currency to be used to purchase goods or services. Therefore, it is important to understand the background and consequences of currency counterfeiting in World War II. As a strategy used to weaken a country's economy, as well as the consequences of counterfeiting the currency using several stages including the heuristic stage, namely the stage of collecting primary data sources in the form of archives, news, newspapers, and secondary data in the form of books, articles then verifying or historical criticism, efforts to assess compatibility with events during the period (1939-1945) then interpretation (interpretation) so that the writing is objective data taken from several countries involved in World War II, then writing is done as a whole and analyzing in time order. Some of the impacts arising from the counterfeiting of currency by Germany are as follows: Inflation and economic instability, Harm to civil society, Financial loss to other countries. Germany also received severe political and economic sanctions at the end of World War II for counterfeiting currency and engaging in economic practices that harmed other countries. Sanctions were imposed on Germany at that time. With historical research conducted by heuristics, verification of historical criticism, interpretation, and historiography, we can better understand the counterfeiting of currency in World War II and its relevance for the present.
5
Seifert, Achim. „Compensation for Forced Labour During World War II in Nazi Germany“. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (01.12.2001): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394556.
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55 years after the end of World War II and after long and difficult negotiations with victims' organizations, the German Parliament passed the ‘Act Establishing the Foundation “Remembrance, Responsibility and Future”’ on 2 August 2000 which provides compensation payments for persons who were subjected to forced labour in the German war economy between 1939 and 1945. With this new legislation, a long debate that began at the end of World War II, is finally coming to an end. This article outlines the different steps in the compensation debate and analyzes the new German compensation legislation of 2 August 2000.
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BRYDAN, DAVID. „Axis Internationalism: Spanish Health Experts and the Nazi ‘New Europe’, 1939–1945“. Contemporary European History 25, Nr. 2 (12.04.2016): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000084.
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AbstractMany of the forms and practices of interwar internationalism were recreated under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Europe’. This article will examine these forms of ‘Axis internationalism’ by looking at Spanish health experts' involvement with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the ambiguous relationship between the Franco regime and the Axis powers, a wide range of Spanish health experts formed close ties with colleagues from Nazi Germany and across Axis and occupied Europe. Many of those involved were relatively conservative figures who also worked with liberal international health organisations in the pre- and post-war eras. Despite their political differences, their opposing attitudes towards eugenics and the tensions caused by German hegemony, Spanish experts were able to rationalise their involvement with Nazi Germany as a mutually-beneficial continuation of pre-war international health cooperation amongst countries united by a shared commitment to modern, ‘totalitarian’ forms of public health. Despite the hostility of Nazi Germany and its European collaborators to both liberal and left-wing forms of internationalism, this phenomenon suggests that the ‘New Europe’ deserves to be studied as part of the wider history of internationalism in general and of international health in particular.
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Harviainen, Tapani. „The Jews in Finland and World War II“. Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, Nr. 1-2 (01.09.2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.
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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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Lotchin, Roger W. „A Research Report“. Southern California Quarterly 97, Nr. 4 (2015): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.
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Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.
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BRODIE, THOMAS. „German Society at War, 1939–45“. Contemporary European History 27, Nr. 3 (23.07.2018): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000255.
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The actions, attitudes and experiences of German society between 1939 and 1945 played a crucial role in ensuring that the Second World War was not only ‘the most immense and costly ever fought’ but also a conflict which uniquely resembled the ideal type of a ‘total war’. The Nazi regime mobilised German society on an unprecedented scale: over 18 million men served in the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS, and compulsoryVolkssturmduty, initiated as Allied forces approached Germany's borders in September 1944, embraced further millions of the young and middle-aged. The German war effort, above all in occupied Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, claimed the lives of millions of Jewish and gentile civilians and served explicitly genocidal ends. In this most ‘total’ of conflicts, the sheer scale of the Third Reich's ultimate defeat stands out, even in comparison with that of Imperial Japan, which surrendered to the Allies prior to an invasion of its Home Islands. When the war in Europe ended on 8 May 1945 Allied forces had occupied almost all of Germany, with its state and economic structures lying in ruins. Some 4.8 million German soldiers and 300,000 Waffen SS troops lost their lives during the Second World War, including 40 per cent of German men born in 1920. According to recent estimates Allied bombing claimed approximately 350,000 to 380,000 victims and inflicted untold damage on the urban fabric of towns and cities across the Reich. As Nicholas Stargardt notes, this was truly ‘a German war like no other’.
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Goncharenko, Anatoliy, Andriy Lebid und Kateryna Murashko. „SOCIAL STABILITY AND FOOD SECURITY OF THE GERMAN POPULATION DURING WORLD WAR II 1939–1945“. Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), Nr. 61 (2023): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2022.61.3.
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The article investigates the problem of social stability and food securement of the German population during the Second World War 1939–1945. It is found that the centralized system of food security introduced in Germany during the Second World War played an important role in providing the population with a minimum set of provisions. The policy of the Nazi regime towards its citizens in order to save food is highlighted. It was established that the successful solution of the problem of food security of the population was one of the primary tasks for the Third Reich, on which the victory over the enemy, the normal functioning of the state and the leading branches of the national economy depended. It is characterized how, under the existing restrictions of totalitarianauthoritarian Germany, decisions were made in favour of some and at the expense of others
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SPÄTH, JENS. „The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945“. Contemporary European History 25, Nr. 4 (14.10.2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.
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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.
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Halo, Ali, und Hozan Mirkhan. „Kurdish Students Diaspora in Germany(1945-1975)“. Humanities Journal of University of Zakho 12, Nr. 2 (23.06.2024): 398–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.26436/hjuoz.2024.12.2.1342.
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The migration of Kurdish students to Germany between 1945 and 1975 represents a significant phenomenon, marking the emergence of a crucial cultural phase in modern Kurdish history. Following World War II (1939-1945), numerous Kurdish students from affluent and culturally rich backgrounds migrated to Germany for educational purposes. During this period, individuals seeking to enhance their academic and cultural stature were compelled to pursue opportunities in advanced nations like Germany, given the lack of such opportunities in their home countries. Additionally, in the 1950s and 1960s, another wave of Kurdish students migrated to Germany through academic scholarships, while others fled due to challenging political conditions. This research endeavors to address various issues concerning the migration of Kurdish students to Germany from 1945 to 1975. Key inquiries include the motivations behind Kurdish migration to Germany, the quantitative aspect of migration, and the nature of their activities. Through reliance on authentic historical sources, this study aims to provide comprehensive answers to these questions and shed light on this significant aspect of Kurdish migration history.
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BRODIE, THOMAS. „Between ‘National Community’ and ‘Milieu’: German Catholics at War, 1939–1945“. Contemporary European History 26, Nr. 3 (29.05.2017): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000169.
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This article examines German Catholics’ sense of community and identity during the Second World War. It analyses how far they were able to reconcile their religious faith with support for Nazism and the German war effort and questions the extent to which Catholicism in the Rhineland and Westphalia represented either a sealed confessional subculture or a homogenising Nazified ‘national community’ (Volksgemeinschaft). The article argues that, in their pure forms, neither of these analytical paradigms accounts for the complexities of German Catholics’ attitudes during this period, which were far more contested and diverse than outlined by much existing historiography. Religious socialisation, Nazi propaganda and older nationalist traditions shaped Catholics’ mentalities during the Third Reich, creating a spectrum of opinion concerning the appropriate relationship between these influences and loyalties. At the level of lived experience, Catholics’ memberships of religious and national communities revealed themselves to be highly compatible, a tendency which in turn exerted a restraining influence on church–state conflict in wartime Germany.
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Wrona-Meryk, Izabela. „Szkoły zawodowe w Częstochowie w latach 1939-1945“. Prace Historyczne 148, Nr. 1 (2021): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.009.13686.
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Vocational schools in Częstochowa in the years from 1939 to 1945 The disorganisation of Polish national life which was brought about by the outbreak of the World War II, commenced by the invasion of Poland by Hitler’s Germany, afflicted the spheres of education and science just as severely as all the others. The occupying forces set out to destroy all that bore the hallmarks of being Polish, evicting teaching staff and students from the school buildings, confiscating school equipment and subjecting teachers as well as students to forced labour, death, starvation, and torture in the name of achieving occupier’s political goals. However, the Polish school community did not remain indifferent to the actions of the enemy. Quite the opposite, in fact: it took up the fight by means of organizing clandestine tuition and also engaging in conspiratorial activities, which cost the lives of numerous teachers and students of the vocational schools of Częstochowa.
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KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS, Grzegorz. „GERMAN REPARATIONS TO POLAND FOR WORLD WAR II ON GLOBAL BACKGROUND“. National Security Studies 14, Nr. 2 (19.12.2018): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132131.
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No other country in the world suffered a greater measurable and verifiable loss of human and material resources than Poland during World War II in 1939-1945. According to the first approximation, the value of human and material losses inflicted to Poland by Nazi Germany amounts to 6.495 trillion US dollars of 2018.However, Poland never received war reparations from Germany. The article is a preliminary survey of the complex issue – conducted in an interdisciplinary way combining elements of legal, economic, and political analysis, because the topic belongs to the wide and multidisciplinary field of national and international security. Refuted in the article is an internationally popular myth that communist Poland unilaterally renounced German war reparations in 1953. Then the article discusses the global background of the topic in the 20th and 21st centuries – in particular, the case of Greece whose reparations claims Germany rejects like the Polish claims, and major cases of reparations actually paid: by Germany for World War I, by Germany to Israel and Jewish organizations for the Holocaust, by Japan for World War II – at 966 billion US dollars of 2018, the largest reparations ever – and by and Iraq for the Gulf War. The article concludes with a discussion of necessary further research with advanced methodology of several sciences, and of a possible litigation before the International Court of Justice – or a diplomatic solution to the problem of war reparations.
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Komolov, Dilshod P. „JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF UZBEKISTANIN THE YEARS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR“. JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, Nr. 8 (30.08.2021): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-8-4.
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This article describes the history of the judicial system of the Uzbek SSR in 1939-1945 on the basis of a comparative analysis of a large number of historical sources and legal documents. According to the Stalinist Constitution and the law on the judicial system adopted in 1938, changes in the judicial system of the Uzbek SSR, the national composition of judges, staff turnover and the factors that led to this were discussed. The article also describes the mobilization of judges from Uzbekistan to the front after the invasion of the Soviet Union by fascist Germany, increasing the competence of military tribunals, types of criminal and civil cases considered by courts of general jurisdiction, activities carried out in the field of training lawyers
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Tausendfreund, Doris, Natalya Timofeeva und Tatyana Evdokimova. „Forced Labor in Nazi Germany: Online Archive of Interviews and Related Educational Online Platform“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 1 (Februar 2019): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.16.
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Introduction.The article deals with the problem of forced labor in Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the existence of profound scientific publications devoted to this problem in Russia and abroad, it still needs to be developed. The article emphasizes the urgency of its research in historical, anthropological and humanities perspective, because personal experience of those who survived after forced labor in Nazi Germany, must be stored in collective memory and comprehended by subsequent generations. Methods and materials. Digital Humanities based on the method of oral history allows to solve this problem. The article presents two options of practical implementation of the issue: the online archive of the interview Forced Labor in 1939-1945. Memories and history and related online platform Learning based on interviews. Forced labor in 1939-1945. The archive includes about 600 narrative biographical interviews with victims of Nazi forced labor in 26 countries. The site accompanying the archive is now available in English, German, Russian and Czech. The second project is based on six specially selected interviews from the archive. Broad source base and nationally-oriented concept of forced labor in Nazi Germany, presented on the platform, create the historical context necessary for using this resource primarily in the secondary educational system of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. The article shows the possibility of using archive-interviews in science and education, and emphasizes that traditional and new methods of historical research can complement each other. The article emphasizes that biographical films created on the basis of interviews can make the memory of forced labor in Nazi Germany, first of all, of “eastern workers” and Soviet prisoners of war more visible in Russian cultural memory. Contribution of authors to writing an article. Characteristics of peculiarity of oral historical sources, online collections of interviews, compensation payments are given by D. Thousendfreund. Analytics of the project “Forced Labor 1939-1945. Memoirs and History “and online platform” Learning based on interviews. Forced labor 1939-1945”, as well as conclusions are prepared by N.P. Timofeev. Introduction, problem historiography and general editing of the article belong to T.V. Evdokimova.
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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. „Africans Had No Business Fighting in Either the 1914–1918 War or the 1939–1945 War“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, Nr. 1 (18.11.2021): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054907.
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The wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 are without parallel in the expansive stretch of decades of the pan-European conquest and occupation of Africa in creating such profound opportunity to study the very entrenched desire by the European conqueror-states in Africa to perpetuate their control on the continent and its peoples indefinitely. The two principal protagonists in each conflict, Britain and Germany, were the lead powers of these conqueror-states that had formally occupied Africa since 1885. Against this cataclysmic background of history, Africans found themselves conscripted by both sides of the confrontation line in 1914–1918 to at once fight wars for and against their aggressors during which 1 million Africans were killed. Clearly, this was a case of double-jeopardy of conquered and occupied peoples fighting for their enemy-occupiers. In the follow-up 1939–1945 war, when Germany indeed no longer occupied any African land (having been defeated in the 1914–1918 encounter), Britain and allies France and Belgium (all continuing occupying powers in Africa) conscripted Africans, yet again, to fight for these powers in their new confrontation against Germany, and Japan, a country that was in no way an aggressor force in Africa. Hundreds of thousands of Africans were killed in this second war. In neither of these conflicts, as this study demonstrates, do the leaders of these warring countries who occupied (or hitherto occupied) Africa ever view their enforced presence in Africa as precisely the scenario or outcome they wished their own homeland was not subjected to by their enemies. On the contrary, just as it was their position in the aftermath of the 1914–1918 war, Britain, France, Belgium, Spain and Portugal in 1945 each envisaged the continuing occupation of the states and peoples of Africa they had seized by force prior to these conflicts. Winston Churchill, the British prime minster at the time, was adamant: ‘I had not become the king’s first minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire’. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the anti-German ‘free French forces’, was no less categorical on this score: ‘Self-government [in French-occupied Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, South America, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world] must be rejected – even in the more distant future’.
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Luchkanyn, Serhii. „Romania in the Second World War 1939–1945: unknown facts and new views on the problem“. European Historical Studies, Nr. 9 (2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.09.79-95.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of different views in Romanian historiography on the participation of I. Antonescu, along with Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland, in the war against the USSR, starting from June 22, 1941. It is known that the decision to join the anti-Soviet war was taken by I. Antonescu alone, without any consultation with any political group, or even with the king Mihai, who has learned from the BBC radio that Romania had entered the war with the USSR. First, the war was proclaimed as a “sacred war” against Bolshevism for the return of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, received full support from the king and from the leaders of the “historical parties”, as well as from a wide range of the population. However, in August 1941, at the request of Hitler, having already military rank of Marshal, Ion Antonescu decided to continue the war in the East, which has been completely unfounded (the territory to the East of the Dniester never belonged to Romania). The modern Romanian historiographers emphasize that the continuation of the anti-Soviet war on the other side of the Dniester, which led to large (and useless) human losses, has become one of Antonescu’s greatest mistakes. The article also raises the issue of the Holocaust in Romania during the Second World War (suppressed during the communist years), the decline in the scale of the tragedy in that period. It is noted that the arrest of I. Antonescu on August 23, 1944 was the merit of the young king, Mihai I, and his entourage, and not the Communist Party of Romania represented by Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu.
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Hassoon, Muna Mohammed. „Hitler's Policy Towards Iraq 1933-1945“. Psychology and Education Journal 58, Nr. 1 (15.01.2021): 4794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1641.
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This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.
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Siegel, Mona, und Kirsten Harjes. „Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War“. History of Education Quarterly 52, Nr. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.
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On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.
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Rutherford, J. „Germany and the Second World War, volume IX/II: German Wartime Society 1939-1945: Exploitation, Interpretations, Exclusion“. German History 33, Nr. 1 (06.10.2014): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghu098.
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Tebinka, Jacek. „Gdańsk in British Diplomacy, 1945–1989“. Studia Historica Gedanensia 13 (2022): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.22.016.17436.
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Great Britain participated in the decision at the Potsdam Conference to hand over to Poland the territory of the former Free City of Danzig. The area was not recognized as part of Germany by the Great Powers. The aim of the article is to analyze the role that Gdańsk played in British policy towards Poland from the end of the Second World War to the fall of communist rule. It is based on archival research in the National Archives, Kew, supplemented by published British and Polish diplomatic documents, diaries and academic literature on the subject. Based on these sources, the author argues that the importance of the city of Gdańsk in British policy toward the region of East Central Europe diminished during the Cold War in comparison to the city’s role as the Free City of Danzig 1919–1939. However, its place was dynamic as Gdańsk became an important center of protests against the communist authorities in the 1970s and 1980s. The city played a special role since the strikes in August 1980, becoming the center of activity of the Solidarity Trade Union. The culmination of British interest was Margaret Thatcher’s visit to Gdańsk in 1988.
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Buranok, S. O. „THE MYTHOLOGIZATION OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN CINEMA: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE USA“. Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, Nr. 1 (2022): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-4-1-78-82.
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In historical science, there are three fundamentally different approaches to the problem of analyzing "action films": 1) the study of films as one of the tools of propaganda and ideology. Such works prove that the federal government and Hollywood worked very closely, especially in the period 1939-1945, to create through films the necessary images of war, allies and enemies. 2) the study of films from a cultural perspective, where the relationship between fiction and reality, the author's approaches and concepts of directors, the influence of films on US art is at the fore. The key problems in this category are such problems as the definition of the genre of films, features of the plot, motives and semantic content. 3) the study of departments and structures that create films (primarily, the largest film studios). This direction is associated with the analysis of propaganda, but has a greater emphasis on the study of interactions within the film community.
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Doіar, Larysa. „Territorial increase of Ukraine at the beginning of World War ІІ in the journal of the USSR (1939—1941)“. Вісник Книжкової палати, Nr. 3 (28.03.2024): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2024.3(332).46-52.
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The presented article was prepared within the framework of the implementation of the annual plan of scientific work of the State Printing Archive of the Book Chamber of Ukraine: in the current year 2024, we are researching domestic prints of 1940, that is, the period of the Second World War and the post-war reconstruction of the Ukrainian SSR. Establishing the thematic and substantive priorities of the periodicals of the time, the author focused attention on such a defining aspect of national state-building as the territorial expansion of Soviet Ukraine at the initial stage of the Second World War. The article examines the problem of Western Ukrainian lands becoming part of the Ukrainian SSR, in particular, Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovyna. The premise of the event was a bilateral conspiracy between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union regarding the division of Europe into spheres of influence. The Soviet-German treaty of September 28, 1939 became a documentary post-factum confirmation of the event. A feature of the territorial changes of the Ukrainian SSR at that time was the inclusion of lands that, according to the Soviet-Polish treaty of August 16, 1945, Soviet Ukraine lost. We are talking about Nadsiany, Kholm region, Podlasie and Lemkiv region, which in 1939 entered the Ukrainian SSR, and in 1945 became part of the Polish People's Republic. The source base of the presented intelligence was made up of domestic periodicals, namely: the republican magazine "Red cross" for 1939 and the regional literary and artistic almanac "Vilna Bukovyna" for 1940—1941, which tell about the crossing by the Red Army of the Polish-Soviet and the Romanian-Soviet state borders and the events that resulted from it. The purpose of this investigation was to process the mentioned press releases by the method of content analysis.
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Talbot, Brian. „’The Struggle for Spiritual Values’: Scottish Baptists and the Second World War“. Perichoresis 16, Nr. 4 (01.12.2018): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0024.
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Abstract The Secord World War was a conflict which many British people feared might happen, but they strongly supported the efforts of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain to seek a peaceful resolution of tensions with Germany over disputes in Continental Europe. Baptists in Scotland shared these concerns of their fellow citizens, but equally supported the declaration of war in 1939 after the German invasion of Poland. They saw the conflict as a struggle for spiritual values and were as concerned about winning the peace that followed as well as the war. During the years 1939 to 1945 they recommitted themselves to sharing the Christian message with their fellow citizens and engaged in varied forms of evangelism and extended times of prayer for the nation. The success of their Armed Forces Chaplains in World War One ensured that Scottish Baptist padres had greater opportunities for service a generation later. Scottish Baptists had seen closer ties established with other churches in their country under the auspices of the Scottish Churches Council. This co-operation in the context of planning for helping refugees and engaging in reconstruction at the conclusion of the war led to proposals for a World Council of Churches. Scottish Baptists were more cautious about this extension of ecumenical relationships. In line with other Scottish Churches they recognised a weakening of Christian commitment in the wider nation, but were committed to the challenge of proclaiming their faith at this time. They had both high hopes and expectations for the post-war years in Scotland.
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Doiar, Larуsa. „Territorial increase of Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of World War ІІ in the journal of the USSR (1939—1941)“. Вісник Книжкової палати, Nr. 2 (22.02.2024): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2024.2(331).45-48.
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The presented article was prepared within the framework of the implementation of the annual plan of scientific work of the State Printing Archive of the Book Chamber of Ukraine: in the current year 2024, we are researching domestic prints of 1940, that is, the period of the Second World War and the post-war reconstruction of the Ukrainian SSR. Establishing the thematic and substantive priorities of the periodicals of the time, the author focused attention on such a defining aspect of national state-building as the territorial expansion of Soviet Ukraine at the initial stage of the Second World War. The article examines the problem of Western Ukrainian lands becoming part of the Ukrainian SSR, in particular, Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovyna. The premise of the event was a bilateral conspiracy between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union regarding the division of Europe into spheres of influence. The Soviet-German treaty of September 28, 1939 became a documentary post-factum confirmation of the event. A feature of the territorial changes of the Ukrainian SSR at that time was the inclusion of lands that, according to the Soviet-Polish treaty of August 16, 1945, Soviet Ukraine lost. We are talking about Nadsiany, Kholm region, Podlasie and Lemkiv region, which in 1939 entered the Ukrainian SSR, and in 1945 became part of the Polish People's Republic. The source base of the presented intelligence was made up of domestic periodicals, namely: the republican magazine "Red cross" for 1939 and the regional literary and artistic almanac "Vilna Bukovyna" for 1940—1941, which tell about the crossing by the Red Army of the Polish-Soviet and the Romanian-Soviet state borders and the events that resulted from it. The purpose of this investigation was to process the mentioned press releases by the method of content analysis. .
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Dorskaia, Aleksandra A., und Andrei Yu Dorskii. „Evolution of the concept of genocide through the lens of modern “memory wars”: International legal and intrastate dimensions“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 14, Nr. 1 (2023): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2023.115.
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The article examines how the concept of genocide has evolved at the international and national legal levels, beginning with its origins at the doctrinal level and culminating in international conventions and national regulatory acts. Challenges regarding the definition of genocide and ambiguous interpretation of genocide in relation to crimes against humanity were identified. It is demonstrated that international justice bodies interpret the concept of genocide differently. The study concluded that humanity did not fully utilize the potential of the United Nations and International Criminal Tribunals in order to develop a joint measured approach to assessing historical events, specifically World War II and the genocide in 1939–1945, in the context of actualizing history and triggering memory wars. The positions of states to consolidate the crime of genocide in criminal legislation are considered: compliance with the definition of genocide in international conventions, extension of the list of groups against whose members the genocide can be committed, leaving the list open as to which groups can be included. The preferences of the second option are shown. Examples of states turning to the facts of genocide committed in the past are given (for instance, Armenia towards Turkey, Namibia towards Germany, Poland towards Germany and Russia, Russia towards Germany and its allies during World War II), and it has been suggested that the material responsibility of states cannot be applied to events before 1945, since the desire to avoid it leads to non-recognition of political international-legal responsibility.
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Lônčíková, Michala. „The end of War, the end of persecution? Post-World War II collective anti-Jewish violence in Slovakia“. History in flux 1, Nr. 1 (21.12.2019): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2019.1.8.
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Contrary to the previous political regime of the Slovak state (1939–1945), official policy had significantly changed in the renewed Czechoslovakia after the end of World War II, but anti-Jewish sentiments and even their brachial demonstrations somewhat framed the everyday reality of Jewish survivors who were returning to their homes from liberated concentration camps or hiding places. Their attempts to reintegrate into the society where they had used to live regularly came across intolerance, hatred and social exclusion, further strengthened by classical anti-Semitic stereotypes and prejudices. Desired capitulation of Nazi Germany and its satellites resulted also in the end of systematic Jewish extermination, but it did not automatically lead to a peaceful everyday life. This paper focuses on the social dynamics between Slovak majority society and the decimated Jewish minority in the first post-World War II years and analyses some crucial factors, particular motivations and circumstances of the selected acts of collective anti-Jewish violence in Slovakia. Moreover, the typological diversity of the specific collective atrocities will be discussed.
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Szudarek, Krystian Maciej. „Od Hermanna Hoogewega do Hermanna Golluba: z dziejów Archiwum Państwowego w Szczecinie (Staatsarchiv Stettin). Recenzja monografii Macieja Szukały, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie w latach 1914–1945. Ludzie i działalność, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie, Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych w Warszawie, Szczecin–Warszawa 2019, ss. 269“. Archeion 122 (2021): 393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.21.004.14484.
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Recenzowana monografia omawia dzieje Archiwum Państwowego w Szczecinie (Staatsarchiv Stettin) w okresie od wybuchu pierwszej wojny światowej do zakończenia drugiej wojny światowej. W tych latach dyrektorami archiwum byli kolejno: Hermann Hoogeweg (1913–1923), Otto Grotefend (1923–1930), Erich Randt (1930–1935) i Adolf Diestelkamp (1935–1945). W okresie II wojny światowej, w związku ze służbą wojskową Adolfa Diestelkampa, funkcje kierownika archiwum pełnili Fritz Morré (1939–1941) i Hermann Gollub (1941–1945). Działalność archiwum została ukazana w monografii przez pryzmat funkcji, jakie pełnią instytucje tego typu (gromadzenie, przechowywanie, opracowywanie i udostępnianie zasobu), na tle przemian politycznych i społecznych zachodzących w Niemczech. Dużo miejsca autor poświęcił pracownikom merytorycznym archiwum i prowadzonym przez nich badaniom naukowym. W tym kontekście ukazał kształtowanie się nowego typu archiwisty zaangażowanego politycznie, włączającego się w niemieckie badania wschodnie (deutsche Ostforschung). From Hermann Hoogeweg to Hermann Gollub: history of the State Archives in Szczecin (Staatsarchiv Stettin). Review of the monograph by Maciej Szukła, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie w latach 1919–1945. Ludzie i działalność, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie, Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych w Warszawie , Szczecin–Warsaw 2019, pp. 269 The reviewed monograph gives a description of the history of the State Archives in Szczecin (Staatsarchiv Stettin) from the beginning of the First World War to the end of the Second Word War. Within that period the Archives had following directors: Hermann Hoogeweg (1913–1923), Otto Grotefend (1923–1930), Erich Randt (1930–1935) and Adolf Diestelkamp (1935–1945). During the Second World War Fritz Morré (1939–1941) and then Hermann Gollub (1941–1945) deputized for Adolf Diestelkamp when he did military service. The monograph take a look at how the Archives performed its typical functions (collecting, preserving, processing and providing access to archival materials) in the context of the political and social transformation in Germany. The author puts a lot of emphasis on professional working in the Archives and their academic research to show the emergence of a new type of politically engaged archivist who joined the studies on Eastern Europe (deutsche Ostforschung).
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Peskova, Anna Yu. „Modern Slovak drama about The Second World War“. Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 63 (2022): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-63-268-277.
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The paper addresses the Slovak drama of the 21st century dedicated to the Second World War, the Holocaust, and the Slovak National Uprising. After the “velvet revolution” of 1989, interest in the military and insurgent theme in Slovak art as a whole declined sharply, but as early as in the 21st century playwrights and theaters of Slovakia are increasingly beginning to return to these topics. Many of these plays created in the last twenty years were written in order to actualize public discussions about the period of the Slovak Republic (1939–1945), around the mass deportation of Jews from its territory, around the arization, etc. The main task of these plays` authors is to put serious moral questions before the viewer. For this purpose, the paper focuses on social and historical context in which National Socialism spread in Slovakia. Such are, for example, the works of R. Ballek “Tiso”, P. Rankov “It Happened on the First of September (or Some Other Time)”, A. Gruskova “The Woman Rabbi”, V. Klimachek “The Holocaust”, Y. Yuraneva “The Silent Whip”. One of the most important questions that Slovak writers and society have been asking in recent decades is the question of how and why Slovaks actually joined Nazi Germany during the Second World War, what prompted them to do this.
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Adamus, Rafał. „Polish-German Dispute over WWII Reparations“. Societas et Iurisprudentia 11, Nr. 1 (Mai 2023): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31262/1339-5467/2023/11/1/21-37.
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This study concerns the dispute between Poland and Germany regarding war reparations for losses caused in Poland in the years 1939 – 1945. The author pointed to the relevant acts of international law. This applies to the so-called Potsdam Agreement, the declaration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (hereinafter referred to as the “USSR”) on the resignation of claims against Germany, the declaration of the government of the People’s Republic of Poland on the resignation of claims, the German unification treaty. As well as in the study, the substantive position that may be presented by Poland was indicated. After the end of the World War II, there was no peace agreement between the defeated Germans and members of the anti-German coalition. This was due to emerging political differences between the victorious states. What is significant in the case is the fact that the Polish war losses were not covered in full. There are reasons to believe that Poland’s renunciation of claims in year 1953 (with effect from January 1, 1954) was invalid.
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Lubecka, Joanna. „Wokół Polen-Denkmal. Rozbieżności w polskiej i niemieckiej pamięci o ofiarach II wojny światowej“. Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, Nr. 31 (30.11.2023): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2023.31.04.
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On 15 November 2017, the Bundestag received an appeal to erect a monument in honour of Poles, commemorating Polish victims of the German occupation in 1939–1945. The initiative triggered a serious debate in Germany on the importance of Polish victims and their possible uniqueness. The article aims to analyse the arguments used in the discussion about Polen-Denkmal and to look at the significant differences in the perception of the history of World War II by Poles and Germans. The discrepancies result not only from the victim–perpetrator dichotomy, but also from their different approaches to the role of history, the nation-state and additionally to the state of knowledge. The article is based on an analysis of arguments in the intra-German and Polish-German debates, as well as data concerning research on the knowledge of Germans about the victims of World War II.
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Ľudovít, Hallon. „Vzťah koncernu Baťa k režimu Slovenskej republiky 1939–1945 na stránkach časopisu Budovateľ“. Česko-slovenská historická ročenka 23, Nr. 2 (2021): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cshr.2021.23.2.2.
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The Slovak branch of the international Bata Corporation gradually came into existence in the 1930s, with the process culminating during the existence of the Slovak Republic between 1939 and 1945. In January 1939, the branch also started a magazine, named Budovateľ and targeted at the Slovak factories of the corporation. The magazine, whose content would be created by its editors, provided information about life in the factories, but also presented the official attitude of the Slovak branch’s top management towards the government and the political system of Slovakia at that time. The study maps and evaluates the attitudes (or certain aspects thereof) expressed in Budovateľ in the period 1939 to 1941, when the government of the independent Slovak Republic was on the rise and could boast some economic and social achievements and when the idea of national unity resonated in the broader populace. The study analyses these attitudes up to June 1941, specifically until the attack on the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany. In the months and years that followed, the views of the management and rank-and-file employees at Bata’s plants in Slovakia gradually began to change under the influence of domestic and international developments in the context of the world war.
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Sofyan, Ilhamdi Hafiz. „“There Is No Good War”: The Firebombing of Dresden and Kurt Vonnegut’s View Towards World War II in Slaughterhouse-Five“. Vivid Journal of Language and Literature 6, Nr. 2 (23.07.2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/vj.6.2.60-67.2017.
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This study discusses Kurt Vonnegut's view of war reflected in his novel Slaughterhouse-Five and also his efforts in conveying his views through his novel. This novel is based on the experience of Kurt Vonnegut during World War II when he was imprisoned in a German city called Dresden and witnessed the destruction of the city on February 13, 1945 in an Allied bombing operation. In the novel, Vonnegut rewrote his experience in the form of a fiction. In discussing this literary work, I used the expressive theory by M. H. Abrams which was supported by a historical and biographical approach. In analyzing this literary work, I took quotes from the novel Slaughterhouse-Five as the main data as well as other data as secondary data, such as the biography of the author, interviews with the author taken from various sources, as well as writings on author that is relevant to the discussion in this study. The result show that Kurt Vonnegut see war as something that was completely meaningless and only caused destruction and death for innocent residents. Kurt Vonnegut uses narrative techniques such as black humor, irony, and metaphysics at Slaughterhouse-Five so that his views on war can be conveyed to his readers.
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Golson, Eric. „THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945“. Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, Nr. 1 (09.01.2020): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000314.
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ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.
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Salmonowicz, Stanisław. „The Legal Status of Poles under German Occupation (1939–1945). Some Remarks on the Need for Research“. Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 9, Special Issue (2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.16.036.6974.
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The article describes the legal status of Poles residing within the territories occupied by Nazi Germany or areas incorporated into the Third Reich during the Second World War. The author points to the examples of the limitations placed on Poles in access to goods and services, including transport, healthcare, and cultural institutions. Furthermore, he reminds us of the orders and prohibitions derived from civil, administrative, and labour laws which were imposed on Poles. The author emphasises some significant differences between the Nazi occupation in Poland and in other European countries. As a result, he advocates the conduct of new research on the issue of the real situation of Poles in various occupied regions administered by the authorities of the Third Reich.
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Oza, Preeti, und Ashmi Sheth. „DIASPORA TRANSITION-THE GERMAN REFUGEE BY BERNARD MALAMUD – INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS“. GAP BODHI TARU - A GLOBAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES 3, Nr. 1 (30.01.2020): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47968/gapbodhi.310010.
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Malamud emerged as a talented artist, depicting the life of the Jewish poor in New York. His creative works are appreciated for his allegory and mastery in the art of storytelling. Malamud was the son of Jewish grocers and he grew up in a predominantly Jewish neighborhood in Brooklyn. Some argue that this was the reason that he wrote stories "set in small, prisonlike stores of various kinds" Malamud explores the social realism and ethnic identity in most of his short stories – ‘The Jew Bird,’ ‘Black is my Favorite Color’, ‘The German Refugee’. Malamud's fictional works also include themes of compassion, redemption, new life, the potential of meaningful suffering and self-sacrifice, all of which can be found in “The German Refugee” "The German Refugee" concludes Bernard Malamud's second collection of short stories, Idiots First (1963). The setting is New York City in the summer of 1939, just before the outbreak of World War II.
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Bryan, Ian, und Peter Rowe. „The Role of Evidence in War Crimes Trials: the Common Law and the Yugoslav Tribunal“. Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 2 (Dezember 1999): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000477.
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With the passing into law of the War Crimes Act of 1991, the United Kingdom joined common law states such as Canada and Australia in conferring upon its domestic courts jurisdiction to try individuals suspected of having committed war crimes in Europe during the Second World War. Under the 1991 Act, proceedings for murder, manslaughter or culpable homicide may be brought, with the consent of the Attorney-General, against any person who, on 8 March 1990 or later, became a British citizen or resident in the United Kingdom, providing that the offence charged is alleged to have been committed between 1 September 1939 and 4 June 1945 in a place which was, at the material time, part of Germany or under German occupation. The Act further provides that the offence charged must have constituted a violation of the laws and customs of war under international law at the time it was committed. In addition, the Act stipulates that the nationality of the alleged offender at the time the alleged offence was committed is immaterial.
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Bookbinder, Paul. „Jörg Echternkamp, ed., Germany and the Second World War, Volume IX/II. German Wartime Society 1939–1945: Exploitation, Interpretations, Exclusion“. European History Quarterly 45, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2015): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691415607130j.
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Moeller, Robert G. „Die Deutsche Kriegsgesellschaft 1939 bis 1945. Politisierung, Vernichtung, Überleben. Edited by Jörg Echternkamp. Band 9, Halbband 1, Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg. Edited by Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt. Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 2004. Pp. xi+993. €49.80. ISBN 3-421-06236-6. Die Deutsche Kriegsgesellschaft 1939 bis 1945. Ausbeutung, Deutungen, Ausgrenzung. Edited by Jörg Echternkamp. Band 9, Halbband 2, Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg. Edited by Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt. Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 2005. Pp. xiii+1112. €49.80. ISBN 3-421-06528-4.“ Central European History 39, Nr. 2 (19.05.2006): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906320122.
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During the Second World War, Germans fought a “two-front war.” A “community of fate” bound together Germans at home and Germans in uniform who carried the war beyond Germany's borders. “Between 1939 and 1945, there was no doubt that civilians were no longer excluded from the fighting; they found themselves right in the middle of it—as actors, as observers, and as those who bore the suffering” (part 1, p. 2) of the war. The Nazi leadership knew this from the start, and only days after the Nazi invasion of Poland, Hermann Göring was exhorting a factory workforce to remember: “We are now all fighters at the front!”(part 1, p. 8). Jörg Echternkamp reminds us of this in his introduction to this massive two-part volume, the latest installment in the history of Germany in the Second World War that has occupied historians of the Military History Research Office (Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt, or MGFA) for the last twenty-five years. Echternkamp is the editor, and he deserves enormous credit for pulling together a collection of twenty essays—some of which could easily stand on their own as monographs, all of which are grounded in staggering amounts of original research—that not only summarize what we know about the impact of the war on the homefront in Germany, but also add considerably to that knowledge. Previous volumes in the MGFA series (seven of which are available from Oxford University Press in English translation) have focused primarily on the military planning, the war at the front, and the organization of the war economy at home. In the more than 2,000 pages of this two-part volume, contributors turn their attention to the impact of the war on German society. The results are extremely impressive, and what Echternkamp has brought together will be the starting point for anyone who wants to understand the war at home in Germany.
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Kornat, Marek. „Stolica Apostolska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej na uchodźstwie (Wrzesień 1939 – czerwiec 1940)“. Polski Przegląd Stosunków Miedzynarodowych, Nr. 5 (03.05.2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ppsm.2015.05.02.
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The Holy See In Polish Foreign Policy of the Government on exile (September 1939 — June 1940) The article is devoted to the reexamining of the policy of Polish Government on exile toward the Holy See after Poland’s defeat in September 1939 and the reestablishment of the legal authorities of Poland in France, under President Raczkiewicz and General Sikorski as Prime Minister. Terminus ad quem of the narration is the collapse of France and transfer of the Government of Poland to London in June 1940. Problems of Vatican’s perception of Polish Question is discussed on the basis of Polish archival documents, especially those of Polish Embassy to the Holy See. Vatican-Polish relations at the beginning of the World War II require special attention because the last treatment of this highly debatable problem was made in historiography by Zofia Waszkiewicz more than thirty five years ago in her monograph Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939–1945 [Policy of the Vatican toward Poland 1939—1945] (Warsaw 1980). How much Polish diplomacy achieved fighting for the Holy See’s support against Nazi Germany? Two things must be said. Firstly, the Holy See recognized the legal continuity of Polish State after the German-Soviet occupation of Poland’s territory in September 1939, but did not sent the papal nuncio to Angers, when Polish Government resided. Secondly, Polish thesis on the special significance of Polish Question as the test-case of international justice received the positive response of the Pope Pius XII in his encyclical Summi Pontificatus published on October 20 1939, but the guidelines of Vatican’s policy were based on the doctrine of strict neutrality of the Papacy in the international relations. It did not permit for Papal condemnation ex officio of the Nazi crimes and criminal policy of extermination in Poland.
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Afiani, Vitaly Yu. „ARCHIVES AND THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR IN THE CURRENT INFORMATION SPACE. PUBLICATION OF DOCUMENTS ON THE WEBSITE OF THE FEDERAL ARCHIVE AGENCY AND THE "ARCHIVES OF RUSSIA" PORTAL“. History and Archives, Nr. 4 (2020): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2020-4-115-139.
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Basing on the study of the Internet publications of archival documents, the article considers the issues of publishing digitized copies of archival documents in the electronic environment on the website of the Federal Archive Agency and the “Archives of Russia” portal. The publications were prepared within the framework of the state programs “Patriotic education of the citizens of the Russian Federation” in 2006–2020, approved by the government of the Russian Federation. The present research is the analysis of the virtual exhibition “Stalin-Churchill-Roosevelt. A joint fight against Nazism”; the publications “How and for what we are fighting with the Poles. The anti-Polish program of the OUN in archival documents”; “Ukrainian nationalist organizations during World War II”; “How the Polish underground ‘helped’ the Red Army to defeat Nazi Germany. 1944–1945. Marking the 70th anniversary of the Warsaw uprising of 1944”; “General Vlasov. The story of betrayal”; “Victory. 1941–1945”; “Stalingrad. Commemorating the 75th anniversary of the defeat by the Soviet troops of the German-fascist troops in the battle of Stalingrad”; “Before and after Munich. Archival documents tell the story. Marking the 80th anniversary of the ‘Munich agreement’ ”; “1939: from ‘appeasement’ to war”; “Nuremberg trial documents from Russian archives”; “Documents of the Soviet era”; “Tempered in the Great Patriotic War...”; “Voices of the outstanding Soviet commanders of the Great Patriotic War”; “Officers of the First World War – generals of the Great Patriotic War”. The main attention is paid to the investigation of the composition and the content of publications, their reference-search engine and finding aids, the advantages and disadvantages of that method of publication. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the study of the Internet publications about the Great Patriotic War, in the development of a new research direction – Archeography in the electronic environment (Digital Archeography).
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Shnitser, Ihor. „The Soviet Union and the Slovak question during the second World War“. Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (29.12.2021): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.123-136.
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The purpose of the article is to study the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The methodological basis of the proposed article is the principles of historicism and objectivity, the application of which involves an unbiased depiction of past events in their historical context. To carry out a comprehensive scientifi c analysis of the article, the author has used the unique historical research methods – problematic, comparative-historical, retrospective, and diachronic. The scientifi c novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the place and the role of the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in 1939–1945. Conclusion. The USSR considered the independent Slovak Republic an artifi cialentity, a product of German expansion. The establishment and development of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations in September 1939 – June 1941 were primarily dictated by the conjuncture of the short-lived German-Soviet partnership. After the Nazi Germany attacked on the USSR and the severance of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations, offi cial Moscow supported the idea of the continuity of the Czechoslovak Republic and the annulment of the Munich Agreements. In prac-tice, this meant that the USSR advocated the return of Slovakia to the Czechoslovak Republic, which was to become an infl uential leader of Soviet infl uence in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union considered the future state and legal system of the republic to be an internal aff air of Czechoslovakia and did not interfere in settlement of Czech-Slovak relations. On the positive side, the Soviet leadership recognized Slovaks as a separate people. This forced the Czechoslovak government and E. Beneš personally to partially reconsider their views on the issue and agree to the revival of the Czechoslovak Republic as a common state of equal Czech and Slovak nations but without a clear defi nition of the state and legal status of Slovakia.
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Kiknadze, V. G. „History of the Second World War: Countering Attempts to Falsify and Distort to the Detriment of International Security“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 4(43) (28.08.2015): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-74-83.
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One of the negative phenomena of the modern world are attempts to falsify history and the results of the Second World War, 1939-1945., is an important component of the ideological confrontation in the information space of neoliberal forces of Russian society with patriotic and non-violent, is a tool for achieving geopolitical goals of a number of states. United States, European Union and Ukraine tend to distort the results of the Second World War to remove the history of the Great Patriotic War, the feat of the Soviet people, who saved the world from fascism, and the Soviet Union (Russian Federation), together with Nazi Germany put in the dock of history, accusing all the troubles of the XX century. At the same time attempts to rehabilitate fascism and substitution postwar realities lead to the destruction of the entire system of contemporary international relations and, as a consequence, to the intensification of the struggle for the redivision of the world, including military measures. China is actively implementing the historiography of the statement that World War II began June 7, 1937 and is linked to an open aggression of Japan against China. Given these circumstances, the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation noted that the trend of displacement of military dangers and military threats in the information space and the inner sphere of the Russian Federation. The main internal risks attributable activity information impact on the population, especially young citizens of the country, which has the aim of undermining the historical, spiritual and patriotic traditions in the field of defense of the Fatherland.
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Myagkov, M. Yu. „USSR in World War II“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, Nr. 4 (04.09.2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. „FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE“. Historical Journal 49, Nr. 2 (Juni 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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Stelmakh, S. „“The Past that doesn’t Pass”: National Socialism in the Memory Policy of the FRG and the Historical Policy of the GDR“. Problems of World History, Nr. 24 (05.03.2024): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2023-24-1.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the coverage of the legacy of National Socialism in the memory policy of the FRG and historical policy of the GDR and various commemorative practices. The author revealed the conceptual apparatus that is used in professional historiography and public discourse. Its various contents and features of use in different chronological periods were also determined in the article. The author considered numerous methodological approaches used by researchers of memory problems. The difference between the concepts of “memory policy” and “memory culture” in content is that the first term provides for a set of government measures to preserve memory, while the second term is broader and focuses on involving public institutions and society in the discussion of “memory” problems. The article shows the differences in the attitude to the National Socialist past in the FRG and the GDR on specific examples. The author paid attention to new approaches to the memory of the World War II in modern Germany, which has resulted from the processes of migration and the transformation of the country into a multicultural community. Two factors influence contemporary debates about the politics of memory in Germany: a) globalization, cultural transfer and migration, which exacerbate conflicts in nationally oriented memory politics. Like most countries in Western Europe, Germany is an immigration country, comprising a population that can’t longer be differentiated by nations and ethnic groups. Accordingly, historical memory refers less and less to national or ethnic historical foundations, as an ever-increasing proportion of the population has a second family origin and is therefore confronted with a past that lies beyond their ethnic beliefs; b) the Russian-Ukrainian war turned attention to the crimes of National Socialism during the Second World War (1939-1945) in Eastern Europe and Ukraine in particular.
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Didion, Philipp. „Zwischen Erinnerung und Verständigung: Der Racing Club de Strasbourg und die Wiederaufnahme der deutsch-französischen Fußballbeziehungen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg“. STADION 45, Nr. 1 (2021): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-32.
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This article aims to analyse the role of the Alsatian football club Racing Club de Strasbourg throughout the re-establishment process of the French-German football relations after the Second World War. Because of its geographical location between France and Germany and due to the double annexation of the Alsace by the German Reich the club held a special position in the French football landscape. To examine the difficulties and conflicts that came along with the attempt to restore international sport relations between West Germany and France, the paper focuses on three aspects: German prisoners of war in France, efforts to organise football games between French and German top-level-clubs, and the re-establishment of international matches between the two countries. As a result, Racing’s attitude can be situated in a field of tension between hurtful wartime experiences on the one hand and sporting as well as financial benefits on the other hand. While the former was an argument held against an over-hasty spirit of understanding between the French and the German teams especially by the Alsatian Football Association, the latter were a reason for Racing to intensify its pragmatical efforts to re-establish sport relations with West German clubs. This ambivalence is further exemplified by the dualism between Aimé Gissy, secretary general of the Alsatian Football Association (1935-1939, 1945-1974), and Willy Scheuer, president of Racing Club de Strasbourg (1952-1960).
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Lēvalde, Vēsma. „Atskaņotājmākslas attīstība Liepājā un Otrā pasaules kara ietekme uz mūziķu likteņiem“. Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā: rakstu krājums, Nr. 26/1 (01.03.2021): 338–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2021.26-1.338.
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The article is a cultural-historical study and a part of the project Uniting History, which aims to discover the multicultural aspect of performing art in pre-war Liepaja and summarize key facts about the history of the Liepāja Symphony Orchestra. The study also seeks to identify the performing artists whose life was associated with Liepāja and who were repressed between 1941 and 1945, because of aggression by both the Soviet Union and National Socialist Germany. Until now, the cultural life of this period in Liepāja has been studied in a fragmentary way, and materials are scattered in various archives. There are inaccurate and even contradictory testimonies of events of that time. The study marks both the cultural and historical situation of the 1920s and the 1930s in Liepāja and tracks the fates of several artists in the period between 1939 and 1945. On the eve of World War II, Liepāja has an active cultural life, especially in theatre and music. Liepāja City Drama and Opera is in operation staging both dramatic performances, operas, and ballet, employing an orchestra. The symphony orchestra also operated at the Liepāja Philharmonic, where musicians were recruited every season according to the principles of contemporary festival orchestras. Liepāja Folk Conservatory (music school) had also formed an orchestra of students and teachers. Guest concerts were held regularly. A characteristic feature of performing arts in Liepaja was its multicultural character – musicians of different nationalities with experience from different schools of the world were encountered there. World War II not only disrupted the balance in society, but it also had a very concrete and tragic impact on the fates of the people, including the performing artists. Many were killed, many repressed and placed in prisons and camps, and many went to exile to the West. Others were forced to either co-operate with the occupation forces or give up their identity and, consequently, their career as an artist. Nevertheless, some artists risked their lives to save others.