Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Women social activists“
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Lee, Chengpang, und Ling Han. „Mothers and Moral Activists“. Nova Religio 19, Nr. 3 (01.02.2016): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2016.19.3.54.
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In this article we identify two models of women’s social engagement in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism: mother and moral activist. The model of mother is represented by the famous Tzu Chi founder Shih Cheng Yen (b. 1937)—a Buddhist nun who is viewed by her followers as the embodiment of the compassionate mother ideal. The model of moral activist in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism has received far less attention from scholars than Cheng Yen and Tzu Chi. However, in comparison to the model of mother, Taiwanese women who are moral activists actively challenge existing social institutions based on their Buddhist consciousness. This article discusses the nun Shih Chao-hwei (b. 1957) as representative of women moral activists and highlights two events—the public abandonment of the Eight Special Rules for nuns in 2001 and support for a lesbian wedding in 2012—to illustrate how moral activists challenge the existing patriarchal status quo. We argue that these two models of women’s social engagement are equally important in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism and are the two important sources of women’s social engagement that aims to alleviate suffering and improve society.
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Habsari, Sri Kusumo, Fatkhu Rohmatin und Istadiyantha Istadiyantha. „Digital ethnography of social media: Srikandi Sungai Indonesia activists in water and river conservation“. Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, Nr. 1 (05.02.2021): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i12021.37-50.
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Women have been recognized as environmental activists and having a greater awareness of ecology worldwide since the 19th century. There are many stories of women activists worldwide who have developed significant models for protecting the environment. Social media’s popularity has changed how activists advocate their ideas to generate awareness and environmental protection participation. This study focuses on the grassroots women who join SSI and actively campaign for water and river conservation through social media. It attempts to identify how they use social media to campaign and analyzes their posts’ digital contents to understand their motivation for challenging the water river degradation and their value systems and insights, which drive them to take action. This study considers social media as cultural artifacts and providing spaces for social interaction. The researchers observe SSI’s posting behaviors and identify how they use social media for environmental activism to obtain the data. The finding shows two kinds of women activists join SSI: those who actively involve and participate in the campaign and those who click to support the activities. It also shows that the environmental activist women use social media to communicate their activities rather than maximizing its function to campaign to change the public perspective and attitude concerning the need to take care of the rivers’ water and riverbanks. Women activists continue to adopt dominant Indonesian patterns and social media use orders. Social media’s function is still seen only as a space for selfies rather than to develop a political message concerning environmentalism.
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Emejulu, Akwugo, und Francesca Sobande. „Intersectional Vulnerabilities and the Banality of Harm“. Meridians 22, Nr. 1 (01.04.2023): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-10220491.
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Abstract In this article we examine how intersectional vulnerabilities are experienced and made sense of by women of color activists in Europe. We name intersectional vulnerabilities as a broad, sometimes contradictory, set of emotions, all tied to activists’ complex experiences of insecurity and community. Intersectional vulnerabilities are those risks and rewards, derived from women of color activists’ positioning in relation to race, class, gender, sexuality, disability, and legal status, which shape the possibilities of women of color’s activist labor. These vulnerabilities are Janus-faced, in that they are experienced as social harms that oftentimes lead to community. Our article grapples with the bittersweetness of vulnerability and how the banality of harms meted out to women of color nevertheless contains the seeds of resistance, solidarity, and self-love.
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Caputo, Richard K. „Women as Volunteers and Activists“. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 26, Nr. 2 (Juni 1997): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764097262004.
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Van Dyke, Nella, Doug McAdam und Brenda Wilhelm. „Gendered Outcomes: Gender Differences in The Biographical Consequences of Activism“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, Nr. 2 (01.09.2000): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.a609t7l80077617k.
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This article examines the gendered effects of movement participation on the subsequent lives of activists. We hypothesize that movement participation will have a differential effect on the lives of men and women both because they have different activist experiences by virtue of their gender and because the movements of the New Left questioned the gendered construction of the traditional life course. Using a national random sample, we employ logistic regression and event history models to examine the differences in employment, marriage, and childbirth patterns of men and women who participated in New Left social movements. We hypothesize that New Left activism will have affected the lives of both male and female activists, but that the effect will be stronger for women. The analyses generally confirm this hypothesis. We find significant differences in the influence of social movement participation on the economic, marital, and parenting histories of male and female activists.
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Andris, Maria Fryna Angelica, und Edwin Martua Bangun Tambunan. „Peran Perempuan dalam Proses Bina Damai: Studi Kasus Aktivis Perempuan di Sudan Selatan (2005-2018)“. Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 19, Nr. 1 (19.06.2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v19i1.6220.1-24.
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Amidst the oppressive patriarchal culture, the lingering conflict in South Sudan between 2005-2018 has caused women to experience discrimination and violence. The dissatisfaction of women activists with the social system and the protracted conflict eventually encouraged them to participate in the peacebuilding process. This article examines the role of women in the peacebuilding activities by describing the work of women activists in South Sudan. The study is conducted qualitatively by applying the case study method and utilizing the Feminist methodology to comprehensively examine individuals and women's activist organizations activities in peacebuilding through the women perspective. This research finds that women activists play a role in the peacebuilding process at every level of the actor pyramid, from grassroots, middle, to top level. Positive and transformative changes take place as the result of their roles. At the top level, the peacebuilding efforts have encouraged the South Sudanese government to involve women activists in the peace negotiation process withSudan and ensure gender equality in the formulated constitution. At the middle and lower levels, peacebuilding efforts succeeded in convincing South Sudanese to support the implementation of gender equality as part of conflict resolution. Keywords: Women; Peacebuilding; Gender Equality; Discrimination; South Suda
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Goh, Yong Le. „Convergence of the #MeToo Movement into #SayaJuga?: How Social Activists in Malaysia Leverage Social Media in Empowering Women“. Makara Human Behavior Studies in Asia 26, Nr. 2 (11.09.2022): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/hubs.asia.1120422.
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This research primarily aims to highlight the interconnections among social activists, social media, and ordinary public in the actor-network encompassing women empowerment in Malaysia. The secondary aim is to expand the knowledge gap on active social activists’ perspective toward the development of the country’s women empowerment. Qualitative interview was used to create a holistic research on interviewee’s personal involvement toward women empowerment in Malaysia. The following themes were derived from the data analysis: an association exists between women empowerment and #MeToo movement; communication barriers to popularizing women empowerment; vulnerable groups in search of gender equality; and opinions toward policymakers’ attitudes in Malaysia. Actor-network theory was employed in highlighting the roles of human and non-human actants in the communication network. It suggested whether a unified hashtag is required to discuss gender equality issues in Malaysia. This research also highlights the research gap of the contemporary viewpoint from the social activists who aimed to empower their audience in Malaysia. Results provide insights into how opinion leaders and policy makers should construct strategies toward reaching their intended audience.
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Vanner, Catherine, und Anuradha Dugal. „Personal, Powerful, Political“. Girlhood Studies 13, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.
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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the world. These girl activists have garnered worldwide attention for their causes but have also been subject to problematic media representations that elevate voices of privilege and/or focus on girl activists as exceptional individuals (Gordon and Taft 2010; Hesford 2014), often obscuring the movements behind them. For this reason, this special issue explores activism networks by, for, and with girls and young women, examining and emphasizing girls’ activism in collective and collaborative spaces.
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Lazarus, Barbara. „Perspectives From Pioneer Women Activists: An Introduction“. Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 23, Nr. 1 (Februar 2003): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0270467602239770.
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Chikafa-Chipiro, Rosemary. „African feminist activism and democracy: Social media publics and Zimbabwean women in politics online“. African Journal of Inclusive Societies 3, Nr. 1 (04.12.2023): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.59186/si.y7z83ghe.
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“We need to begin our questioning, activism and theorising from the spaces from which we are dying,” Funmi Olonisakin. The political landscape in Zimbabwe is largely a post-colonial hetero-patriarchal domain that pushes women politicians to the border of politics. Constraints in civic engagement and political participation that is characteristic of a shrinking democracy and exclusionary public sphere subsist. The 2023 election and its campaign period has shown that the socio-economic and political landscape is unpredictable with serious threats to women’s participation in politics. The lives of Zimbabwean women in politics are continually subjected to multiple forms of violence online and offline. Meanwhile, African feminist activism in the country has seemingly taken several steps back. Zimbabwean feminist activists risk being co-opted into the hetero-patriarchal socio-political structures. There is evidence of a considerable disconnect between feminist/gender activists and women in politics that needs to be addressed. In Senegal and South Africa among other countries, protests by younger generations of feminists have addressed this divide through innovations in protest strategies resulting in the re-formation of radical politics (Dieng, 2023; Hassim, 2023). With social media at the disposal of the younger generation of women politicians the movement is set on a revolutionary trajectory. The sustained social media presence of the new crop of women politicians has created active intimate and counter-publics who engage in vital Zimbabwean political dialogue. The new crop of women politicians referred to here are younger women politicians who unlike their predecessors are very active on social media and have no liberation war experience. The study locates social media as a provenance for Zimbabwean feminist activist revolutionising and democracy initiatives. Theoretically, I posit that the contentions around women’s political participation and violations against Zimbabwean women in politics are revealing of intricacies in African feminism and the coloniality of gender and how these, together with theories of the public sphere can further feminist activism. The study will utilise online ethnography of purposively selected Facebook posts and Tweets by Zimbabwean women in politics, feminist activists and/or gender organisations.
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Mitchell, Claudia. „A Girl Activist Inventory“. Girlhood Studies 13, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130201.
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In March 2019, I had the pleasure of giving a talk at Peter Green College at the University of British Columbia that I called “The Politics and Possibilities of Girl-led and Youth-led Arts-based Activism to Address Gender Violence.” I wanted to highlight in particular the activist work of numerous groups of Indigenous girls and young women in a current project and the youth AIDS activist work of the Fire and Hope project in South Africa but I also wanted to place this work in the context of girls’ activism and youth activism more broadly. To do this I started out with a short activity called “Know your Girl Activist” during which I showed PowerPoint photos of some key girl and young women activists of the last few years, and asked the audience if they could identify them. The activists included two Nobel Prize Peace Prize winners, Malala Yousafzai (2014) and Nadia Murad (2018) along with Autumn Pelletier, the young Indigenous woman from Northern Ontario, Canada, well known for her work on water activism, and, of course, Greta Thunberg, now a household name but then, in 2019, already well known for her work on climate change activism. To my surprise only some of these activists were recognized, so, during the Q and A session, when I was asked if there is a history of girls as activists I could see that this question indicated clearly the urgent need for this special issue of Girlhood Studies which was only just in process then. Now, thanks to the dedication of the two guest editors of this special issue, Catherine Vanner and Anuradha Dugal and the wide range of superb contributors, I can point confidently to girls’ activism as a burgeoning area of study in contemporary feminism rooted in feminist history.
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Ardashnikova, Anna. „“Becoming Visible”: Civil Society of Modern Iran in the Focus of Gender Discussion“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 1 (2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021364-8.
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In this study the author examines the main stages and social characteristics of the women's rights movement in republican Iran, which has generated an active controversy between the authorities and the society over the last three decades. This polemic disagreement was triggered by the legal status of the Iranian woman enshrined in the Constitution. Human rights activists with significant religious and social status, insisting on the right of Muslim women to be represented in the highest echelons of state power, were the first to join the debate. At the turn of the 1990s and 2000s, this initiative was taken up by secular activists advocating civil and individual rights for Iranian women. All have made extensive use of a specialised, women-oriented press and, since the early 2000s, the Internet and social media, as well as NPOs/NGOs existing in different regions of the country, in their struggle. Acting along the same lines of the women's rights movement, secular and religious activists represent autonomous segments of civil society. The content of the print and electronic media, television programmes and literary works, used for the first time as a source for the study, forms the basis of the research.
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Siriphant, Titiporn. „Counter-Narratives: The Construction of Social Critiques of Women Activists“. Gender, Technology and Development 2, Nr. 1 (März 1998): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185249800200105.
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Siriphant, Titiporn. „Counter-Narratives: The Construction of Social Critiques of Women Activists“. Gender, Technology and Development 2, Nr. 1 (Januar 1998): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718524.1998.11909882.
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Earner-Byrne, Lindsey. „Review: Female Activists: Irish Women and Social Change 1900–1960“. Irish Economic and Social History 29, Nr. 1 (Juni 2002): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900140.
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Jay Friedman, Elisabeth, und Ana Laura Rodríguez Gustá. „Genealogía híbrida de las activistas jóvenes en Argentina: “Muchas disidencias y muchos feminismos”“. European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Nr. 117 (24.05.2024): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.11078.
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Abstract: The hybrid genealogy of young women activists in Argentina: “Many dissidences and many feminisms” Feminist mobilizations have intensified in Latin America thanks to the incorporation of a significant youth contingent. These new activists bring with them transformations in social movements’ strategies and frameworks of understanding. Taking the Argentine case as the context, in this article we focus on a fundamental dimension of young women’s feminist imagination: who they consider influential movement figures. Based on a qualitative study, we reconstruct a feminist genealogy from the perspective of a new generation of activists. Their movement genealogy, according to our findings, combines figures from diverse trajectories of struggle and sites of activism, with heterogeneous positions regarding feminism. Furthermore, in this genealogy, the young women themselves play a central role. Resumen La movilización feminista se ha intensificado en América Latina gracias a la incorporación de un importante contingente juvenil. Estas nuevas activistas traen consigo transformaciones en los marcos de sentido y en las estrategias de los movimientos sociales. Tomando Argentina como contexto de estudio, este artículo aborda una dimensión fundamental del imaginario feminista de las jóvenes: a quién consideran antecesoras en la construcción del movimiento e inspiradoras para su propias biografías feministas. Mediante un estudio cualitativo, se muestra que las nuevas generaciones reconstruyen una genealogía híbrida que combina figuras prove-nientes de diversas trayectorias de lucha y sitios de activismo, con posiciones heterogéneas respecto del feminismo. Además, en esta genealogía, las propias jóvenes se colocan en un papel protagónico y no como meras herederas de espacios construidos por predecesoras.
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Burke, Ronald J., und Esther R. Greenglass. „Career Orientations and Psychological Burnout in Teachers“. Psychological Reports 63, Nr. 1 (August 1988): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1988.63.1.107.
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Four career orientations proposed by Cherniss (1980) were related to psychological burnout and its antecedents and consequences. The four career orientations were: Self-investors, Social Activists, Careerists, and Artisans. 833 men and women in teaching provided data by completing questionnaires. Artisans were most common (61%), followed by Social Activists (18%), Careerists (12%), and Self-investors (10%). Social Activists reported greater burnout, greater stress, and the least satisfying work setting. In addition, Social Activists reported the least job satisfaction, greatest intention to turnover, and poorest physical health. Artisans reported greatest work satisfaction, least burnout, and the least stress.
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Little, Nicolette. „Memorial-Tweeting Ontario’s Femicides: The Use of Twitter (X) in Gender-Based Violence-Related Activism and Commemoration“. Canadian Journal of Communication 49, Nr. 2 (01.06.2024): 230–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjc-2023-0010.
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Background: On each anniversary of the Montréal Massacre, activist Farrah Khan shares information about the current year’s femicide victims on Twitter (now X), raising questions about how victims of gender-based violence (GBV) are represented and memorialized. Analysis: This research comprises an analysis of Khan’s December 6 tweets and users’ replies from 2017 to 2020, as well as semi-structured interviews with activists and collaborators, to determine what social media strategies activists use to draw attention to and shape public discourse on violence against women. Conclusions and implications: By memorializing victims of GBV on Twitter, Khan and her collaborators rework a traditional genre—the obituary—to serve feminist ends, challenging misconceptions about who experiences GBV and who perpetrates it.
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Jitendra Kumar Bharti. „Reading of Nature and Women in the Select Novels of Margaret Atwood: An Ecofeminist Approach“. Creative Launcher 4, Nr. 2 (30.06.2019): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2019.4.2.05.
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Ecofeminism is a philosophical and political movement and theory which commingle or puts together demonstrate male domination of society. The term Ecofeminism is coined in the 1970s by the French writer Francoise d' Eaubonne in her book Le Feminisme ou La Mort (1974). The term ecofeminism unites Ecology (a scientific study and analysis of interaction among organisms and their environment) and Feminism (a social and political movement which advocates for women rights) and attempts to eradicate al forms of social injustice. It draws parallel between the both women and nature because both are dominated by men. The movement ecofeminism is the result of gradual development. In the beginning some women activists participated to preserve environment, but in the late 20th century these women activists began to work to protect wild life, food, air and water. We may see, in 1973, in Northern India, rise of a movement led by women activists to protect forests from deforestation that is known as ‘Chipko movement.’
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Romero, Mary. „Sociology Engaged in Social Justice“. American Sociological Review 85, Nr. 1 (02.01.2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419893677.
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This article expands on my presidential address to further bolster the case that sociology has, from its inception, been engaged in social justice. I argue that a critical review of our discipline and our Association’s vaunted empiricist tradition of objectivity, in which sociologists are detached from their research, was accomplished by a false history and sociology of sociology that ignored, isolated, and marginalized some of the founders. In the past half-century, scholar-activists, working-class sociologists, sociologists of color, women sociologists, indigenous sociologists, and LGBTQ sociologists have similarly been marginalized and discouraged from pursuing social justice issues and applied research within our discipline. Being ignored by academic sociology departments has led them to create or join homes in interdisciplinary programs and other associations that embrace applied and scholar-activist scholarship. I offer thoughts about practices that the discipline and Association should use to reclaim sociology’s social justice tradition.
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Mügge, Liza. „Women in Transnational Migrant Activism: Supporting Social Justice Claims of Homeland Political Organizations“. Studies in Social Justice 7, Nr. 1 (19.11.2012): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1055.
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This article studies the conceptions of social justice of women active in transnational migrant politics over a period of roughly 20 years in the Netherlands. The novel focus on migrant women reveals that transnational politics is almost completely male-dominated and -directed. Two of the exceptions found in this article include a leftist and a Kurdish women organization supporting the communist cause in the 1980s and the Kurdish struggle in the 1990s in Turkey, respectively. In both organizations gender equality was subordinated to broader ideologies of political parties in their homeland. Leftist activists in the cold war era supported a narrow definition of the "politics of redistribution," while and Kurdish activists, combined classical features of the latter with those of traditional identity politics.
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Larri, Larraine J. „Lifelong learning, well-being, and climate justice activism: Exploring social movement learning among Australia’s Knitting Nannas“. International Journal of Population Studies 10, Nr. 2 (15.03.2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ijps.381.
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The participation of older people in social movement learning presents a unique perspective on lifelong learning opportunities and well-aging in later life. Australia’s Knitting Nannas Against Gas and Greed exemplifies how older women have challenged the “double jeopardy of old age” embodied in ageist sexism and become well-regarded anti-coal seam gas environmental activists. This article explores how engagement in environmental activism has fostered a learning ecology, which promotes transformative and emancipatory learning dispositions that benefit well-aging. A significant gap exists in transformative environmental adult educational research in relation to the motivation for and engagement of older women in environmentalism. Drawing on my Ph.D. research, I identify how women acquire environmental and ecological literacy, develop activist skills, and cultivate emancipatory learning dispositions. They benefit from being part of a supportive community of older women, enhancing their quality of life. This phenomenon is referred to as “Nannagogy.”
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Rijo Sánchez, Amaury J. „“Festival y Protesta”: The Integral Role of Protesting State Violence in Celebrating Puerto Rican Women and Feminists“. Societies 13, Nr. 12 (05.12.2023): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13120251.
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Eradicating the mistreatment of Puerto Rican women and people that local and U.S. governments enact has been a major transformative goal for Puerto Rican feminist movement communities. The celebration of International Working Women’s Day presents optimum opportunities for organizations to celebrate and make visible the monumental achievements of Puerto Rican women and people. Similarly, they foster the opportunity to strategically protest the large-scale and harmful attacks of the United States and Puerto Rico’s (abbreviated throughout as U.S. and P.R.) governing double-bind onto minority Puerto Rican populations. Feminist activists, protesters, artists, and attendees collaborate in performances, speeches, and overall programming, resulting in dually celebratory and protest-based marches. Further, the multifaceted approach to protesting observed at the celebration of International Working Women’s Day shines light on decolonial and feminist efforts that bring about social justice and transformation. This article analyses ethnographic data collected through participant observation in one march held in Puerto Rico, as well as a small archive of news articles relating to said march. Results reflect strategic forms of organizing and protesting that exercise activists’ agency in communication with the government and state. Further, they show the demand for accountability and action in favor of minority Puerto Rican populations. Simultaneously, the results also shine a light on the synergistic character of state and government approaches to minimize the impact of activist protesting.
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Cavaliere, Paola. „Mothers and Moral Activists“. Journal of Religion in Japan 7, Nr. 2 (12.12.2018): 93–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00702003.
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AbstractMany sociological studies have discussed the importance of religion and gender as two key components facilitating civic engagement, which in turn is believed to foster citizenship and democratization. Most female members of Japanese new religions engage in a variety of service-oriented volunteer initiatives where they tend to provide help and support to individuals directly, outside of organized volunteer organizations and civic associations. Such volunteer behaviour is defined in the literature as informal volunteering. In this respect, this paper addresses three main questions: 1) What aspects of religiosity relate to women’s participation in informal volunteering sponsored by Japanese religious organizations? 2) What specific volunteer models of women’s social engagement are articulated through informal volunteering and what is the dominant background neoliberal ideology? 3) How do these models foster women’s citizenship and social participation? This paper draws upon two sets of qualitative data (2010–2012 and 2015–2017) of religious-based volunteer activities performed by women belonging to four Japanese religious organizations: Risshō Kōseikai 立正佼成会, Shinnyoen 真如苑, the Roman Catholic Church in Japan (Nihon Katorikku Kyōkai 日本カトリック教会), and GLA ジーエルエー (God Light Association).
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Albin, Kamila. „The Process of Becoming an Activist: Identity Transformations in Autobiographical Narratives of Women with Disabilities in Poland“. Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej 19, Nr. 3 (31.08.2023): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8069.19.3.09.
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This article reconstructs identity transformations that manifest themselves in the biographies of female activists with disabilities. The empirical material was collected through autobiographical narrative interviews. The author identifies key stages and turning points for these identity transformations. She also analyzes the role of significant others in the process of identity transformations and becoming an activist. The analysis of narratives of women with congenital disabilities demonstrates that the incorporation of disability as an element of individual self-definition is an important factor contributing to identity transformations. In the analyzed narratives, disability represents a biographical resource and, like identity, is processual in nature. Although it accompanies the individual from birth, it undergoes reinterpretations at different stages of life.
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Sokowati, Muria Endah. „Feminist Activism in Digital Culture: Problems of Class and Ethics“. Jurnal ASPIKOM 7, Nr. 2 (29.07.2022): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v7i2.1146.
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Social media is a platform used by feminist activists for activism. It overcomes spatial and temporal barriers, and helps spread the movement's message more quickly and efficiently. The participatory culture encourages the feminist movement to develop more massively. Many argue that social media helps feminist activists to empower women. Related to the statement, this study observes how activism practices in social media represent women's voices and problems. This study also seeks to reveal the problems in the movement. The researcher observed five accounts of feminist activists on Instagram (@Indonesiafeminis, @lawanpatriarki, @perempuanfeminis, @muslimahfeminis, @perempuan.merdeka). Through the virtual ethnography method, the researcher found a representation problem when digital feminist accounts published the problems experienced by women through their content. These accounts only represent middle-class women's problems. There is also an ethical problem because these accounts tend to be reactive by ignoring the ethics of doing activism.
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Dalton, David S. „Change or Empathy: Mexico’s #MeToo Between Catharsis and Transformative Performance“. Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 27, Nr. 1 (2024): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcs.2024.a920084.
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Abstract: Mexico’s #MeToo movement employed technology—particularly social media—to identify men in the country who had habitually abused women. In so doing, the movement helped to produce a paradigm shift in how Mexicans understood sexual violence. The movement created a framework conducive to identifying more cases of sexual harassment throughout the country. At the same time, Mexico’s #MeToo had mixed results in the realm of policy. In this article, I use Bertolt Brecht’s dichotomy of cathartic and transformative performance to analyze the methods—rather than the ideology—of the #MeToo activists. I argue that cathartic performances aimed at closure in individual cases tended to build what Robert Putnam calls a type of bonding social capital that brought activists together. Nevertheless, these performances often stifled the production of the bridging social capital necessary to legitimize the movement as a whole. When activists used their platform to foreground the need for structural change, they tended to enjoy greater successes in challenging the status quo. Resumen: El movimiento #MeToo en México utilizó la tecnología—sobre todo las redes sociales—para identificar hombres en el país que habían abusado habitualmente de mujeres. Al ha-cerlo, el movimiento ayudó a enmendar los paradigmas que se empleaban en el país para entender la violencia sexual. El movimiento proveyó los medios necesarios para identificar más casos de acoso sexual en todo el país. No obstante, #MeToo en México tuvo resultados mixtos en el ámbito de la política. En este artículo, utilizo la dicotomía de Bertolt Brecht de performance catártico y performance transformador para analizar no la ideología sino los métodos de los activistas. Sostengo que las acciones catárticas con un enfoque en casos individuales tendían a construir lo que Robert Putnam denomina “bonding social capital” que unía a los activistas. Sin embargo, tales acciones corrían el riesgo de sofocar la producción del “bridging social capital” necesario para legitimar el movimiento ante el público. Cuando los activistas utilizaban su plataforma para abogar por cambios estructurales, tendían a disfrutar de mayores éxitos al desafiar el statu quo.
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,, Muazaroh, und Emma Yulianti. „PILIHAN KARIR DAN ISU GENDER AKTIVIS WANITA PADA LEMBAGA SWADAYA MASYARAKAT DI SURABAYA DAN SEKITARNYA“. Media Riset Bisnis & Manajemen 9, Nr. 3 (16.12.2009): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/mrbm.v9i3.1088.
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This research attempts to discover the reasons of the women who are interested in working in the non government organization and reveal their aspiration to be involved in such an organization. Besides that, it also attempts to understand the women's freedom in determining their careers and the variables influencing such a determination. It includes twenty woman activists in the non government organization. Based on the in-depth interview with the woman activists working in the non government organization, the reasons of being interested in working in such organization such as their concern of social environment, seeking an experience and place for learning, expressing their idealism, being flexible to manage time and independent or without depending on others. Furthermore, the determination of this career as woman activists in the non government organization is not due to being forced. Keywords: NGO, Motivation, Career, Aspiration
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Frohmann, Lisa, und Elizabeth Mertz. „Legal Reform and Social Construction: Violence, Gender, and the Law“. Law & Social Inquiry 19, Nr. 04 (1994): 829–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1994.tb00941.x.
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As scholars and activists have addressed the problem of violence against women in the past 25 years, their efforts have increasingly attuned us to the multiple dimensions of the issue. Early activists hoped to change the structure of power relations in our society, as well as the political ideology that tolerated violence against women, through legislation, education, direct action, and direct services. This activism resulted in a plethora of changes to the legal codes and protocols relating to rape and battering. Today, social scientists and legal scholars are evaluating the effects of these reforms, questioning anew the ability of law by itself to redress societal inequalities. As they uncover the limitations of legal reforms enacted in the past two decades, scholars are turning—or returning—to ask about the social and cultural contexts within which laws are formulated, enforced, and interpreted.
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Place, Katie R., und Erica Ciszek. „Troubling Dialogue and Digital Media: A Subaltern Critique“. Social Media + Society 7, Nr. 1 (Januar 2021): 205630512098444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984449.
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Over the past several decades, scholars have explored dialogue and digital media. While this scholarship has advanced strategic communication theory, it lacks a critical focus on how marginalized groups have been written out of these theories and practices. We bring a critical lens to dialogue, employing a subaltern critique to elevate the experiences and voices of members of an activist group working on behalf of low-income, minority women. Advancing theoretical and empirical work on dialogue and social media, our study approaches activist communication and dialogue through a co-optation orientation, to consider how advocacy groups are co-opted or erased through dialogic methods entailed in dominant discourses and how these groups exert agency and resistance. While social media may not always help activists penetrate the walls upheld by powerful social actors, they offer connective and transformative possibilities.
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Dall’ Agnola, Jasmin. „“Tell Me Sister” – Social Media, a Tool for Women Activists in Tajikistan“. Central Asian Affairs 9, Nr. 1 (12.04.2022): 119–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-12340018.
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Abstract Instagram is the world’s most popular social media tool among people under 29, including Central Asian youth. Despite the growing authoritarian grip on print and online media, more and more Tajik women are opening up on Instagram to counter the pernicious narrative that blames victims of sexual harassment and violence for speaking out against their harassers and abusers. So far, there is little research exploring the extent to which women Instagram bloggers are successful in influencing the wider female public’s perception of sexual harassment and violence. I seek to fill this gap by analyzing whether Tajik women’s exposure to information on social networks influences their awareness of sexual harassment and violence. The following article contributes to the growing body of literature discussing the transformative forces of digital activism in Central Asia by exploring empirical data gathered through a nationwide survey in Tajikistan. The results reveal the emancipatory potential of digital activism.
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McCammon, Holly J., Erin M. Bergner und Sandra C. Arch. „“Are You One of Those Women?” Within-Movement Conflict, Radical Flank Effects, and Social Movement Political Outcomes*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, Nr. 2 (01.06.2015): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-157.
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Studies of social movement outcomes rarely consider the impact of conflict between groups within movements on the ability of movement actors to achieve their political goals. In this examination of the Texas women's movement from the late 1950s until the early 1970s, we consider the role of within-movement conflict as organized women worked to gain an Equal Legal Rights Amendment. Our analysis reveals that conflict within movements can benefit activists by fueling a radical flank effect and, in the end, helping activists achieve important political goals. Our study also reveals the agency of movement actors as one group distances itself from another to seek political elite support. Such efforts can help activists open largely closed political opportunity structures. We conclude that researchers studying movement political outcomes should consider the potentially beneficial role of within-movement conflict.
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Stephan, Rita. „Not-So-Secret Weapons: Lebanese Women’s Rights Activists and Extended Family Networks“. Social Problems 66, Nr. 4 (26.12.2018): 609–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spy025.
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Abstract This study asks one crucial question: How do Lebanese women apply available social capital and informal social networks to engage in political activism for women’s rights? Building on social- and women’s-movement theories, I argue that Lebanese feminists do not exclusively operate in the public sphere in their fight for political goals, nor do they privilege only the extra-family space. On the contrary, they engage in political activities by using extended family networks as a form of weak social ties. I construct this argument on the basis of interviews, observations, and analysis of Lebanese feminists’ writings. This paper introduces the concept of mahsoubieh as a form of weak social ties generated within connective family networks. Specifically, I examine how elite, intellectual, and middle-class Lebanese women activists use the positive social capital generated by mahsoubieh to gain credibility, diffuse their political stances, and develop countervailing power. Aspects such as the size, reputation, and respectability of their kinship networks aided the Lebanese women in their fight to change the legal structure concerning women’s rights and political representation.
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Htun, Mala, und Francesca R. Jensenius. „Fighting Violence Against Women: Laws, Norms & Challenges Ahead“. Daedalus 149, Nr. 1 (Januar 2020): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01779.
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In the 1990s and 2000s, pressure from feminist movements and allies succeeded in pushing scores of states to reform their laws to prevent and punish violence against women (VAW). Even in states with progressive legislation, however, activists face challenges to induce citizens to comply with the law, compel state authorities to enforce the law, and ensure the adequate allocation of resources for social support services. In this essay, we take stock of legislative developments related to VAW around the world, with a focus on the variation in approaches toward intimate partner violence and sexual harassment. We analyze efforts to align behavior with progressive legislation, and end with a discussion of the balance activists must strike between fighting VAW aggressively with the carceral and social support dimensions of state power, while exercising some restraint to avoid the potentially counterproductive effects of state action.
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Flattley, Megan R. „Community-Driven Curating in Per(Sister): Incarcerated Women of Louisiana“. Journal of Curatorial Studies 10, Nr. 2 (01.10.2021): 248–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcs_00045_7.
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The exhibition Per(Sister): Incarcerated Women of Louisiana (2019) developed community-driven and co-productive curatorial practices through a partnership with directly impacted stakeholders. This article presents three characteristics that made the partnership between the Newcomb Art Museum and consultants from a community of formerly incarcerated women and activists in New Orleans a success: an understanding of the politics of both the issue and the site, a sharing and collective building of power, and a polyvocal exhibition format. Within the context of the role of curating in struggles for social justice, this article outlines the importance of working with external actors, such as movement leaders and activists, to ensure accountability, equity and reciprocity in exhibitions that address social issues.
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Meekosha, Helen. „Virtual Activists? Women and the Making of Identities of Disability“. Hypatia 17, Nr. 3 (2002): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2002.tb00942.x.
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This article examines the rise of a feminist engagement with the disability rights movement. Three realms of social being—individual, society, and the state—interact in the making of the identities of disability. The emergence of Women With Disabilities Australia (WWDA), suggests the ways women with disabilities come to identify with an autonomous women's group and the ways in which the particular forms of our activisms are produced.
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Sheppental, Alisa. „Experiences of Female Political Activists from Eastern and Central Europe in Berlin: An Intersectional Analysis“. Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 2, Nr. 49 (01.09.2022): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2021.2.35.
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The following article analyzes the experiences of female political activists from Eastern and Central Europe in Berlin. Semi-structured interviews with women (aged 20–35) were conducted and analyzed using the intersectional approach originally proposed by N. Degele and G. Winker. Intersectionality is described as a system of interactions between inequality-creating social structures (power relations), symbolic representations, and identity constructions. All the women who participated in this study describe activism as an important aspect of their identities. For non-German citizens, the activist identity is closely related to the migrant identity and is one of the major reasons they decided to move to Germany. Negative experiences in a country of origin were contrasted with a tolerant activist environment in Berlin. However, German citizens with no negative experiences in their countries of origin also implied a contrast between the “less tolerant East” and “more tolerant West”. The distinction was constructed either as a symbolical representation or articulation of experience of intergenerational conflict.
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Martins, Abiola. „Feminism, Leadership, and Social Media“. International Journal of Social Media and Online Communities 14, Nr. 2 (01.07.2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsmoc.308288.
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Social media (SM) has provided everyone with a tool to air their unhindered views, especially in conservative societies. This research analyzes the 1,090 tweets of certain Nigerian feminists/activists during the 13-day October 2020 #EndSARS protests. The analysis investigates the content of the women's tweets thematically by identifying their most used words vis-a-vis their corresponding values. These words were then used to interpret the messages being conveyed, how SM impacts feminist leadership, and the temperaments of these women. The analysis also compares the social classes of the women based on their profiles, the intersection of feminism, political activism, and how SM has become a tool for unhindered feminism.
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Dufour, Pascale, und Isabelle Giraud. „The Continuity of Transnational Solidarities in the World March of Women, 2000 and 2005: A Collective Identity-Building Approach“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, Nr. 3 (01.09.2007): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.3.tv24474575l71807.
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While the emergence of transnational social movements has been intensively studied, the continuity of sustained transnational mobilizations has received much less attention. Building on recent research in the field of transnational activism, we examine the case of the World March of Women (WMW), a mobilization of 6,000 associations, unions, and political parties in 163 countries that organized global mobilizations in 2000 and 2005. We argue that the process leading to the 2005 actions constitutes a "collective identity moment" for the WMW. Using semistructured qualitative interviews with leaders of the WMW and detailed case analyses, we demonstrate that this moment was manifested by three dimensions: a change of the activists' main global interlocutor; the use of the transnationalization process as an end in itsel—and not simply as a tool or a mobilization strategy;and the redirection of activists' energy into establishing collective unity as opposed to making direct external gains. This identity moment is the result of a dual process involving the articulation of past mobilizations with new perspectives and the continuing articulation of multiple activist identities.
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Butterwick, Shauna, und Maren Elfert. „Women Social Activists of Atlantic Canada: Stories of Re-Enchantment, Authenticity, and Hope“. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education 27, Nr. 1 (15.11.2014): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.56105/cjsae.v27i1.3338.
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In this paper, we offer our analysis of the profiles of 27 elder women social activists of Atlantic Canada, profiles that were created by Dr. Liz Burge. Our goal is to honor these women and to inform, and hopefully inspire, others involved in social activism. We hope our research will contribute to the growing field of inquiry in adult education into feminist approaches to social movement learning (SML). We found these social activists’ engagements were powerfully shaped by their families’ values, initial experiences of finding voice and “speaking up”, and both formal and informal learning about effective approaches for political engagement. The stories speak to a social activism where the personal is political and the boundaries between the private and the public sphere are blurred. These women’s profiles, we argue, resist the ‘malaise of modernity’, specifically its glorification of individualism, disenchantment with the world, and retreat from political engagement. In their stories we see a process of re-enchantment that involves a search for authenticity fueled by hope.
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Parahita, Gilang Desti. „The Rise of Indonesian Feminist Activism on Social Media“. Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 4, Nr. 2 (30.12.2019): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v4i2.331.
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Some studies have discussed digital activism and politics in Indonesia. However, studies investigating the phenomenon of Indonesian feminist activism on social media have yet to be conducted. On the other hand, Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and also other online platforms have become a fertile site for the public to aspire their views and mobilize people for some causes, including social media accounts voicing feminist perspectives in Indonesian online sphere. This study uncovers the actors behind and goals of feminism activists who create accounts on social media such as Facebook, Instagram and YouTube. The method of the study is snow-ball interviews, content analyses of Instagram posts, and close observation on public activities of the important figures within the movement on their social media account, as well as their writings. This study found that Indonesian digital feminism activists have started with the agencies of the young women of Indonesia in the circle of senior feminists in Jakarta, as well as feminist emerging from the GusDurian network. Basic literacy and digital literacy have facilitated the activists with capability to articulate and share their ideas. Eventually, the activists initiate the movement on social media which functions as a means of creating digital safe place, sharing personal stories, providing online discussion forum, promoting marches and offline discussion events, responding to criticisms and oppositional standpoints, as well as conducting and publishing research.
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Threadcraft, Shatema. „Making Black Femicide Visible“. Philosophical Topics 49, Nr. 1 (2021): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20214913.
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Black women struggle to make the violence they experience visible for at least four reasons: the violence occurs in private, not in public; it is associated with sex, sexuality and intimacy; the violence is not amplified within the public and counterpublic spheres; and, finally and importantly, activists have not been as successful in constructing resonate narratives regarding the violence. Contemporary violence against black men, for example, is often understood through the lens of lynching, a phenomenon that earlier activists were able to link to the biblical crucifixion. The activists’ work ensured that lynching holds an important place in the story of black peoplehood; it helped to make blacks as a political people and has been crucial to black understandings of who we are and why we are here. Social visibility requires that black women tell stories that not only build social movements; they must also tell stories that help to build people.
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DuBois, Lindsay. „Activist Pensioners, a Contradiction in Terms? Argentina’s Jubilados“. Anthropology & Aging 34, Nr. 2 (01.09.2013): 170–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/aa.2013.17.
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Why does it seem unlikely that retirees should be political activists? What does that reaction say about our understandings of retirement and of activism? This article examines the experience of a group of older activists who, among other things, rally weekly in front of the National Congress in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and have done so for more than two decades. Regardless of advanced age and infirmity, these men and women, some in their eighties and nineties, refuse to be defined as passive by their roles as retirees and grandparents. After examining some of the tensions embodied in the idea of activist pensioners, this article proceeds to look at the pensioners’ own understandings of where their activism comes from and what sustains it. Situating the pensioners’ struggle in broader historical processes in Argentina illuminates their motives and strategies. The article thus also demonstrates that a historical approach provides a productive strategy for analysing elder social movements.
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Rodrigues, Lara Rodrigues, Ana Júlia da Costa und Rafaela Zimkovicz. „“No One Wants to Go to the Hospital” – Moral Grammars and Abortion Networks among Women in Brazil“. Mediações - Revista de Ciências Sociais 29, Nr. 1 (2024): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2176-6665.2024v29n1e49134en.
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This text aims to understand moral grammars through abortion networks built by and between women in the Brazilian context. Our aim is to understand how the organization between these social actors is architected through the omissions of the State and the insufficiencies of public policies. To do this, we carried out empirical research in networks (on and offline), looking at the influx of information on social media platforms and websites, analyzing leaflets and information materials, as well as conducting interviews with activists working with women who want an abortion. We noticed that networks led by women reconfigure moral grammars around the notion of victim, as well as highlighting a porous border between legality and clandestinity, since activists occupy gaps concerning legal abortions, education in reproductive health and legal security, and the promotion of non-vulnerable gender relations.
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Bilić, Bojan. „Not in our name: collective identity of the Serbian Women in Black“. Nationalities Papers 40, Nr. 04 (Juli 2012): 607–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.692510.
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The Belgrade-based activist groupWomen in Blackhas been for twenty years now articulating a feminist anti-war stance in an inimical socio-political climate. The operation of this anti-patriarchal and anti-militarist organization, which has resisted numerous instances of repression, has not been until now systematically approached from a social movement perspective. This paper draws upon a range of empirical methods, comprising life-story interviews, documentary analysis and participant observation, to address the question as to how it was possible for this small circle of activists to remain on the Serbian/post-Yugoslav civic scene for the last two decades. My central argument is that a consistent collective identity, which informs the group's resource mobilization and strategic options, holds the key to the surprising survival of this activist organization. I apply recent theoretical advances on collective identity to the case of the BelgradeWomen in Blackwith the view of promoting a potentially fruitful cross-fertilization between non-Western activism and the Western conceptual apparatus for studying civic engagement.
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Stewart, Abigail J., Isis H. Settles und Nicholas J. G. Winter. „Women and the Social Movements of the 1960s: Activists, Engaged Observers, and Nonparticipants“. Political Psychology 19, Nr. 1 (März 1998): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00093.
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Avanza, Martina. „Using a Feminist Paradigm (Intersectionality) to Study Conservative Women: The Case of Pro-life Activists in Italy“. Politics & Gender 16, Nr. 2 (07.06.2019): 552–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18001034.
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AbstractThis article builds on ethnographic research concerning the Italian pro-life movement and argues for the use of intersectionality theory in studying conservative women. The article suggests, first, that understanding conservative movements necessitates linking their political claims to the social identities of their activists, as would be the case for any other social movement (e.g., feminism). These social identities are as complex and intersectional as any other: a white, upper-class pro-life activist is no less intersectional than a black feminist from a poor background. Concomitantly, there is no unique feminism, but rather a plurality of feminisms, a diversity that intersectionality facilitates the identification of. The same is true for pro-life movements, but scholars tend to use the singular form to talk about conservatism; in this article, I explore the use of the plural to show that pro-life women do not constitute a monolithic group. On the contrary, these women are diverse in terms of their reproductive stories, their working status, and their class, race, and sexual practices, and this diversity translates into different ways of being pro-life. Second, recognizing this complexity does not suggest a natural link between feminism and conservatism. Alternatively, I suggest that a better understanding of conservative women can only be reached if they are studied on their own terms.
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Chua, Lynette J. „Negotiating Social Norms and Relations in the Micromobilization of Human Rights: The Case of Burmese Lesbian Activism“. Law & Social Inquiry 41, Nr. 03 (2016): 643–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12206.
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This article provides the first sociolegal analysis of lesbian rights activism in Myanmar. It elucidates the processes through which a group of lesbian activists navigate sexual and gender norms that oppress lesbians as sexual minorities and as women while they use human rights discourse to carry out micromobilization work, organizing constituents and building up grassroots participation in Myanmar. It analyzes how the collective deployment of human rights encompasses resistance against social norms that pose organizing obstacles for activists and the negotiations of social relations to counter them. These micromobilization processes shape whether and how activists adopt human-rights-based strategies and tactics. Bringing together law and society scholarship and social movement studies, the article highlights the importance of understanding human rights mobilization by marginalized populations who face multiple, overlapping forms of oppression and contend with plural sources of power.
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Munro, Lyle. „Caring about Blood, Flesh, and Pain:Women's Standing in the Animal Protection Movement“. Society & Animals 9, Nr. 1 (2001): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853001300108982.
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AbstractUsing the results of a survey of animal rights activists, advocates, and supporters, the paper reveals much more convergence (80%) than divergence (20%) of attitudes and actions by male and female animal protectionists. Analysis of the divergence suggests that the differences between men and women in the movement are contingent upon such things as early socialization, gendered work and leisure patterns, affinity with companion animals, ambivalence about science, and a history of opposition to nonhuman animal abuse by generations of female activists and animal advocates. Aside from the feminist and women's movements and groups like Mothers Against Drunk Driving, it is rare to find a social movement in which the standing of women eclipses those of their male colleagues. The paper suggests that animal protection remains a bastion of female activism and advocacy because women care about blood, flesh, and pain and, unlike earlier generations of animal activists, no longer are seen as a liability to the success of the movement.
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Duniec, Krystyna. „On Rebel Women Writers of the Second Polish Republic About feminine emancipation after the First World War“. Papers of Social Pedagogy 10, Nr. 3 (01.02.2019): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0204.
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A fight for one's subjectivity, equality of civil rights, democracy of manners, empathy and own existential and social choices of women in the interwar period. Polish female playwrights as social and political activists in the defense of their own body and sexuality in the masculine, patriarchal-clerical order of social life.