Dissertationen zum Thema „Women in politics Australia“

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1

Huntley, Rebecca. „"Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)“. Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.

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2

Baines, Coral. „Politics and the family in Australia : liberalism and the oppression of women /“. Title page and contents only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb162.pdf.

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3

Tibe-Bonifacio, Glenda Lynna Anne. „Filipino women and their citizenship in Australia in search of political space /“. Access electronically, 2003. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041222.122054.

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4

Brankovich, Jasmina. „Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998“. University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
5

Miguda, Edith Atieno. „International catalyst and women's parliamentary recruitment : a comparative study of Kenya and Australia 1963-2002 /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm6362.pdf.

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6

Buttsworth, Sara. „Body count : the politics of representing the gendered body in combat in Australia and the United States“. University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2003. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0023.

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This thesis is an exploration of the construction of the gendered body in combat in the late twentieth century, in Australia and the United States of America. While it is not a military history, aspects of military history, and representations of war and warriors are used as the vehicle for the analysis of the politics of representing gender. The mythic, the material and the media(ted) body of the gendered warrior are examined in the realms of ‘real’ military histories and news coverage, and in the ‘speculative’ arena of popular culture. Through this examination, the continuities and ruptures inherent in the gendered narratives of war and warriors are made apparent, and the operation of the politics of representing gender in the public arena is exposed. I have utilised a number of different approaches from different disciplines in the construction of this thesis: feminist and non-feminist responses to women in the military; aspects of military histories and mythologies of war specific to Australia and the United States; theories on the construction of masculinities and femininities; approaches to gender identity in popular news media, film and television. Through these approaches I have sought to bring together the history of women in the military institutions of Australia and the United States, and examine the nexus between the expansion of women’s military roles and the emergence of the female warrior hero in popular culture. I have, as a result, analysed the constructions of masculinity and femininity that inform the ongoing association of the military with ‘quintessential masculinity’, and deconstructed the real and the mythic corporeal capacities of the gendered body so important to warrior identity. Regardless, or perhaps because of, the importance of gender politics played out in and through the representations of soldier identity, all their bodies must be considered speculative.
7

Syed, Shaheen Ashraf Shah. „Women's contested politics of presence : learning from the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57732/.

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This study provides a case study of women’s political representation in the National Parliament of Pakistan, where a particular form of the quota approach has been adapted in a highly gendered political context. By examining the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians, this thesis contributes to key academic literature on gender quotas and political representation that has received a considerable attention from feminist scholars. The aim of this thesis is to explore the extent to which women’s formal representation is translated into substantive change for women. This is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analyses of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of 20 women parliamentarians (out of 76) and proceedings of the parliament of the last three years (2008-11). By adapting Anne Phillips’s (1995) The Politics of Presence in entirely new and novel way, one of the major contributions this study claims to make to the theoretical literature is to analytically examine the effects of quotas from various aspects of political representation: descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation and from a broader perspectives than has hitherto been seen. It also addresses a major gap in the literature on the reasons why some quota women act more often than others in legislatures, and what factors contribute to the silence and suppression of Pakistani women leaders. It is argued that women’s presence in the political spheres is important, but that it is vital to take the particular context into account when judging whether women can and do act for women. This thesis shows that representation depends on various factors which can positively or negatively contribute towards substantive change. It also demonstrates that quotas may challenge existing gender dynamics and have various effects on women’s representation within and outside parliament. However, some gender and human rights issues may be difficult to tackle, especially those challenging the powerful feudal and tribal political elite (mainly men).
8

au, a. meerwald@yahoo com, und Agnes May Lin Meerwald. „Chineseness at the crossroads : negotiations of Chineseness and the politics of liminality in diasporic Chinese women's lives in Australia“. Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080116.113947.

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Chineseness at the crossroads examines how Chineseness is negotiated by diasporic Chinese women in Australia. I question the essentialist notions of Chineseness by deploying Homi Bhabha's theory of liminality. This concept of being neither here nor there helped me examine the women's ambiguous experiences of acceptance and rejection, within and across marginal and dominant Australian circles. My position disrupts the binaric frames that divide the old from the new, and the eastern from the western practices for cultural appropriation. It recognises instead the past and the present in the creation of new but familiar versions of Chineseness. I argue that essentialist norms are commuilicated through cultural semantics to inform how Chineseness is rehearsed. I assert that liminality exposes the power structures that inform these cultural semantics by disrupting the naturalised norms. I posit that the diasporic women's awareness of these interdependent processes enables them to question their practices and ideologies. I used an autoethnographic technique to collapse the divide between the researcher and the researched. It created a liminal space between the researcher and the researched. This subverted norms of the researcher as the archaeologist of knowledge by enabling the other women's narratives to tell their stories alongside mine. This methodological frame also serves as a prism to examine the intersections of gender, sexuality, family, relationships, language, education, class, age, and religion with Chineseness in the lives of the 39 Malaysian and Singaporean women interviewed. My results indicate that Chineseness is precarious and indeterminate, and specific to the particular moments of articulation at the crossroads of geopolitical and socioeconomic factors. The versions of Chineseness rehearsed are complexly influenced by the various cultural semantics that impact on the women's negotiations of who they are as diasporic Chinese women in Australia. I conclude with a discussion of how these results challenge current curriculum and pedagogical practices in English classrooms. I argue that a re-examination of these practices will contribute to a more inclusive Australia.
9

Johnston, Philippa. „The politics of poverty in Australia /“. Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arj73.pdf.

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10

Davies, Kerryn. „Women's suffrage in South Australia /“. Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ard2562.pdf.

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11

Spash, Clive L. „The Politics of Researching Carbon Trading in Australia“. WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4277/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2014_03.pdf.

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This paper explores the conflicts of interest present in science policy and how claims being made for evidence based science can be used to suppress critical social science research. The specific case presented concerns the attempts to ban and censor my work criticising the economics of carbon emissions trading while I was working for the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in Australia. The role of management and the Science Minister are documented through their own public statements. The case raises general issues about the role of epistemic communities in the production of knowledge, the potential for manipulation of information under the guise of quality control and the problems created by claiming a fact-value dichotomy in the science-policy interface. The implications go well beyond just climate change research and challenge how public policy is being formulated in modern industrial societies where scientific knowledge and corporate interests are closely intertwined. (author's abstract)
Series: SRE - Discussion Papers
12

Higgins, Jennifer R. 1952. „Vanguards of postmodernity : rethinking midlife women“. Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8896.

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13

Clark, Anna. „Teaching the nation : politics and pedagogy in Australian history /“. Connect to thesis, 2004. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000860.

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14

Hogarth, Jane T. „The politics of World Heritage listing in South Australia /“. Title page, table of contents and summary only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envH715.pdf.

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15

Grace, Felicity. „(Dis)continuous disadvantage : accounting for money, gender and sexuality in Australia /“. [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16170.pdf.

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16

McLean, Kirsten Elizabeth 1972. „Identifying as bisexual : life stories of Australian bisexual men and women“. Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5755.

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17

Hollingworth, Samantha. „The contraceptive behaviour of young women in Australia /“. St. Lucia, Qld, 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17767.pdf.

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18

Strehlow, Kathleen Stuart. „Aboriginal women in Central Australia, a preliminary account“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape2/PQDD_0025/MQ50372.pdf.

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19

au, kyliespear@optusnet com, und Kylie Murphy. „Bitch: The Politics of Angry Women“. Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.

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‘Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women’ investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women’s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
20

Murphy, Kylie. „Bitch : the politics of angry women /“. Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
21

Stormont, Diane. „Hong Kong : politics, women and power /“. Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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22

Taylor, Tracy Lynn School of History UNSW. „Women, sport and ethnicity: exploring experiences of difference in netball“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/17816.

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This thesis investigates how sports organisations and discourses have impacted on the sports participation of women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia. A series of national participation studies have documented that women from minority ethnic backgrounds have significantly lower participation rates in sports and physical activity than Anglo-Australian women. However, the explanations and dimensions of this difference have not been examined in previous research. The experiences of women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds are used in this thesis to explore sports discourses and organisation and the embodiments of their interrelationship. The present research proposes that sports organisations and discourses within Australia have historically served to marginalise women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. The arguments for this position are explored using a local narrative which details the situated nature of women????s experiences of sports. These experiences are located within a historical context that traces migration policies, the growth and development of sports and women????s social relations since white settlement of Australia. It is argued that contemporary sports discourses and organisation are inextricably tied to Australia????s colonial and imperialist past. Theories of ethnicity, gender and sports are analysed. The theoretical perspective taken in this thesis builds on feminist ideologies and ethnicity studies. Empirical analysis is undertaken using gender relations to situate sport as a site of cultural struggles best understood through investigations of history and diversity. Aspects of power, control and influence are central to this thesis. The empirical component of this thesis uses secondary data sources, surveys and interviews to investigate the research proposition. This is achieved on two levels. The first level interrogates existing data to create a macro level analysis of women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in sports. A survey of 972 schoolgirls was undertaken to collect information on sports participation and attitudes to sports. This was followed by 30 interviews with women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds that explored individual sports experiences and perspectives on sports. The second level of investigation employed the case study of netball to examine the research question as it related to a specific sports organisation. The case study component of the research involved document and archival analysis, a survey of 372 netball players and interviews with 18 women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds and former and current netball administrators. The thesis analyses the empirical data as it relates to the organisation and discourse of sports in Australia. The principal conclusion reached is that sports organisation and discourses are located within a societal power structure that places women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds on its margins. Sports participation is predicated on conformity to existing cultural practices and expectations and it does little to facilitate cultural diversity. The women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds who participated in the research did not perceive sports as particularly inclusive of gender and culture. The examination of netball demonstrated that netball has not been concerned with ????other???? women, rather it has focussed its efforts on appealing to ????mainstream???? women. While netball has not explicitly excluded the involvement of women from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, neither has it actively encouraged cultural diversity. This thesis makes a contribution to knowledge in the field of sports studies with its empirical research and through the ensuing development of a framework for locating the implications of inclusion or exclusion in sports organisations and discourses. This understanding can be used to assess and inform future sports policy development and practice. Principally, the thesis seeks to acknowledge and legitimise the sports experiences of women from diverse backgrounds and in doing so provides insights into a better theoretical understanding about the nexus of gender, ethnicity and sports.
23

Pasolli, Kelly E. „Policy legacies and child care politics in Australia and Canada“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101806.

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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.
"September 2015." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 58-63).
This study explores the puzzle of why Australia and Canada have followed significantly different paths in national-level child care policy despite their otherwise similar welfare state structures. Australia has developed a relatively generous system of public subsidies to support the provision of care for young children, while at the same time relying increasingly on the market to deliver child care. In contrast, Canada has extremely low levels of public spending and service provision, resulting in a less expansive system of regulated child care. I trace these divergent outcomes to the impact of post-WWII child care policy legacies in these countries and the way that these legacies interact with the changing politics of the welfare state to produce variation. In Canada, child care policy was first established within a social assistance framework as a service intended to combat poverty, while in Australia, child care was introduced as an economic policy to facilitate women's workforce participation. The differences in the intended goals of these policies affected the subsequent patterns of child care politics and policy development in these two countries, leading to the divergent outcomes observed today.
by Kelly E. Pasolli.
S.M.
24

Stendal, Grant. „The politics of productivity bargaining : the two-tier wage system case /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phs825.pdf.

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25

Holubowycz, Oksana T. „An Australian study of alcohol dependence in women : the significance of sex role identity, life event stress, social support, and other factors“. Title page, contents and summary only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh7585.pdf.

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26

Buckley, Amma. „Persecution complex : women, gender and refugee determination in Australia /“. [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16981.pdf.

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27

Rudd, Dianne Marie. „Women and migration : internal and international migration in Australia /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr914.pdf.

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28

Oxley, Deborah. „Convict maids : the forced migration of women to Australia /“. Cambridge : Cambridge university press, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37714745m.

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29

Birjandifar, Nazak. „Royal women and politics in Safavid Iran“. Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98540.

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This thesis is a study of two major figures among the royal Safavid women in the sixteenth century, with a special focus on their political activities and style of leadership. I examine the socio-political careers of Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and Mahd-i 'Ulya (d.987/1579) in connection with family and dynastic politics as well as the power struggle and factionalism among the qizilbash tribes. A detailed analysis of these powerful female political figures of the Safavid court leads one to conclude that first, royal women faced particularly complex social and personal restrictions, but nonetheless some managed - through their privileged status as upper-class women with access to education, wealth, and social and family networks - to advance their careers in politics. Second, these women were subject to the political rules and games of their time but faced additional impediments, for they competed with other women such as co-wives, sisters-in-law and others for social recognition and influence, at times leading to the ruthless elimination of female and male rivals. Third, Safavid women came to play an active role in shaping central political decisions and the succession of sovereigns. This reflects not merely gendered semi-nomadic Turcoman roles but also urban Iranian-Islamic transitional traditions which are comparable to Ottoman and 'Abbasid counterparts.
30

Kayser, Barbara J. „Politics or piety, the women of Pakistan“. Thesis, Drew University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3615832.

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My dissertation is on how the combination of religious law and constitutional law in Pakistan affects the daily lives of the women living there. The time frame to be discussed is from Pakistan's inception as a country in 1947 through the most prominent regimes that changed the Constitutional law, i.e. to the mid 1980's. During this epoch, Pakistan adopted Shari'a Law (law based on the Islamic faith) into its constitution. By chronicling the historic development of Pakistan's Constitution, I will show a correspondence between the specific laws and amendments with the attrition of women's rights in Pakistan and the deterioration of the quality of their lives. Although, Shari'a Law is based on the teachings of Islam, I contend these laws run contrary to the traditions and directives of the sacred texts, the Qur'an, Hadith (recorded oral traditions), and Sunnah (habits and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). By tracing specific Shari'a laws back to their roots and investigate the circumstances that impact Pakistani women to ascertain if they indeed burden, restrict, and quite possibly, endanger the lives of Pakistani women, and furthermore, violate the principles taught by the Prophet Muhammad, who exhorted to his followers, "Be kind to your women." The Constitution of Pakistan claims it provides equal rights for its citizens by proclaiming all people are equal (Preamble of the Constitution #8). I argue that the oppression of women in Pakistan can be linked directly to the introduction of Shari'a Law into the Pakistani Constitution and Shari'a Law is being used to justify the poor treatment of women, but it is in fact a distortion of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, women's lack of civil rights in Pakistan is attributable to male chauvinism that is based in culture, rather than religion. What can be done to reconcile the gender discrimination in Shari'a Law with parity for all citizens stated by the Constitution?

31

Dancz, Virginia H. „Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia /“. Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.

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32

Ziyambi, Gabriel. „Commissioned women soldiers and politics in Zimbabwe“. University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8146.

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Masters of Art
The Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), are strongly interlinked in politics since independence, that is, the Army largely functions as the military wing of the party (ZANU-PF) and the state. The ZNA is also deeply involved in civilian politics. This study examines the experiences of commissioned women soldiers, as well as their understandings of power and politics in the ZNA. While many male soldiers are in positions of power and authority in the military, party, state, and civilian politics, commissioned women soldiers are marginalised in all of these areas. The role and position of women soldiers in this regard nevertheless remain under-researched. In this thesis I interrogate the complex processes and relations of power which discipline women soldiers and exclude them from processes of power and politics in the ZNA. I argue that there are various practice and discourses which affect women soldiers’ roles in the military. To do so, I draw on Foucault’s (1977) work on power/ knowledge, particularly the concepts of practices, relations, power and panopticism to examine how woman soldiers’ aspirations regarding power and politics are monitored and restricted in the military. I also draw on Enloe’s (2000) work on power politics and Sasson-Levy’s (2003) work on military gendered practices as interpretive and critical paradigmatic approaches to analyse how women experience hegemonic military masculinities in- and outside the army. The study employed ethnographic methods such as life histories, in-depth interviews and informal conversations with ten commissioned women soldiers in the ZNA. These methods were triangulated to corroborate responses from research participants and the data was thematically analysed
33

Sammut, Jeremy 1971. „The quest for civic virtue : citizenship and politics in federal Australia“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7610.

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34

Lunn, Sandra. „The politics of and the effects of compulsory superannuation in Australia /“. Title page, abstract and contents only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl9632.pdf.

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35

Mould, Catherine. „Childbirth, choice and culture : the politics of birth in South Australia /“. Title page, abstract and contents only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9259.pdf.

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36

Vasey, Katherine Elizabeth. „A country welcome : emotional wellbeing and belonging among Iraqi women in rural Australia /“. Connect to thesis, 2006. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00002889.

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37

Cranwell, Caresse. „Women, environments and spirituality : a study of women in the Australian environment movement“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envc891.pdf.

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38

Maher, Simon. „The 'citizens' and 'citizenship' debates 'vernacular citizenship' and contemporary Australian politics and society /“. Access electronically, 2006. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20070821.160030/index.html.

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39

Kannan, Sharmini, und mikewood@deakin edu au. „Pappadums in paradise? Journeys of Indian migrant women to Australia“. Deakin University. School of Communication and Creative Arts, 2002. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.113531.

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The blue glass is always the hardest to find. On the beach you catch the waves bringing back the glass from forgotten tossed bottles, frosted green, clear, or mottled pale brown. But the blue glass - that's the real thing. I search for days without finding any. Sometimes there are slivers; other days, small chunks. Like a beachcomber, I comb the sands for it. I take the glass home and make some into jewellery and touchstones for people to hang on to; pour essential oils on others so the scents waft heavenward and meld together with the glass to form a bond. Words are like that. They can fuse with each other and ignite, or just quietly combine, On sunny days, I take my books with me to the beach. I toss words back and forth in my mind, like churning waves. I cobble them together, A phrase here. A sentence there. The water. The sun. The sand. The glass. The words. The paper. The Connection. I find myself enveloped in it all. The glass is from bottles tossed into the surf by unthinking people - picnickers, vacationers, those who don't have to return here and live with the remnants of their actions. Over time, the broken glass is ground and moulded by the action of the waves; the sharp edges are softened and etched by the sand and water, The sea glass is washed up on shore and picked up by beachcombers. Some recycle it for other uses like me; others just keep it as a reminder of a day at the beach. The words I sift through as I sit on the sand are measured in the sea glass. I pick each word up and look through it to see how much light shines through. What use do 1 have for it? A poem? An essay? A fragment of a sentence, for something to be said in the future? I watch the sun rest uneasily on its bed of water and slide slowly, farther down. I know the hot summer is coming to a close and I am loath to let go of the closeness I feel with nature. I live to find the blue glass, and sometimes it just happens. My search for Indian migrant women was like my quest for the blue glass. It was not an easy task. It became a process of rummaging through other people's lives, searching for fragments and relics. Eventually I was able to fit pieces together to form a mosaic of their lives in that other time, that other place. And also in this present time, in this place they now call home, Australia.
40

Stanton, Richard. „Saga city : patterns of influence in politics, public relations and journalism : professional communicators in a regional city“. Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/6601.

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41

Jeffrey, Leslie Ann Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. „Women, politics and prostitution; prostitution legislation in Canada, 1867-1913“. Ottawa, 1992.

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42

Birch, Elisa Rose. „The determinants of labour supply and fertility behaviour : a study of Australian women“. UWA Business School, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0061.

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There are many potential determinants of women?s labour supply including wages, unearned income, human capital endowments, demographic characteristics and family traits. Fertility behaviour, including the number of children and age of children, is also an important factor in women’s labour supply decisions. Many factors which affect women’s decisions on participating in the labour market and hours of work are also key influences on their decisions on starting a family and having a desired number of children. This thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of the determinants of labour supply and fertility behaviour of Australian women. Using cross-sectional data, labour supply models corrected for sample selection bias, and fertility models examining different aspects of family size, the thesis finds that women’s labour supply decisions are largely influenced by their wages and fertility behaviour. Their decisions on completed fertility, starting a family and having additional children are largely influenced by their actual or potential wages.
43

Gow, John F. „The construction of hegemony a world-historical study of Australian politics and external relations 1932-1988 /“. Nathan, Qld. : Division of Humanities, Griffith University, 1990. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050905.162633/.

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44

Styrkársdóttir, Auður. „From feminism to class politics the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922 /“. [Umeå] : Umeå University : Dept. of Political Science, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=jFE_AAAAMAAJ.

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45

Wilson, Heather Belle. „Women, faith and reform in late nineteenth century South Australia /“. Title page, contents and introduction only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw748.pdf.

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46

Burton, Erika del Pilar. „Women Rule, But Do They Make A Difference? Women in Politics, Social Policy and Social Conditions in Latin America“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1860.

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Since the transitions to democracy in Latin America, women in the region have undergone major changes in their roles in society. From traditionally only present in the home to participating in collective action efforts, and finally participating at increasing numbers in governments, women have made incredible strides in the Latin American region. Latin American countries have successfully advocated for the inclusion of women in government, but few studies in academia focus on determining whether their inclusion has made a difference in government processes or in society. Borrowing from the literature positing that women are behaviorally different from men as well as their identification with motherhood and as wives in their collective action efforts in Latin America, I argue that women have different concerns from men both outside and inside of the public sphere and therefore make a difference in government with regards to policy priorities and government budget allocations. Studying 18 Latin American countries, I find that there is a gender gap in public opinion, which demonstrates that women are more concerned with social welfare matters than men. I also find that female concerns are carried into their behavior once in government as observed by female legislators’ heightened support for social welfare policies. Furthermore, I find that women in legislatures affect government behavior differently from their male counterparts as observed with female legislators’ positive effects on the allocation of the budget towards social welfare areas.
47

Connelly, James Timothy. „Ordained ministry as a second career : a study of attitudes and practices within the Anglican Church in Victoria and Tasmania“. Monash University, Faculty of Arts, 2004. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5325.

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48

Caines, Rebecca English Media &amp Performing Arts Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. „Troubling spaces: The politics of ???New??? community-based guerrilla performance in Australia“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/36750.

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This thesis examines the politics of twenty-first century ???guerrilla??? performance. It historicises site-specific, political performance by examining ???guerrilla??? art forms from the 1960s to the present. It argues that recent community-based, site-specific performance events can be seen as a ???new??? type of guerrilla work, as they utilise techniques which challenge public space, authorship and control without resorting to traditional guerrilla forms of didactic street protest. The author establishes two main political tactics of the community-based guerrilla artist. The first is the utilisation of a problematised definition of ???community??? and the second is an understanding of physical, conceptual and experiential ???space??? as open to intervention. Community-based performance and site-specific art practices are investigated and space and community are placed into critical theoretical frameworks using post-structural and spatiality theory. The author then argues that post-structured communities which are based on an ethics of difference can trouble and create site, conceptual space and place (site/concept/place) through contemporary guerrilla performance events. Three examples of community-based guerrilla performance in Australia are examined. The first case study explores Western Sydney based Urban Theatre Projects and their 1997 performance event TrackWork. The second focuses on community-based hip-hop artist Morganics and his facilitation of two hip-hop tracks Down River and The Block in 2001. The third considers US theatre director Peter Sellars??? problematic curation of the 2002 Adelaide Festival of the Arts. In all three case studies, guerrilla artists are shown working with post-structured communities to challenge and trouble site/concept/place in order to improve the lives of their participants and audiences. This thesis proposes new post-structural frameworks for the powerful presence of community and site in performance events, thus contributing to performance and cultural studies and to the emerging field of community-based performance scholarship.
49

Ziaian, Tahereh. „The psychological effects of migration on Persian women immigrants in Australia /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phz64.pdf.

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50

Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics &amp International Relations UNSW. „The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.

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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.

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