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1
Loudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.
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2
Battista-Kerle, Maria. "Women and politics : a study of women trained in a political leadership setting /." Pittsburgh : University of Pittsburgh, 2007. http://etd.library.pitt.edu/ETD/available/etd-05142007-184221/unrestricted/Maria_ETD2007_final.pdf.
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Weston, Sarah Elizabeth. "Political voice as embodied performance : young women, politics and engagement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21546/.
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In this thesis I argue that a focus on the embodied voice can be used as a tool of political intervention. Specifically focusing on how young women engage politically, I explore to what extent voice training can help young women notice the relationship between physiological tensions in their voice and repressive social and political structures. Furthermore, I argue that voice training can support young women in creating political performances that resist these repressions. I identify that in both practices that engage young women in the political and in much applied theatre work the embodied voice is largely unconsidered. Instead these fields focus on voice in its metaphoric sense. I demonstrate the term ‘political voice’ must also consider the way the voice can be repressed or liberated physiologically. This is a theorisation of political voice drawing together the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu with the practices of voice technique. I designed and delivered a series of workshops with young women combining technique, drama exercises and political discussion, from which I draw several conclusions relevant to how we practice voice with young women. Firstly, voice training can be used to help young women understand the concept of habitus. This is important as I argue this is a process of political ‘noticing’, where young women can see that any perceived deficiencies in their voices are not the result of personal failure, but because of the ways in which the social has structured their voice. Secondly, voice training can help young people articulate these repressions and furthermore use the voice to vocalise against these repressions. This was clear in how aspects of the tensionless voice that my participants discovered through training manifested in how they represented political engagement in their devised performances. Accordingly, I argue that voice training is an act of political intervention.
4
Xydias, Christina V. "Women Representing Women?: Pathways to Substantive Representation." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.
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au, kyliespear@optusnet com, and Kylie Murphy. "Bitch: The Politics of Angry Women." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.
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Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of womens battle to gain power.
Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy.
Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space.
I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
6
Stormont, Diane. "Hong Kong : politics, women and power /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.
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Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch: the politics of angry women." Thesis, Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/217/.
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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power.
Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy.
Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space.
I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch : the politics of angry women /." Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.
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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power.
Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy.
Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space.
I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Agarwala, Vidyawati. "Women and politics : a study of Indian women parliamentarians (1952-1996)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/133.
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Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.
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This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
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Jeffrey, Leslie Ann Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Women, politics and prostitution; prostitution legislation in Canada, 1867-1913." Ottawa, 1992.
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Höen, Bustos Emma. "When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.
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This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation. Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.
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Birjandifar, Nazak. "Royal women and politics in Safavid Iran." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98540.
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This thesis is a study of two major figures among the royal Safavid women in the sixteenth century, with a special focus on their political activities and style of leadership. I examine the socio-political careers of Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and Mahd-i 'Ulya (d.987/1579) in connection with family and dynastic politics as well as the power struggle and factionalism among the qizilbash tribes. A detailed analysis of these powerful female political figures of the Safavid court leads one to conclude that first, royal women faced particularly complex social and personal restrictions, but nonetheless some managed - through their privileged status as upper-class women with access to education, wealth, and social and family networks - to advance their careers in politics. Second, these women were subject to the political rules and games of their time but faced additional impediments, for they competed with other women such as co-wives, sisters-in-law and others for social recognition and influence, at times leading to the ruthless elimination of female and male rivals. Third, Safavid women came to play an active role in shaping central political decisions and the succession of sovereigns. This reflects not merely gendered semi-nomadic Turcoman roles but also urban Iranian-Islamic transitional traditions which are comparable to Ottoman and 'Abbasid counterparts.
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Kayser, Barbara J. "Politics or piety, the women of Pakistan." Thesis, Drew University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3615832.
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<p> My dissertation is on how the combination of religious law and constitutional law in Pakistan affects the daily lives of the women living there. The time frame to be discussed is from Pakistan's inception as a country in 1947 through the most prominent regimes that changed the Constitutional law, i.e. to the mid 1980's. During this epoch, Pakistan adopted Shari'a Law (law based on the Islamic faith) into its constitution. By chronicling the historic development of Pakistan's Constitution, I will show a correspondence between the specific laws and amendments with the attrition of women's rights in Pakistan and the deterioration of the quality of their lives. Although, Shari'a Law is based on the teachings of Islam, I contend these laws run contrary to the traditions and directives of the sacred texts, the Qur'an, Hadith (recorded oral traditions), and Sunnah (habits and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). By tracing specific Shari'a laws back to their roots and investigate the circumstances that impact Pakistani women to ascertain if they indeed burden, restrict, and quite possibly, endanger the lives of Pakistani women, and furthermore, violate the principles taught by the Prophet Muhammad, who exhorted to his followers, "Be kind to your women." The Constitution of Pakistan claims it provides equal rights for its citizens by proclaiming all people are equal (Preamble of the Constitution #8). I argue that the oppression of women in Pakistan can be linked directly to the introduction of Shari'a Law into the Pakistani Constitution and Shari'a Law is being used to justify the poor treatment of women, but it is in fact a distortion of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, women's lack of civil rights in Pakistan is attributable to male chauvinism that is based in culture, rather than religion. What can be done to reconcile the gender discrimination in Shari'a Law with parity for all citizens stated by the Constitution?</p>
15
Ziyambi, Gabriel. "Commissioned women soldiers and politics in Zimbabwe." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8146.
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Masters of Art<br>The Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), are strongly interlinked in politics since independence, that is, the Army largely functions as the military wing of the party (ZANU-PF) and the state. The ZNA is also deeply involved in civilian politics. This study examines the experiences of commissioned women soldiers, as well as their understandings of power and politics in the ZNA. While many male soldiers are in positions of power and authority in the military, party, state, and civilian politics, commissioned women soldiers are marginalised in all of these areas. The role and position of women soldiers in this regard nevertheless remain under-researched. In this thesis I interrogate the complex processes and relations of power which discipline women soldiers and exclude them from processes of power and politics in the ZNA. I argue that there are various practice and discourses which affect women soldiers’ roles in the military. To do so, I draw on Foucault’s (1977) work on power/ knowledge, particularly the concepts of practices, relations, power and panopticism to examine how woman soldiers’ aspirations regarding power and politics are monitored and restricted in the military. I also draw on Enloe’s (2000) work on power politics and Sasson-Levy’s (2003) work on military gendered practices as interpretive and critical paradigmatic approaches to analyse how women experience hegemonic military masculinities in- and outside the army. The study employed ethnographic methods such as life histories, in-depth interviews and informal conversations with ten commissioned women soldiers in the ZNA. These methods were triangulated to corroborate responses from research participants and the data was thematically analysed
16
Dancz, Virginia H. "Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia /." Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.
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Bazylinski, Alison Rose. "Fabric Makes The Woman: Rural Women And The Politics Of Textile Knowledge." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444476.
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Rural women relied on their knowledge of fabric despite rapid changes in the women’s clothing, textile, and fashion industries. They created narratives of personal and group identity through their lived experience of dress, drawing on textile knowledge to make fabrics serve their distinct needs. Three broadly defined groups interested in the relationship between fabric and female identity played significant roles in shaping textile discourses in the early twentieth century: rural, predominantly white female middle-class consumers, mediators (in the form of home economists, government agencies, and consumer advocacy groups), and business executives in the fashion and textile industries who shaped and directed the production of fabric and clothing. These groups produced different, and at times competing, forms of textile knowledge which shaped discussions and understandings of dress as a lived experience. This dissertation examines three types of fabric – cotton, silk, and rayon – to interrogate the relationships between people and fabric as part of the interconnected processes of production and consumption, as well in connection to trends in changes in taste, aesthetics, and personal presentation. The chapters operate as case studies of a specific fabric, tracing change over time within each chapter. Each chapter considers distinctions between usage while simultaneously tracing how rural women used each textile to gain knowledge and have their perspectives taken seriously.
18
Parks, Madison Marie. "Self-Framing of Women in U.S. Politics on Instagram." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2020. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/9044.
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This study explored how women involved in U.S. politics visually framed themselves on their Instagram pages. While recent research in political communications examined the use of Facebook and Twitter, few studies assessed Instagram's role in the game of politics. Guided by political and visual framing theories, a quantitative content analysis of Instagram posts (N = 1,947) from women involved in U.S. politics was conducted. This examination allowed for an exploration of how these public figures framed themselves on Instagram and the extent to which they shared personal content, despite their varied involvement in U.S. politics. Results showed that: both Democrat and Republican women shared political content more often than personal content; Instagram affords a visual-first emphasis for different political issues; and women most often framed themselves as the credible, ideal stateswoman, while still showcasing their personality. Implications for this study affirm Instagram as a legitimate political communications platform, despite its reputation as a food and travel haven.
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Styrkársdóttir, Auður. "From feminism to class politics the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922 /." [Umeå] : Umeå University : Dept. of Political Science, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=jFE_AAAAMAAJ.
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Hill, Adrienne C. "Spatial Awarishness: Queer Women and the Politics of Fat Embodiment." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1257110459.
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Collins, Clare L. "Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.
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Zulfiqar, Chaudhry Sadia. "African women writers and the politics of gender." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5202/.
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This thesis examines the work of a group of African women writers who have emerged over the last forty years. While figures such as Chinua Achebe, Ben Okri and Wole Soyinka are likely to be the chief focus of discussions of African writing, female authors have been at the forefront of fictional interrogations of identity formation and history. In the work of authors such as Mariama Bâ (Senegal), Buchi Emecheta (Nigeria), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (Nigeria), Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe), and Leila Aboulela (Sudan), there is a clear attempt to subvert the tradition of male writing where the female characters are often relegated to the margins of the culture, and confined to the domestic, private sphere. This body of work has already generated a significant number of critical responses, including readings that draw on gender politics and colonialism; but it is still very much a minor literature, and most mainstream western feminism has not sufficiently processed it. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. First, it draws together some of the most important and influential African women writers of the post-war period and looks at their work, separately and together, in terms of a series of themes and issues, including marriage, family, polygamy, religion, childhood, and education. Second, it demonstrates how African literature produced by women writers is explicitly and polemically engaged with urgent political issues that have both local and global resonance: the veil, Islamophobia and a distinctively African brand of feminist critique. Third, it revisits Fredric Jameson’s claim that all third-world texts are ‘national allegories’ and considers these novels by African women in relation to Jameson’s claim, arguing that their work has complicated Jameson’s assumptions.
23
Aradau, Claudia. "Politics out of security : rethinking trafficking in women." Thesis, n.p, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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AXINIA, Anca Diana. "Women and politics in the Romanian Legionary Movement." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73796.
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Defence date: 13 January 2022<br>Examining Board: Professor Laura L. Downs, (European University Institute); Professor Pieter M. Judson, European University Institute); Professor Irina Livezeanu, (University of Pittsburgh); Professor Kevin Passmore, (University of Cardiff)<br>This thesis examines women’s participation in the Legionary Movement or Iron Guard, a far-right, anti-Semitic movement active in interwar Romania. Over four chapters, I analyze how the participation of women changed over time, the different forms this participation took, and how these different forms shaped and redefined political relations within the movement. The first chapter focuses on women’s participation in the student activism that characterized Romanian universities throughout the interwar period. University politics played a major role in the origins, development, and self-image of the Legionary Movement. The chapter follows the evolution of the movement’s use of university politics through the lens of increasing female participation. The second chapter is entirely devoted to the exploration of family relations in the Legionary Movement’s ideology and experience. In the third chapter, I analyze the open support or sympathy for the Legionary Movement held among the intellectual elites of Bucharest, the aristocracy, and, finally, among some feminist circles. Gender and class dynamics are inseparable in the analysis of the political beliefs and activity of the women protagonists of this chapter, whose support of or sympathy for the Legion complicates the notion of membership and opens different perspectives on the intersection of gender and class within the movement. Finally, the fourth chapter explores the adoption and adaptation by some legionary women and, especially, by the more formal feminine section, of violence as a form of political action. What emerges from this study is the experimental nature of women’s participation, the constant redefinition of its forms and limits. Moving in an ideological framework designed for them by men, women found their space(s) of agency at the interplay of discourse and practice, through the opportunities for political action offered by the complexity of lived experience.
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Burton, Erika del Pilar. "Women Rule, But Do They Make A Difference? Women in Politics, Social Policy and Social Conditions in Latin America." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1860.
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Since the transitions to democracy in Latin America, women in the region have undergone major changes in their roles in society. From traditionally only present in the home to participating in collective action efforts, and finally participating at increasing numbers in governments, women have made incredible strides in the Latin American region. Latin American countries have successfully advocated for the inclusion of women in government, but few studies in academia focus on determining whether their inclusion has made a difference in government processes or in society. Borrowing from the literature positing that women are behaviorally different from men as well as their identification with motherhood and as wives in their collective action efforts in Latin America, I argue that women have different concerns from men both outside and inside of the public sphere and therefore make a difference in government with regards to policy priorities and government budget allocations. Studying 18 Latin American countries, I find that there is a gender gap in public opinion, which demonstrates that women are more concerned with social welfare matters than men. I also find that female concerns are carried into their behavior once in government as observed by female legislators’ heightened support for social welfare policies. Furthermore, I find that women in legislatures affect government behavior differently from their male counterparts as observed with female legislators’ positive effects on the allocation of the budget towards social welfare areas.
26
Sutton, Barbara. "Body politics and women's consciousness in Argentina /." view abstract or download file of text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3153798.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-428). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Pozlovská, Zuzana. "Zastoupení žen v politice: případová studie Česká republika." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71985.
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The thesis is about the representation of the women in the politics, especially in The Czech Republic. The goal is to answer on the question, if this approach depends on the position of the political party on the ideological left-right spectrum. First the thesis is focused on the development of the women's position in the society since the 18th century and on the women's right struggle within feminism. The second part of thesis presents the methods, which support the women's political activity. The last capture analyzes the approach to the women in politics of seven political parties, which won the seat in the Chamber of Deputies in Parliament of The Czech Republic in the years 2006 and 2010. It compares their approach to policy of equal gender representation in the party's documents and in the reality. The result of the analysis is that the power of the party is more important than its position on left-right spectrum in the approach to women. The more powerful party is the less opportunities have the women in politics.
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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.
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Barry, Anne-Marie. "Women, politics and participation : a study of women and the Labour Party 1979-1987." Thesis, University of York, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238650.
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Shin, Young-Tae. "The invisible and the visible : women and politics in Japan /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10794.
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Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.
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Fairio, Mary. "Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399559917.
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Rajiva, Mythili. "Identity and politics, second generation ethnic women in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq20946.pdf.
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Moore, Linda Miriam Georgina. "Gender counts : men, women and electoral politics, 1893-1919." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4342.
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Gender has seldom been considered in accounts of electoral politics and voting in early
twentieth century New Zealand. This thesis approaches the question of gender and electoral
politics in three ways. The first is a case-study of the 1893 election campaign in Christchurch
based on qualitative data. Gender threaded through both political organisation and debates in
this election campaign. Men and women organized separately and invoked gender difference
in the discussion of election issues. The second approach is a quantitative study across time
and space comparing men's and women's participation rates in general elections from 1893
until 1954. Women's turnout was significantly lower than men's in the 1890s, but the
difference had largely disappeared by the late 1940s. Moreover, although broad social
changes increased women's participation relative to men's, factors such as party organisation
and the nature and content of political debates were also important. The third approach is a
statistical analysis comparing men's and women's voting preferences on the liquor issue and
for the political parties at electorate level from 1893 until 1919. The analysis is of an
ecological nature. It is designed to overcome the absence of individual-level voting data and
to limit the ecological fallacy problem which is the error of assuming that relationships
evident at the group level reflect relationships at the individual or sub-group level. The thesis
reviews and trials five methods for ecological inference: Goodman's ecological regression,
King's parametric and non-parametric methods, a semi-parametric method and the
homogeneous method. King's non-parametric method is then used to estimate men's and
women's support for Liberal, Reform and opposition candidates and for and against
prohibition from 1893 until 1919. Significant differences between men's and women's
preferences are revealed by the estimates. Together these three approaches indicate that
gender was an important factor in election politics of the early twentieth century.
35
Milling, Jane Rebecca. "The performance and politics of seventeenth century women dramatists." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388603.
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Ara, Fardaus [Verfasser]. "Women in Electoral Politics. Does Development Matter? / Fardaus Ara." München : GRIN Verlag, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1238431860/34.
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Newell, Deaneen M. "Women staging change dissimulation and cultural politics in Mexico /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162978.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, 2005.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Dec. 2, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-02, Section: A, page: 0608. Chair: Catherine Larson.
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Kim, Hyun Mee. "Labor, politics and the women subject in contemporary Korea /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6404.
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Nankervis, Rose Amber. "The Misrepresentation and Underrepresentation of Women in U.S. Politics." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/271619.
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The underrepresentation and misrepresentation of women in United States politics are conditions that have existed for centuries. Women have been underrepresented because of the perceptions masculinism and gender hierarchy have created. These ideologies privilege men and masculine qualities, which puts women at a disadvantage. Research has shown that women are just as successful as men when running for office. Women, however, remain underrepresented primarily because they choose not to run. A few reasons why women choose not to run are that their roles as wives and mothers may interfere with their candidacies and they tend to have less money, fewer political contacts, and less appropriate employment histories. Aside from women choosing not to run, there are some other reasons why women are underrepresented in United States politics and these are referred to as barriers that need to be overcome. Some of these barriers are social and gendered stereotypes, incumbency, sex discrimination and the political system itself. These barriers pose a problem because they deter women from running for office and they keep the women who run from succeeding. Women have successfully weakened many of these barriers but there is still progress to be made in order for them to reach parity.
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BERTOLLI, CHIARA. "Women, executive powers and stereotypes: female underrepresentation in politics." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3453917.
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L’obiettivo di questa dissertazione è indagare il ruolo di stereotipi di genere, che dipingono le donne, rispetto agli uomini, come meno competenti e adatte al mondo politico. Il lavoro è diviso in tre sezioni; nel primo capitolo descriverò il modello della minaccia dello stereotipo (Steele & Aronson, 1995) ed esplorerò alcune delle sue implementazioni empiriche. Dopo di che, presenterò due studi in cui testiamo l’effetto di una condizione di ST su di un test definito diagnostico di abilità politiche. Letteratura precedente ha esplorato l’effetto dello stereotype threat sulla conoscenza politica (e.g. Mcglone et al., 2006) e sull’ambizione politica (e.g. Pruysers & Blais, 2017), ma non si è mai concentrata sull’effetto su competenza e abilità. Nonostante non siano emerse differenze nella prestazione di uomini e donne nelle due condizioni (ST vs. controllo), sono state analizzate differenze individuali nell’attribuzione di stereotipi di genere sia a livello implicito che esplicito. A questo scopo ho sviluppato una nuova misura implicita, implementando il ‘single attribute implicit association test’ (Penke et al., 2006). Abbiamo misurato la credenza nello stereotipo politico di genere anche ad un livello esplicito (questionario ad hoc). Non è emerso un effetto di moderazione per nessuna di queste variabili tra l’esposizione alla minaccia e la performance politica. Nel secondo capitolo abbiamo preso in considerazione uno stereotipo più preciso che potrebbe demotivare le donne e la loro intenzione di accedere al mondo politico. Nello specifico, abbiamo esposto i partecipanti allo stereotipo che associa più facilmente gli uomini all’essere carismatici, rispetto che le donne. Dopo aver dimostrato lo stereotipo ‘carisma = uomini’, abbiamo preso come background teorico il Field specific Ability Belief model (Cimpian & Leslie, 2015; 2017). Considerato il requisito di essere carismatico per essere un buon politico e l’esistenza di uno stereotipo che considera gli uomini come più carismatici rispetto alle donne, il modello FAB potrebbe contribuire all’analisi della sotto rappresentazione delle donne in politica. Questo ci ha portato a testare empiricamente se l’essere esposto alla necessità di essere carismatico (vs dedito/onesto) per avere successo nel mondo politico possa predire la preferenza per un candidato uomo (vs. femmina). Le nostre ipotesi non sono state confermate dai dati. Anche in questa sezione ci siamo concentrate su variabili individuali che potrebbero definire in maniera più chiara l’attribuzione di stereotipi di genere in politica, ossia l’orientamento alla dominanza sociale (Ho et al., 2015), la dominanza maschile (MNRI, Levant et al., 2007). Inoltre, abbiamo costruito una scala ad hoc che misura la preferenza per gli uomini in ruoli politici (Belief in the traditional male norms). Le tre variabili non sono emerse moderare la relazione tra condizione (carisma vs. dedizione/onestà) e la percezione di adeguatezza di un candidato uomo vs. donna per un ruolo politico. Verranno discussi i limiti e i punti di forza di queste misure. Infine, nell’ultima sezione, abbiamo spostato la nostra attenzione da possibili antecedenti all’intenzione di accedere al mondo politico a possibili antecedenti all’abbandono di ruoli politici. A tal fine, abbiamo raccolto dati da una popolazione di politici, impegnati nei diversi livelli del potere esecutivo. Nello specifico, abbiamo analizzato variabili di stato riguardo al loro benessere e alla percezione di essere competenti e/o discriminati (quindi variabili non di tratto ma legate alla loro vita politica). Il nostro obiettivo è colmare la mancanza in letteratura di studi che analizzano differenze di genere nello sperimentare stati di ansia nella vita politica. A sostegno delle nostre ipotesi, è emerso un ambiente politico più stressante per le donne rispetto che per gli uomini.<br>The overall aim of this PhD dissertation is to investigate the role of some stereotypes that make women feel less competent and suitable for political positions compared to men. The work is divided into three sections; in the first chapter, I will define the Stereotype Threat (ST, Steele & Aronson, 1995) model and explore some of its empirical implementations. Afterwards, I will present two studies in which we test the effect of a stereotype threat manipulation on a test diagnostic of political abilities. Previous literature explored the effect of ST on political knowledge (e.g. Mcglone et al., 2006) and political ambition (e.g. Pruysers & Blais, 2017), but it has never focused its attention the effect on competence and ability. Even though in both study 1 and study 2, we did not find any differences between female and male participants in the two conditions (stereotype threat vs. control) we investigated the role of individual differences in gender political stereotyping both at the implicit and at the explicit level. For this purpose, I developed a novel measure of implicit stereotyping, employing the single attribute implicit association test procedure (SA-IAT). I also measured the endorsement of the politics gender stereotype using an explicit measure ad hoc questionnaire. We did not find that these variables moderate the effect of ST on political performance. In the second chapter we took into account a more specific stereotype which could demotivate women from the intention to access the political world. Specifically, I analyzed the stereotype that sees women less charismatic compared to men. After having demonstrated the ‘charisma = man’ stereotype we took as a theorical framework the Field specific Ability Belief model (FAB model, Cimpian & Leslie, 2015; 2017). Given the requirement of charisma to be a good politician and the endorsement of the stereotype that men are more charismatic than women, the FAB model could contribute to the understanding of female underrepresentation in politics. This led us to empirically test whether being exposed to the necessity of being charismatic (vs. dedicated/honest) in order to succeed in the political world would predict a preference for a male candidate (vs. female candidate). Our hypotheses were not supported by the data. In this second section, we also took into account individual variables which could further contribute to the cognitive processes implicated in the political gender stereotyping, i.e. the Social Dominance Orientation (Ho et al., 2015), the Male Dominance sub factor of the MNRI (Levant et al., 2007). Moreover, we constructed an ad hoc scale measuring the preference for men in political roles (Belief in the traditional male norms, BTMN). The three variables did not moderate the relationship between the condition (charisma vs. dedication/honesty) and the perception of a male/female candidate adequacy for a political role. Limits and strengths of these measures will be discussed. Finally, in the last section, we moved our attention from possible antecedents to the female entrance to politics, to possible antecedents to the dropout of women from political roles. For this purpose, we collected data from a sample of politicians enrolled at different levels of executive power. Specifically, we took into account state variables (i.e. not related to personality traits of the participants but related to the political experience) about well-being and the perception of being competent or discriminated. Our aim was to respond to this lack of literature exploring gender differences in the experience of political anxiety. Consistently with our hypotheses, we found that the political environment is more stressful for female politicians compared to male politicians.
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Hanada, Nanaho. "A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.
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Sultana, Aleya Mousumi. "Women and politics at the grassroots : a study of the role of women in Uttar Dinajpur district." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1324.
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Kenny, Meryl. "Gendering institutions : the political recruitment of women in post-devolution Scotland." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4044.
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Both feminist and mainstream political science has taken an institutional ‘turn’, opening up possibilities for dialogue between the two fields. Yet, despite sharing a number of common interests and preoccupations, there has been little interplay between mainstream new institutionalist scholars and feminist political scientists working on institutions. This thesis attempts to fill this gap and evaluates the potential for theoretical synthesis between feminist gender analysis and new institutional theory. It argues that there is potential for mutual benefit from a synthesis of these two approaches, and that a ‘feminist institutionalism’ offers a promising theoretical approach for the study of gender and institutions. The thesis evaluates the potential of a feminist institutionalist approach in the context of the comparative literature on gender and political recruitment. It critically evaluates the supply and demand model (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995), one of the only models that attempts to systematically integrate gender into the dynamics of the recruitment process. The thesis contends that a feminist institutionalist approach offers a way to take the supply and demand forward, developing the theoretical interconnections that are present implicitly in Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski’s work on political recruitment and reintegrating and reformulating the key features of the model into a feminist and institutionalist framework. The thesis develops this theory-building project through an illustrative case study – the institutions of political recruitment in post-devolution Scotland. Using a multi-method approach – including discourse analysis, process tracing, and political interviewing – the thesis combines a macro-level analysis of gendered patterns of selection and recruitment in Scottish political parties over time with a micro-level case study of a Scottish Labour Party constituency seat selection contest in the run-up to the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. The case study finds some evidence of institutional innovation and reform in the candidate selection process, but also highlights underlying continuities in the institutions of political recruitment. The case study illustrates the specific and gendered difficulties of institutionalizing a ‘new’ more gender-balanced politics within a pre-existing institutional context. Findings from the case study suggest that the ‘success’ of institutional innovation in candidate selection is a complex and contingent question, and that elements of the ‘old’ continue to co-exist with elements of the ‘new’, constraining and shaping each other. The Scottish case, then, underscores the need to rethink conventional models of political recruitment, illustrating the difficulties of reforming and redesigning the institutions of political recruitment in the face of powerful institutional and gendered legacies. As such, the thesis generates new theoretical and empirical insights into the gendered dynamics of institutional power, continuity and change that contribute to the growing body of research on gender and institutions and inform the wider literature on both new institutional theory and feminist political science.
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Eggert, Elizabeth. "Gender and Politics: Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.
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This thesis seeks to explore why so fewer women seek political candidacy in the United States. I begin by seeing if the political arena has progressed, if at all, within the last thirty years. A comparison between the number of female legislators in the United States versus other western industrialized nations is used to see if there are cultural or institutional causes of gender disparity in governments throughout the world. I then examine existing factors that both encourage and discourage women from running for political office. External factors include the type of electoral process the United States uses, Political Action Committees (PACs) marketed to support female candidates, media coverage, and incumbency blockades. A discussion on internally existing factors analyzes ever existing stereotypes of men, women and leaders that result both from socialization of gender roles and inherent anatomical discrepancies between males and females.
After analyzing the various factors I conclude that immutable biological differences between men and women affect political ambition and will consequently affect how many women seek political candidacy. This finding may not sit well with activists striving for political parity, but it is a reality society needs to accept. We cannot use anatomical gender differences as justification to prevent women from seeking office. But understanding the inherent causes will stop the criticism and essentially the undermining of women in American politics.
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Bhat, Reiya. "India’s 1947 Partition Through the Eyes of Women: Gender, Politics, and Nationalism." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524658168133726.
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Styrkársdóttir, Auður. "From feminism to class politics : the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík 1908-1922." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65810.
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The main objective of this dissertation is to seek answers to three questions: 1) Why did it take so much longer for women than men to win the vote? 2) Why did it take women so long to be elected in any numbers to national legislatures?, and 3) What has been the political significance of women's entry into national legislatures? The answers are sought by examining an aspect of the development of parties ignored by most political scientists, namely the relationship between women's suffrage, party politics and patriarchal power. An empirical study on Iceland is used to examine this aspect in detail. In the period 1908- 1926, women in Iceland ran separate lists at local and national elections. The fate of the women's lists in Reykjavik is explored and so are the policies of women councillors. Iceland was not the only country to see the emergence of separate women's political organizations that ran candidates at elections. The outcome was nowhere as successful as in Iceland. Through the rise, and decline, of the women's lists and women's policies in Reykjavik, the factors that allowed women to carry out their own maternalistic politics within a male-run system are illuminated. The dissertation draws on numerous theories and postulations within political science. It also challenges many of them. Theda Skocpol's structured policy approach proves highly useful in examining the larger political environment and factors that stimulated or hindered women's politics and policies in Reykjavik. The approach does not, however, account for male power as a force on its own. The structured policy approach is challenged by providing another important factor, the role of individuals and their ideas as a political force. The conclusion is that patriarchal theories are needed within political science, and it is suggested that political parties, their origin and working methods, provide excellent starting points from which to examine male power, or patriarchy, as a political force of its own.<br>digitalisering@umu
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Karacan, Elifcan. "Women Under The Hegemony Of Body Politics: Fashion And Beauty." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608861/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to investigate women&rsquo<br>s oppression through analyzing the overlapping features of hegemonic ideology of beauty and fashion. The major goal of the study is to examine how beauty ideology is constructed and how it is practiced in the case of fashion. Additionally, the intersecting discourses of capitalist system and patriarchy have been questioned to understand women&rsquo<br>s oppression, as suggested by Dual-System theorists. Therefore, throughout the study, the common interests of capitalist and patriarchal systems in reproducing oppressive body politics have been demonstrated.
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Dumont, Marie. "Corruption and Women in Politics: Correlation, Institutional Context, or Coincidence?" Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36874.
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Since the turn of the millennium, studies have demonstrated a relationship between gender and corruption, finding that in countries where female political participation is higher, indicators of corruption are lower. This thesis approaches this debate in two ways, quantitatively and qualitatively. A multivariate regression analysis updates data for the year 2015 and incorporates underexplored institutional variables. Results show that the proportion of women in politics is positively and significantly correlated with reduced corruption, even when controlling for these institutional variables. The findings from this analysis are applied to a focused comparison of two countries, Rwanda and Haiti, which have very different female representation and corruption outcomes, despite the presence of a very similar institution, a 30 percent legislated gender quota. Using feminist institutionalism as a theoretical guide for the analysis, this thesis demonstrates that institutions such as democracy and auditing standards moderate the relationship between female representation and corruption outcomes. On that basis, it concludes that while increasing female participation in politics can modestly contribute to reducing corruption, linking female participation to strengthening democratic governance and institutionalizing accountability can further reduce corruption in some developing country contexts.
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Corcoran-Nantes, Y. "Women in grass roots protest politics in Sao Paulo, Brazil." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381123.
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Prasad, Bela. "Women in politics : a cross-national demand and supply analysis." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8174.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149).<br>It is striking that the sharp increase in the number of countries moving towards self-governance and democracy has not been accompanied by more equal political representation of women. What is equally puzzling is the contrast in the share of women in positions of political authority observed between countries, with many developed nations having fewer women legislators than a number of lesser-developed countries. Why are there so few women in most parliaments and why is there such variation across countries? To understand gender-based inequality in political authority, we look at the various stages of candidacy and identify potential bottlenecks to women participation and election into public office. There are three stages which one must pass through successfully to become a legislator. The first is becoming eligible and a part of the pool from which politicians are drawn, then being selected as a candidate and finally being elected to office. Potential barriers to entry for women in the legislative process may exist at any or all of these three stages. Each of these candidacy stages is discussed through a cross-national analysis and a case study of India. The cross-national data is for 175 countries at three points in time: 1975, 1985 and 1995. The Indian case study looks at women in parliament from the first general elections in 1951-1952 and focuses most on the 1996 parliamentary data. We argue that the key factor limiting the recruitment of women into politics is women's sparse representation in the pool from which politicians are recruited. Just as in thecase of men, women are drawn from an elite pool based on their occupational achievements.<br>(cont.) Countries that have a greater share of women in their professional and managerial labor force are able to recruit more women into politics. Having women well represented in the eligibility pool for political candidates, broadly the elite professions is necessary to provide a conduit for women into politics. While female labor force participation has increased dramatically in the last three decades, the relative position of women in highly paid/high status professions has increased only marginally. So it is not a case of active discrimination against women in politics or a case of different gender preferences, with women having less interest in politics. It is fundamentally a case of women being less represented in the specific labor pool from which politicians are drawn. In a number of developing countries, secluded labor markets have provided access for women from elite families into top industry and professional leadership positions. This has led to a relatively larger proportion of women in the political eligibility pool and consequently to a higher level of female recruitment in politics than in countries in which women comprise a smaller part of the elite professional pool. However, in many countries, the process of industrialization has generated economic and social pressures that have imposed greater restrictions on women in the economic, and consequently, political sphere. This suggests that economic development, while it opens some opportunities for women, can also make achievement of higher leadership positions more difficult.<br>by Bela Prasad.<br>Ph.D.