Zeitschriftenartikel: „Women's suffrage movements“

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TOWNS, ANN. „The Inter-American Commission of Women and Women's Suffrage, 1920–1945“. Journal of Latin American Studies 42, Nr. 4 (November 2010): 779–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10001367.

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AbstractIn studies of the international dimensions of women's suffrage, the role of international organisations has been overlooked. This article examines the suffrage activities of the Pan-American Union (PAU), and in particular those of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), between 1920 and 1945. Attentive to historical context, the examination suggests that international organisations can be both bearers of state interests and platforms for social movement interests. The article also argues that while not independent bureaucracies, the PAU and IACW nevertheless had some importance for suffrage that cannot be attributed either to their state members or to the suffragist movements.

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Faupel, Alison, und Regina Werum. „"Making Her Own Way": The Individualization of First-Wave Feminism, 1910-1930“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, Nr. 2 (01.06.2011): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.2.h4j28147n4621253.

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Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist frames changed over time. We conducted a systematic analysis of 1,735 articles from the feminist publication The Woman's Journal, spanning the pre- and post-suffrage period (1910-1930). Our analyses generally support the political opportunity framework, suggesting that trends towards individualization emerge during periods of diminishing political and cultural opportunities, which in turn challenge movements' ability to galvanize constituents for collective goals.

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Moehling, Carolyn M., und Melissa A. Thomasson. „Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, Nr. 2 (01.05.2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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Prescott, Heather Munro, und Lauren MacIvor Thompson. „A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, Nr. 4 (03.08.2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.

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Nolte, Sharon H. „Women's Rights and Society's Needs: Japan's 1931 Suffrage Bill“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1986): 690–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014171.

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The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.

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Ward, Margaret. „Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements“. Feminist Review 50, Nr. 1 (Juli 1995): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.

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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.

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Derleth, Jessica. „“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, Nr. 3 (Juli 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.

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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.

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McCammon, Holly J., Karen E. Campbell, Ellen M. Granberg und Christine Mowery. „How Movements Win: Gendered Opportunity Structures and U.S. Women's Suffrage Movements, 1866 to 1919“. American Sociological Review 66, Nr. 1 (Februar 2001): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600104.

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State women's suffrage movements are investigated to illuminate the circumstances in which social movements bring about political change. In 29 states, suffragists were able to win significant voting rights prior to passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In addition to resource mobilization, cultural framing, and political opportunity structures, the authors theorize that gendered opportunities also fostered the successes of the movements. An event history analysis provides evidence that gendered opportunity structures helped to bring about the political successes of the suffragists. Results suggest the need for a broader understanding of opportunity structure than one rooted simply in formal political opportunities.

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Davidson, Denise Z. „De-centring Twentieth-Century Women's Movements“. Contemporary European History 10, Nr. 3 (26.10.2001): 503–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003095.

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Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Taurus, 1997), 260 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-86064-201-2.Christine Bard, ed., Un Siècle d'antiféminisme (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 481 pp., FF 150.00, ISBN 2-213-60285-9.Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anja Schüler and Susan Strasser, eds., Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 381 pp., $19.95, ISBN. 0-8014-8469-3.Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 325 pp., cloth $55.00, pb $19.95, ISBN 0-691-01675-5.Mrinalini Sinha, Donna Guy and Angela Woollacott, eds., Feminisms and Internationalism, Gender and History Special Issue, 264 pp. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). $24.95, ISBN 0-631-20919-0.When we think of the women's movements of the early twentieth century, organisations like Britain's WSPU (Women's Social and Political Union) come to mind and we envision suffragettes marching and getting themselves arrested in cities like London. None of the books discussed here deals with this ‘mainstream’ view of feminism. Instead, they investigate women's movements and reactions to them from other perspectives. Approaching their subject matter from different angles, these recent works offer new interpretations of the history of feminism in the twentieth century. Together they make us consider a geographical re-focusing on the subject of women's movements. They raise questions about the chronology of feminism; they highlight the complicated relationships between ‘globalisation’ and nationalism and centre and periphery; and they draw attention to changing definitions of feminism depending on time and place and the issues at stake.

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Karapin, Roger. „Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, Nr. 1 (01.02.2011): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.1.y1007j0n837p5p45.

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Many have noted that protesters sometimes expand political opportunities for later protests, but there has been little analysis of how this occurs. The problem can be addressed by analyzing opportunity/threat spirals, which involve positive feedback among: actions by challengers (bold protests and the formation of alliances between challenger groups); opportunity-increasing actions by authorities and elites (elite divisions and support, procedural reforms, substantive concessions, and police inaction); and threat-increasing actions by authorities and elites (new grievance production and excessive repression). Interactions among these eight mechanisms are demonstrated in two cases of social movement growth, the U.S. women's suffrage movement of the 1910s and the German anti-immigration movement of the early 1990s. The cases show similar positive feedback processes despite many other differences, a finding which suggests that the specified interactions may operate in a wide range of social movements in democratic countries.

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McCammon, Holly J., Karen E. Campbell, Ellen M. Granberg und Christine Mowery. „How Movements Win: Gendered Opportunity Structures and U.S. Women's Suffrage Movements, 1866 to 1919“. American Sociological Review 66, Nr. 1 (Februar 2001): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657393.

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Barnhart, Joslyn N., Robert F. Trager, Elizabeth N. Saunders und Allan Dafoe. „The Suffragist Peace“. International Organization 74, Nr. 4 (2020): 633–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000508.

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AbstractPreferences for conflict and cooperation are systematically different for men and women: across a variety of contexts, women generally prefer more peaceful options and are less supportive of making threats and initiating conflict. But how do these preferences affect states’ decisions for war and patterns of conflict at the international level, such as the democratic peace? Women have increasingly participated in political decision making over the last century because of suffragist movements. But although there is a large body of research on the democratic peace, the role of women's suffrage has gone unexplored. Drawing on theory, a meta-analysis of survey experiments in international relations, and analysis of crossnational conflict data, we show how features of women's preferences about the use of force translate into specific patterns of international conflict. When empowered by democratic institutions and suffrage, women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace. Our analysis supports the view that the enfranchisement of women is essential for the democratic peace.

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Mueller, Carol M., und Steven M. Buechler. „Women's Movements in the United States: Woman Suffrage, Equal Rights, and Beyond.“ Contemporary Sociology 20, Nr. 5 (September 1991): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072196.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. „Women's Movements in the United States: Woman Suffrage, Equal Rights, and Beyond.Steven M. Buechler“. American Journal of Sociology 97, Nr. 1 (Juli 1991): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/229748.

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Rozell, Harlee. „The Ohio Women's Suffrage and Temperance Movements: Public Image, Cross-Group Contention, and Shared Enemies“. Ohio History 129, Nr. 2 (September 2022): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohh.0.0073.

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Merrill, John L. „The Bible and the American Temperance Movement: Text, Context, and Pretext“. Harvard Theological Review 81, Nr. 2 (April 1988): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000010026.

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Following the failure of national prohibition, the temperance movement came to be regarded as an alien blight that had afflicted the American landscape. Richard Hofstadter spoke for many historians when he suggested that the story of prohibition seems “like a historical detour, a meaningless nuisance, an extraneous imposition upon the main course of history.” Rather than being viewed as somehow integral to and indicative of developments in American society and culture, the temperance movement has more commonly been exploited as a quarry for providing colorful instances of human folly and fanaticism. The tendency is natural for, unlike other leading reform movements such as antislavery and women's suffrage, which have legacies most historians are eager to affirm, the crusade against drink seems odd and misplaced to contemporary minds. But this approach has overlooked important features of the movement, failing to show why it did not strike its many advocates as a pseudo-concern or do justice to its widespread support and distinction as the longest continuous reform movement in American history.

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Kowal, Donna M. „One cause, two paths: Militant vs. adjustive strategies in the British and American women's suffrage movements“. Communication Quarterly 48, Nr. 3 (Juni 2000): 240–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01463370009385595.

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Rönnbäck, Josefin. „Rösträttsrörelsens kvinnor - i konflikt och i samförstånd“. Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 21, Nr. 4 (16.06.2022): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v21i4.4342.

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On the basis of sociologist Alberto Melucci's theory of social movements, I investigate the Swedish suffrage movement known as Landsföreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, LKPR (The National Association for Votes for Women). I study this movement both as a collective actor with a collective constructed identity and as an arena for internal conflict. I argue that LKPR contributed towards a shift in and extension of the boundaries of politics by demanding the abolition of the so called women's bar which disenfranchised all women; by converting women's disadvantages into a politics; by questioning the division of public and private, and not least by contributing to women's entry into new spheres. The LKPR was the largest women's organisation at the turn of the century consisting of women from different class background and different party political affiliation. It succeeded however in mobilizing women in the struggle for civil rights by very actively and consciously creating a collective classless but nonetheless genderized identity. The suffragists internal compromises resulted in an official advocacy of independence form party politics, and according to the statutes, the association was to remain neutral in relation to the emerging party system. But in practice the organisation had close relations to the liberals. I also show that in some respects there is reason to speak of the LKPR as a class movement even if the organisation can be seen as a strategic coalition which concealed the problematics of class. For tactical reasons, in order to hold a broad based movement together and in order to be allowed a hearing in public debate at all, the LKPR'S propaganda put forward an apparently safe and consensual notion of gender relations whereby women and men were seen as mutually dependent and thus complementary. These ideas were inspired by 'practical' considerations. Nationalism also functioned as a unifying set of values within the LKPR and the members agreed that women's exclusion from politics was unjust. The vote too was regarded as a key to a change in the relation between the genders in society. The artide, however, highlights the internal conflicts within the association rather than the conflict with encompassing male society. I show that the internal conflicts over the description of goals, for instance, often had ideological implications.

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Schroeder, Janice. „SELF-TEACHING: MARY CARPENTER, PUBLIC SPEECH, AND THE DISCIPLINE OF DELINQUENCY“. Victorian Literature and Culture 36, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080091.

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With the growth of the organized feminist movement in England at the end of the 1850s, women began to mount public lecture platforms in increasing numbers. By claiming a space in public assembly rooms through the simple use of their voices, women reformers such as Bessie Rayner Parkes and Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon challenged the male privilege of public address, and changed the visual, oral, and aural culture of Victorian reform movements. Women's public speech in the 1850s and 60s was never linked with the kind of riotous responses provoked later by Josephine Butler or the women's suffrage movement. But even public speakers associated with a more moderate or “polite” tone, such as Parkes and Frances Power Cobbe, routinely received a mixture of moral censure and ridicule, causing them to question the value of publicity – both print and platform – for the feminist cause. However, one of the most prolific female public speakers of mid nineteenth-century England, Mary Carpenter (1807–77), seems to have escaped all such criticism and was repeatedly held up as a shining example, by both feminists and non-feminists, of appropriate womanly behavior in official public settings. Commentators on Carpenter's work and her public reputation were nearly unanimous in their approval of not only the content of her public speech but also its flawless delivery. What can Carpenter's apparently unique public persona tell us about shifts in the gendered dimensions of public utterance in the 1850s and 60s, when she was most active? More broadly, what does the history of women's platform speech have to do with a seemingly unrelated narrative: that is, the theorization of juvenile delinquency as a specific problem in nineteenth-century England?

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Liu, Feixiang. „Comparison of the Beginnings of Feminism in Spain and China“. Journal of Advanced Research in Women’s Studies 1, Nr. 2 (05.12.2023): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarws.v1i2.497.

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This comparative study aims to explores the origins of feminism in Spain and China. After examining the early stages of feminism in both countries, common aspects and differences emerge as a result of distinct social, political, and cultural conditions that shape the identity of each nation. To understand the beginnings of feminism, it is necessary to delve into the past when the concept of feminism did not yet exist, but there were voices that began to demand a different way of considering and treating women. In the case of Spain, notable pioneers such as María de Zayas Sotomayor have been selected, and also two key aspects, female education and women's suffrage, to comprehend the beginnings and their chronological evolution. Likewise, when considering China, apart from examining thinkers like Li Zhi in the 16th century, attention should be directed to the late 19th century to observe the development of feminism in areas that align with the Spanish context, such as women's education, as well as other initial feminist movements shaped by the unique circumstances faced by women in China. Overall, this study sheds light on the historical trajectories of feminism in Spain and China, offering insights into their shared and distinctive characteristics.

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Cuplinskas, Indre. „National and Rational Dress: Catholics Debate Female Fashion in Lithuania, 1920s–1930s“. Church History 88, Nr. 3 (September 2019): 696–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001793.

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The debates about female fashion in the new Republic of Lithuania in the 1920s and 1930s saw papal representatives, bishops, leading public intellectuals, and members of Catholic youth movements argue about deep décolletés and short skirts. In this predominantly Catholic country, objections made against modern fashion may initially look like a conservative stand against modern developments. Studying more closely the debate around women's fashion as it developed in a particular subset of the Catholic population in Lithuania—educated youth in the Ateitis Catholic student association, this article examines the interconnected arguments that were woven together to evaluate what women should wear in interwar Lithuania and shows that Catholics in this northeastern European country aimed to create a modern national and rational woman. At issue were not just Catholic moral norms but also national identity and the challenges posed by mass consumer culture. The new ideal being proposed was a modern Catholic female intelligentsia, a gender ideal that embraced the opportunities offered in the first decades of the twentieth century, such as suffrage, education, urban living, more active participation in civic life, while retaining more conservative moral norms, questioning consumer culture, and debating woman's nature and mission.

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Garcia, C., und M. A. Soriano. „Women, madness and psychiatry: Insane or persuaded?“ European Psychiatry 33, S1 (März 2016): S622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.01.2330.

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During the nineteenth and early twentieth century, feminist movements proliferated in Europe and USA in order to vindicate the rights of women both in the workplace and political issues, such as women's suffrage and birth policies, among others. At the same time, psychiatry tried to gain a foothold as a medical specialty, which created a positivist discourse where it was important to measure and quantify mental disorders and their possible causes. As many feminist writers have argued (Chesler, Showalter, Jordanova, and others) this occurs at the same historical moment that a “feminization of madness” was taking place in several ways: madness begins to be described in feminine terms, Freud was developing his research on hysteria; diagnostics, such as puerperal and involution psychosis were taking hold; the interest about the influence of hormones in women's mood were raising, and gynaecology was thought as the organic etiology of female madness. The hegemonic psychiatric discourse appeared to have been a catalyst for logical social inclusion and exclusion, notably influencing the design of a new feminity, distant from the danger of feminism that began to gain prominence. The boundaries between insanity and mental health were really diffuse in case of women. The aim of my work is to highlight how attitudes and attributes of women were transformed into psychiatric symptoms, as the feminist theorist support. I will make a retrospective about clinical women reports of the public asylum of Malaga from the beginning of twenty century.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

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Hamington, Maurice. „Two Leaders, Two Utopias: Jane Addams and Dorothy Day“. NWSA Journal 19, Nr. 2 (Juni 2007): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2007.a219833.

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It makes sense that many women have sought out utopias. Oppressive and restrictive social systems drive those excluded to claim "there must be something better than this." While many women have engaged in utopian flights of fancy, fewer have had the opportunity to bring their vision into being. Jane Addams and Dorothy Day are two women who imagined the possibility of a different world and each initiated influential movements to make their dreams a reality. Both created communities devoted to social service, worked among the oppressed, had radical ideas about social morality, and both were staunch pacifists. These two pioneering women also represent a stark contrast in utopian thinking. One was a pragmatist feminist who fought for women's suffrage becoming a political force to be reckoned with. The other was a Catholic anarchist who eschewed the right to vote and refused to participate in politics. This article seeks to bring attention to the intriguing continuities and discontinuities of the activist philosophies of Jane Addams and Dorothy Day. While both utopian visions have their appeal, I suggest that ultimately Day's approach is one of charity and Addams's is one of education, and that the latter holds the most promise for feminist activist theorizing.

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Gutierrez, Cathy. „Sex in the City of God: Free Love and the American Millennium“. Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 15, Nr. 2 (2005): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2005.15.2.187.

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AbstractThis article examines several millennialist claims made in speeches and writings by Victoria Woodhull, the alternately celebrated and scandalous proponent of Spiritualism, Free Love, and women's suffrage in the nineteenth century. It focuses particularly on a utopian vision detailed in a speech, “The Elixir of Life,” that Woodhull addressed to the tenth annual meeting of the American Association of Spiritualists, in which Woodhull predicted a swiftly arriving millennium that would unite heaven and earth, bringing eternal life to the living and restoring the dead to an earthly but perfect existence. This millennial vision centered on the perfectability of the human body at the intersection of the discourses of medicine, politics, and religion. This utopia would be ushered in by society's embracing of the principles of Free Love, the reform movement that espoused that emotional and physical romantic relations should be governed by mutual love alone without interference from legal or religious authority.This speech is read against the backdrop of contemporaneous social movements in Spiritualism, Free Love, and alternative forms of medicine. The article argues that Woodhull defied both normative Christianity and the mainstream of Spiritualist believers by refusing to subordinate the body to the soul. The millennial impulse toward progress, seen so keenly in Spiritualist circles, was transformed here to refer to the individual rather than society at large. Social perfection would follow corporeal perfection. Arguing for a natural immortality of the body, Woodhull maintained an essential union and interreliance between the body and soul rather than a disjuncture between them.

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Petrechenko, S. A. „The formation of women`s suffrage in the USA in the XIX-XX centuries“. Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, Nr. 80 (22.01.2024): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.80.1.18.

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In the scientific article, the author analyzed the issue of the formation of women’s suffrage in the United States of America. The meaning of the “conference to discuss the social, civil and religious condition and rights of women” held in Seneca Falls in 1848 is revealed. The role of suffragettes, their complex international connections and strategies for the development of women’s rights are outlined. The achievements of Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria Stuart, Francisca Anneke, Sarah Parker Remond, Stanton, Anthony, Ida Wells, Frances Harper, Churchy Terrell, Alice Paul and the social movement of abolitionists in the process of securing women’s rights, including women’s suffrage, are revealed. The importance of the founding of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s League, the World Women’s Christian Temperance Union, the International Council of Women, the National Association of Colored Women, the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, and the Inter-American Commission on Women is characterized. The emergence of the internationalism of women’s suffrage, the spread of feminism is analyzed. The events and consequences of the struggle for women’s suffrage in the USA are summarized. In particular, it notes that the transnational legacy of the suffrage movement is evident in the ongoing aspirations of US women for full citizenship today. Then, as now, the struggle for women’s rights is linked to global movements for human rights – for immigrant, racial, labor and feminist justice. The internationalism of the women’s suffrage movement shows us that activists and movements outside the USA, as well as a wide range of diverse international causes, were crucial to the organization of what was considered such a quintessentially American right to vote. The emergence of women’s suffrage reminds us how much we have to learn from feminist struggles around the world. We see the prospects for further scientific research in the study of women’s suffrage in the states of the EU and other countries of the world and in their comparison. A scientific article can be useful for experts, historians and students.

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Jansz, Ulla. „VROUWENKIESRECHT ALS OMSTREDEN KWESTIE ONDER NEDERLANDSE FEMINISTEN, 1870-1900“. De Moderne Tijd 1, Nr. 3 (01.01.2017): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.004.jans.

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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AS A CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE AMONG DUTCH FEMINISTS, 1870-1900 Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

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Graham, Aimee, und Patricia F. Dolton. „Women’s Suffrage Movement“. Reference & User Services Quarterly 54, Nr. 2 (01.12.2014): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.54n2.31.

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Beck, Elizabeth L., Ellen Dorsey und April Stutters. „The Women's Suffrage Movement“. Journal of Community Practice 11, Nr. 3 (Juni 2003): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j125v11n03_02.

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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym, und Sandra Stanley Holton. „Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement“. Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, Nr. 2 (1998): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053597.

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Cowman, Krista. „Suffrage days: stories from the women's suffrage movement“. Women's History Review 7, Nr. 2 (01.06.1998): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029800200356.

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31

DeVries, Jacqueline R. „Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement (review)“. Victorian Studies 42, Nr. 3 (2000): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0057.

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Grønbæk, Majbritt Kastberg. „Cause and Effect“. Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English, Nr. 5 (19.08.2019): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/lev.v0i5.115495.

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At the turn of the 20th century, parts of the peaceful suffragists had grown frustrated with the lack of progress that had been made towards women’s suffrage. From this frustration new organisations were established that turned to more radical and, at times, violent strategies to draw attention to their cause. This paper focuses on the militant part of the fight for women’s suffrage and the effect the militancy had on the contemporary view of the women’s rights movement. The paper argues that despite creating a negative view of the women’s suffrage movement, the militant efforts weren’t entirely wasted since it created publicity for the movement and helped restart the discussion on women’s suffrage.

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Joannou, Maroula. „Book ReviewsConnecting Links: The British and American Suffrage Movements, 1900–1914. By Patricia Greenwood Harrison. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2000.The March of the Women: A Revisionist Analysis of the Campaign for Women's Suffrage, 1866–1914. By Martin Pugh. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.“ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, Nr. 1 (September 2003): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/375665.

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Armstrong, Thomas. „Stalcup, Ed., Women's Suffrage“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 26, Nr. 2 (01.09.2001): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.26.2.109-110.

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In selecting women's suffrage as a "turning point in world history," Greenhaven Press has, itself, made an important statement. The enfranchisement of more than fifty percent of the American electorate has helped transform women's lives and American politics. This collection of essays underscores the significant trends that made up the movement. The collection is also arranged in a format convenient for use in college classrooms.

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Newman, Louise M. „REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, Nr. 3 (Juli 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.

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Furlano, Michelle. „From Suffragist Shrine to Reformer’s Home: The Evolving Interpretation of the National Susan B. Anthony Museum & House“. Collections: A Journal for Museum and Archives Professionals 16, Nr. 1 (26.02.2020): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1550190620903315.

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In 1945, a women’s organization—Susan B. Anthony Memorial Incorporated (SBAM)—purchased and restored Susan B. Anthony’s former home in Rochester, New York. Contemporary historic house preservation practices, the founder’s political motives, and the desire to shape and celebrate a women’s history centered on women’s suffrage influenced the house’s restoration. The initial interpretation idolized Anthony, presented her as a single-issue reformer, and overlooked the lives of other household members and the complexities of the women’s rights movement. In the past seventy-five years, the house evolved from a shrine to Anthony and the suffrage movement to interpreting Anthony as a reformer supported by her family. Today, the house interprets Anthony’s lived experiences and relationships and the lives of other household members. The house humanizes Anthony by interpreting her multifaceted reform work. Finally, the house extends past enshrining the women’s suffrage movement, broadening its definition of the women’s rights movement, and connecting historic civil rights battles to present-day struggles.

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Lee, Min-Kyoung. „Australian Women’s Suffrage Movement and the Politics of Women’s Movement“. Journal of Western History 59 (30.11.2018): 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.16894/jowh.59.4.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. „The Ideology, Rhetoric, and Organizational Structure of a Countermovement Publication: The Remonstrance, 1890–1920“. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, Nr. 1 (März 1998): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500109.

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This article examines the anti-suffrage ideology, rhetoric, and structure of The Remonstrance, the publication of the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. As a counter- movement publication, The Remonstrance was principally reactive, that is, driven to respond to suffrage claims and strategies. Basic themes illustrated the ideology of the anti-suffrage movement. Further, the anti-suffrage ideology was reflected in the organizational structure of both the MAOFESW and The Remonstrance. Although they changed over time, they failed to keep step with the broad social changes affecting women's lives in the early twentieth century.

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Healy, Bernadine P. „Editorial Women's Health: The Third Suffrage Movement“. Journal of Women's Health 4, Nr. 3 (Juni 1995): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/jwh.1995.4.219.

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Malone, Carolyn. „Patricia Greenwood Harrison. Connecting Links: The British and American Woman Suffrage Movements, 1900–1914. (Contributions in Women's Studies No. 178.) Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. 2000. Pp. xvi, 281. $59.95. ISBN 0-313-31084-X.“ Albion 33, Nr. 3 (2001): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053262.

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Kodumthara, Sunu. „“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, Nr. 4 (07.08.2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.

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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.

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Baker, Jean H. „Getting Right with Women's Suffrage“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, Nr. 1 (Januar 2006): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000284x.

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My title is a gloss from Everett Dirksen, the long-time, now-deceased U.S. senator from Illinois who encouraged his party “to get right with Abraham Lincoln.” As Republicans drifted away from acknowledging their partisan connection to the sixteenth president, Dirksen appreciated how Lincoln could serve as an invigorating, unifying theme for Republicans in the post-Civil Rights Era. The analogy, of course, is that suffrage history has been similarly marginalized, submerged even within the limited space given to women's history by attention to Progressive Era associations and service groups such as the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the PTA, women's literary clubs, as well as the settlement house movement and the Women's National Republican Club.

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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym. „Defining Militancy: Radical Protest, the Constitutional Idiom, and Women's Suffrage in Britain, 1908–1909“. Journal of British Studies 39, Nr. 3 (Juli 2000): 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386223.

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May some definition be given of the word “militant”? (Chelsea delegate Cicely Hamilton)Scholarship on the women's suffrage movement in Britain has reached a curious juncture. No longer content to chronicle the activities or document the contributions of single organizations, historians have begun to analyze the movement's strategies of self-advertisement and to disentangle its racial, imperial, and gendered ideologies. Perhaps the most striking development in recent scholarship on suffrage, however, has been the proliferating discourse on militancy among literary critics, a development with which few historians have engaged. Yet, while militancy has spawned a veritable subfield in literary studies, continually generating new articles and books, these accounts portray the phenomenon in similarly reductive terms. After 1903 the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), under the leadership of Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst, revitalized a genteel and moribund women's suffrage movement. The WSPU introduced the use of militancy, first interrupting Liberal Party meetings and heckling political speakers, then moving to the use of street theater, such as large-scale demonstrations, and ultimately to the destruction of government and private property, including smashing windows, slashing paintings in public galleries, and setting fire to buildings and pillar-boxes. Once the Liberal government introduced forcible feeding as an antidote to the suffragette hunger strike, militants created a visual activism, dependent upon the exhibition of women's tortured bodies as spectacle. By this account, the activities of the WSPU became exemplary of what critic Barbara Green has called “performative activism” and “visibility politics” in early twentieth-century feminist praxis, creating “almost entirely feminine communities where women celebrated, suffered, spoke with, and wrote for other women,” and that “allowed women to put themselves on display for other women.”

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Petrechenko, S. „The origin and development of the sufrajist moment in Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire“. Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, Nr. 71 (25.08.2022): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.5.

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The article is devoted to the study of the origin and dynamics of the process of electoral equality in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire. The legal status of women is considered and the peculiarities of the course of the suffrage movement in the Ukrainian lands, which were part of the Russian Empire, are revealed. The development and changes in the legal status of women, which were not the result of well- thought-out steps, but were in the nature of concessions of the autocracy, obtained under the pressure of social and national liberation movements, are studied. The paper presents the problem of granting political rights to women. The purpose of the article is to characterize the peculiarities of the beginning of the suffrage movement and its course in terms of granting women suffrage in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire in the early twentieth century. Originating in England, suffrage also found its imprint in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire, which was marked by significant changes, embodied primarily in the development of the struggle for movement in the provision of equal political rights. In order to implement specific measures for the formal and legal and law enforcement equality of women and men, historical experience should be thoroughly researched. This makes it possible to identify the conditions and reasons for the formation of the women’s equality movement. It is certainly important to refer to the historical experience of the XIX - early XX centuries, where a clear trend towards democratization and liberalization of socio-political life. In the Ukrainian lands as part of the Russian Empire, it also showed national liberation significance. The women’s movement became its direct component. Thus, the study of the legal status of women in the Ukrainian lands as part of the Russian Empire has undeniable scientific and practical relevance. In addition, changes in the situation of women in Ukraine are likely provided that a consistent gender policy is pursued, in particular in terms of suffrage. Therefore, it is advisable to study the origins of the movement that preceded the current changes. The basis of such strategies is the revival of democratic traditions of historically high social status of Ukrainian women, first of all, support of women’s aspirations to open new horizons, reach dream heights and finally declare their full and equal status as a member of civil society.

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Bažantová, Eva. „Počátky hnutí za získání ženského volebního práva ve Velké Británii v druhé polovině 60. let 19. století“. PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, Nr. 3 (27.01.2023): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.42.

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The paper focuses on the first phase of women’s efforts to gain the right to vote. There had been discussion over the preparation of the Second Reform Act about widening the franchise. In 1866, a group of women gathered in the Kensington Society came up with an idea to create a petition which called for right for women householders to gain right to vote on the same basis as men did, without the distinction of sex. The petition of 1866 reached an unexpected number of signatures and MP John Stuart Mill presented the question of women’s suffrage in the House of Commons. The paper follows the arguments for and against the women’s suffrage in the 1860s. The 1866 petition was an important step in the women’s emancipation movement as it started a broader movement to gain the suffrage.

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Glenn, Cheryl, und Jessica Enoch. „The ongoing necessity of suffrage rhetorics (or ‘suffragism’): On the centennial of the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution“. Acta Juridica 2022 (2022): 168–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/acta/2022/a8.

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This contribution analyses feminist scholarship on women’s suffrage – women’s fight for the right to vote in the United States. The 100-year anniversary of the passing of the 19th Amendment – the suffrage amendment – serves as exigence for considering how feminist scholarship dedicated to suffrage addresses our contemporary contexts and concerns. To that end, we bring together scholarship that troubles dominant white suffrage narratives in order to amplify the rhetorics of suffragists of colour, that engages the racism that inflected the suffrage movement, that explores possibilities for coalitions and alliances, and that continues to consider how suffrage rhetorics, at the turn of the twentieth century, might connect to and inform restrictions on voting rights for people living various intersectional realities in the twenty-first century.

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INGEN, L. V. „THE LIMITS OF STATE SUFFRAGE FOR CALIFORNIA WOMEN CANDIDATES IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA“. Pacific Historical Review 73, Nr. 1 (01.02.2004): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.21.

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California women gained the right to run for the state legislature and Congress when they won the vote in 1911. Coming nine years before the Nineteenth Amendment enfranchised women nationally in 1920, this era of state enfranchisement appeared ripe for women's electoral success. The ongoing national suffrage movement, the California Progressive Party, and the extensive network of California women's clubs could all have worked to advance women's candidacies. Instead, these factors created conditions that undermined women's political ambitions. Not until 1918, when passage of a national suffrage amendment seemed imminent and the power of the Progressive Party in California faded, did women �nd success as candidates. Their delayed victories reveal the limits of state enfranchisement for women's political power.

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Kołodziejska-Smagała, Zuzanna. „Polish-Jewish Female Writers and the Women’s Emancipation Movements in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries“. Aspasia 16, Nr. 1 (01.06.2022): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160108.

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Between 1880 and 1914, a small group of Jewish female authors writing in Polish approached the vital-at-the-time woman question from different angles. Although they incorporated discussions of women’s sexuality, for these Polish supporters of women’s emancipation, access to education remained the focal point. This article explores the writings of seven Jewish women authors in the historical context of the emerging women’s emancipation movements in the Polish lands, demonstrating that their educational aspirations were not always identical to those expressed by Polish emancipationists. By examining the involvement of Polish-Jewish women writers in Polish women’s organizations, the article complicates the picture of the Polish suffrage movement and highlights the interconnectedness of Polish and Jewish social history.

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Stenberg, Kim Yoonok, und Sophia A. van Wingerden. „The Women's Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928“. Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, Nr. 4 (2000): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053677.

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Holton, Sandra. „Suffrage and power: the women's movement, 1918–1928“. Women's History Review 9, Nr. 1 (01.03.2000): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020000200488.

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