Thematische Bibliographien / Women's suffrage movements

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Women's suffrage movements“

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Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Women's suffrage movements"

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TOWNS, ANN. „The Inter-American Commission of Women and Women's Suffrage, 1920–1945“. Journal of Latin American Studies 42, Nr. 4 (November 2010): 779–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10001367.

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AbstractIn studies of the international dimensions of women's suffrage, the role of international organisations has been overlooked. This article examines the suffrage activities of the Pan-American Union (PAU), and in particular those of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), between 1920 and 1945. Attentive to historical context, the examination suggests that international organisations can be both bearers of state interests and platforms for social movement interests. The article also argues that while not independent bureaucracies, the PAU and IACW nevertheless had some importance for suffrage that cannot be attributed either to their state members or to the suffragist movements.
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Faupel, Alison, und Regina Werum. „"Making Her Own Way": The Individualization of First-Wave Feminism, 1910-1930“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, Nr. 2 (01.06.2011): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.2.h4j28147n4621253.

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Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist frames changed over time. We conducted a systematic analysis of 1,735 articles from the feminist publication The Woman's Journal, spanning the pre- and post-suffrage period (1910-1930). Our analyses generally support the political opportunity framework, suggesting that trends towards individualization emerge during periods of diminishing political and cultural opportunities, which in turn challenge movements' ability to galvanize constituents for collective goals.
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Moehling, Carolyn M., und Melissa A. Thomasson. „Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, Nr. 2 (01.05.2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
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Prescott, Heather Munro, und Lauren MacIvor Thompson. „A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, Nr. 4 (03.08.2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.
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Nolte, Sharon H. „Women's Rights and Society's Needs: Japan's 1931 Suffrage Bill“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1986): 690–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014171.

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The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.
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Ward, Margaret. „Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements“. Feminist Review 50, Nr. 1 (Juli 1995): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.

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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.
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Derleth, Jessica. „“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, Nr. 3 (Juli 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.

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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.
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McCammon, Holly J., Karen E. Campbell, Ellen M. Granberg und Christine Mowery. „How Movements Win: Gendered Opportunity Structures and U.S. Women's Suffrage Movements, 1866 to 1919“. American Sociological Review 66, Nr. 1 (Februar 2001): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600104.

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State women's suffrage movements are investigated to illuminate the circumstances in which social movements bring about political change. In 29 states, suffragists were able to win significant voting rights prior to passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In addition to resource mobilization, cultural framing, and political opportunity structures, the authors theorize that gendered opportunities also fostered the successes of the movements. An event history analysis provides evidence that gendered opportunity structures helped to bring about the political successes of the suffragists. Results suggest the need for a broader understanding of opportunity structure than one rooted simply in formal political opportunities.
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Davidson, Denise Z. „De-centring Twentieth-Century Women's Movements“. Contemporary European History 10, Nr. 3 (26.10.2001): 503–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003095.

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Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Taurus, 1997), 260 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-86064-201-2.Christine Bard, ed., Un Siècle d'antiféminisme (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 481 pp., FF 150.00, ISBN 2-213-60285-9.Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anja Schüler and Susan Strasser, eds., Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 381 pp., $19.95, ISBN. 0-8014-8469-3.Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 325 pp., cloth $55.00, pb $19.95, ISBN 0-691-01675-5.Mrinalini Sinha, Donna Guy and Angela Woollacott, eds., Feminisms and Internationalism, Gender and History Special Issue, 264 pp. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). $24.95, ISBN 0-631-20919-0.When we think of the women's movements of the early twentieth century, organisations like Britain's WSPU (Women's Social and Political Union) come to mind and we envision suffragettes marching and getting themselves arrested in cities like London. None of the books discussed here deals with this ‘mainstream’ view of feminism. Instead, they investigate women's movements and reactions to them from other perspectives. Approaching their subject matter from different angles, these recent works offer new interpretations of the history of feminism in the twentieth century. Together they make us consider a geographical re-focusing on the subject of women's movements. They raise questions about the chronology of feminism; they highlight the complicated relationships between ‘globalisation’ and nationalism and centre and periphery; and they draw attention to changing definitions of feminism depending on time and place and the issues at stake.
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Karapin, Roger. „Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, Nr. 1 (01.02.2011): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.1.y1007j0n837p5p45.

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Many have noted that protesters sometimes expand political opportunities for later protests, but there has been little analysis of how this occurs. The problem can be addressed by analyzing opportunity/threat spirals, which involve positive feedback among: actions by challengers (bold protests and the formation of alliances between challenger groups); opportunity-increasing actions by authorities and elites (elite divisions and support, procedural reforms, substantive concessions, and police inaction); and threat-increasing actions by authorities and elites (new grievance production and excessive repression). Interactions among these eight mechanisms are demonstrated in two cases of social movement growth, the U.S. women's suffrage movement of the 1910s and the German anti-immigration movement of the early 1990s. The cases show similar positive feedback processes despite many other differences, a finding which suggests that the specified interactions may operate in a wide range of social movements in democratic countries.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Women's suffrage movements"

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Bradley, Katherine. „Faith, perseverance and patience : the history of the Oxford suffrage and anti-suffrage movements, 1870-1930“. Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264527.

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Smitley, Megan K. „'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.

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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.
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Slusar, Mary Beth. „Multi-Framing in Progressive Era Women's Movements: A Comparative Analysis of the Birth Control, Temperance, and Women's Ku Klux Klan Movements“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269583527.

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Clauser-Roemer, Kendra. „"Tho' we are deprived of the privilege of suffrage" the Henry County Female Ant-Slavery Society records, 1841-1849 /“. Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1887.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on August 26, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): John R. McKivigan. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-147).
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Law, Cheryl. „Suffrage and power : the women's movement, 1918-1928 /“. London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36712017t.

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Brannon-Wranosky, Jessica S. „Southern Promise and Necessity: Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage Movement, 1868-1920“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc31553/.

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This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.
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Mercer, John. „Buying votes : purchasable propaganda in the twentieth-century women's suffrage movement“. Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424218.

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Dyer, Anton. „John Stuart Mill and male support for the Victorian women's movement“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294416.

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In examining male support for the Victorian women's movement, I decided to focus upon a number of men who gave active support across the wide range of causes championed by feminists. John Stuart Mill, Henry Fawcett, James Stansfeld, Jacob Bright, Richard Pankhurst and Francis Newman were selected as my main protagonists and their support for the Married Women's Property campaign, the higher education of women, the opening up of the professions to women, women's suffrage and the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts was explored. I also examine the views of John Russell, Viscount Amberley, whose early death robbed the women's suffrage movement of his enthusiastic support, and also those of William Johnson Fox, a proponent of women's emancipation who gave his support to the Married Women's Property campaign, but who died when the women's movement had existed for only a decade. The ideas of an important male feminist of an earlier generation, William Thompson, are also explored. I discuss the views of my protagonists on sexual equality and sexual difference, marriage, sexuality, female education, the employment of women and women's suffrage. In seeking to account for the feminism of my protagonists I note the personal characteristics which they broadly shared: moral courage, a tendency to self-sacrifice, sensitivity and a strong sense of justice. Male feminists, especially Mill, were sometimes branded as effeminate, but it seems fairer to suggest that they generally combined the best of both 'masculine' and 'feminine' qualities; they possessed a sufficient degree of 'womanly' sensitivity to empathise with the wrongs of woman and a great deal of 'manly' courage which enabled them to endure the ridicule and abuse which standing up for women's rights frequently entailed. Most of my protagonists were advanced Liberals, and a belief in the need to cultivate altruism was a significant component of their creed; support for women's emancipation was an important aspect of their concern for the welfare of others. The fact that men and women worked closely together in the fight for women's emancipation is explored and especially their intellectual collaboration, notable in the cases of William Thompson and Anna Wheeler, John Mill and Harriet Taylor, and Henry and Millicent Fawcett.
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Anderson, Gwen Trowbridge. „Interrogating Virginia Woolf and the British suffrage movement“. [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003162.

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Thieme, Katja. „Language and social change : the Canadian movement for women's suffrage, 1880-1918“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31530.

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This dissertation examines the print discourse of the Canadian women's suffrage movement from the 1890s to the 1910s and investigates how suffragists positioned not only themselves but also suffrage sceptics through their utterances. Grounded in both rhetorical analysis and the study of nineteenth-century Canada, this work contributes to our understanding of the discourse of social and political movements. Lloyd Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation is used to show how suffrage debates were aligned with debates about temperance, social reform, and imperialism. Michel Foucault's notion of the statement--claims which have acquired authority independent of situation--helps expand the concept of the rhetorical situation to better theorize how suffrage utterances travelled through various genres and situations. The repeated dismissal of English suffrage militancy is here analyzed through the lenses of uptake and genre. Militancy received uptake in front-page reports, on women's pages, and in letters to the editor. Anne Freadman's notion of genre as residing in the interrelationships between utterances helps theorize the wide-reaching discursive effects--rather than direct influence--which English militant activism had on the Canadian suffrage campaign. Audience design offers a way of thinking about how suffragists addressed different audience groups and called them toward different types of action. Erving Goffman's and Herbert C. Clarke's approach to audience leaves behind the dyad of writer and reader and grasps the complexity of how some audience members are directly addressed, while others are positioned as side participants or distant bystanders and overhearers. A general tendency among Canadian suffragists was to cast men as overhearers--incidental readers who were expected not to collaborate but to witness the ongoing debate. The most predominant addressees of suffrage texts, middle- and upper-class women who were not yet suffragists, were often interpellated as inert and immoral. In fact, suffragists' appeals to morality in their audience address were part of an effort to convert middle-class women's moral capital into access to political power. These appeals to morality also participated in a fundamental re-interpretation of citizenship as founded on moral rather than economic qualifications and on concern for the moral quality of Canadian society.
Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate
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Bücher zum Thema "Women's suffrage movements"

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Brenda, Stalcup, Hrsg. Women's suffrage. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 2000.

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Cass, Caitlin. Women's work: Suffrage movements, 1848-1965. United States: [Caitlin Cass], 2020.

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Buechler, Steven M. Women's movements in the United States: Woman suffrage, equal rights, and beyond. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990.

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Lucille, Salitan, Perera Eve Lewis, Chace Elizabeth Buffum 1806-1899, Read Lydia Buffum, Lovell Lucy Buffum und Spring Rebecca Buffum, Hrsg. Virtuous lives: Four Quaker sisters remember family life, abolitionism, and women's suffrage. New York: Continuum, 1994.

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S, Powers Roger, Vogele William B, Kruegler Christopher und McCarthy Ronald M, Hrsg. Protest, power, and change: An encyclopedia of nonviolent action from ACT-UP to women's suffrage. New York: Garland Pub., 1997.

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The antipolygamy controversy in U.S. women's movements, 1880-1925: A debate on the American home. New York: Garland Publ., 1997.

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Holton, Sandra Stanley. Suffrage days: Stories from the women's suffrage movement. London: Routledge, 1996.

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Nardo, Don. The women's movement. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2011.

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Rau, Dana Meachen. Great women of the suffrage movement. Minneapolis: Compass Point Books, 2005.

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Women of the suffrage movement. San Francisco: Pomegranate, 2006.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Women's suffrage movements"

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Farkas, Anna. „The orthodox roots of suffrage theatre“. In Women’s Playwriting and the Women’s Movement, 1890–1918, 75–95. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315405148-5.

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Johnson, Joan Marie. „Women's Rights Convention Begin“. In The Woman Suffrage Movement in the United States, 25–35. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003042808-6.

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Mukherjee, Sumita. „Post-colonial suffrage historiesRace and empire in the British suffrage movement“. In The Routledge Companion to British Women’s Suffrage, 46–59. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781138557420-5.

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Johnson, Joan Marie. „Early Demands for Women's Rights“. In The Woman Suffrage Movement in the United States, 11–16. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003042808-4.

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Shnyrova, Olga. „Feminism and Suffrage in Russia: Women, War and Revolution 1914–1917“. In The Women's Movement in Wartime, 124–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230210790_8.

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Cowman, Krista. „International connections in the British women's suffrage movement“. In The Routledge Companion to British Women’s Suffrage, 419–36. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781138557420-31.

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van Wingerden, Sophia A. „The ‘Doldrums’ — Women’s Suffrage 1885 to 1904“. In The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866–1928, 55–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27493-2_3.

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Packer, Ian. „Locating the suffrage movement in Edwardian politics“. In The Routledge Companion to British Women’s Suffrage, 17–31. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781138557420-3.

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van Wingerden, Sophia A. „‘Suffrage Ladies’ and the ‘Shrieking Sisterhood’“. In The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866–1928, 96–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27493-2_5.

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Halsaa, Beatrice. „Women’s Movements Local Election Campaigns in Norway“. In Suffrage and Its Legacy in the Nordics and Beyond, 131–56. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52359-5_6.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Women's suffrage movements"

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Donohue, Mark. „Women’s Suffrage Movement Monument“. In 109th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.109.19.

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Annotation:
“There never will be complete equality until women themselves help to make laws and elect lawmakers.” – Susan B. Anthony Women’s struggle for equality is an issue that has persisted in the United States from its inception. At the first Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls in July 1848, Elizabeth Cady Stanton proposed a revision to the Declaration of Independence stat¬ing “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal.” This statement was included in “The Declaration of Rights and Sentiments” signed by 100 of the 300 attendees to the convention. One of the most conten¬tious and debated articles in the document they signed was women’s suffrage. If this was the beginning, it certainly wasn’t the end. For the next 54 years Stanton fought for the right for women to vote along side her long time colleague Susan B. Anthony. Neither one would see the day when their life’s work on the part of the women’s suffrage movement would come to fruition.
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