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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Women's rights – Ghana – Case studies"
1
Fallon, Kathleen. „Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, Nr. 3 (01.10.2003): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.1h361h315l806060.
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Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.
2
Dawuni, Josephine J. „To “Mother” or not to “Mother”: The Representative Roles of Women Judges in Ghana“. Journal of African Law 60, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2016): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855316000115.
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AbstractFeminist scholars have debated questions of gender and judging by focusing on variables such as representation, difference, diversity and legitimacy. While illuminating, most of these studies are by scholars in the global north. More research is needed to understand issues of gender and judging in the global south. This article adds to existing literature by asking whether women judges promote women's rights. Through in-depth interviews with women judges in Ghana, the article demonstrates that women judges do promote women's rights. The article presents a new method of analysis: exploring the dichotomy between direct and indirect modes of representing women's rights. Recognizing the importance of substantive representation and the contributions of female judges in promoting women's rights, it argues that female judges are not a sufficient condition for promoting women's rights. Necessary conditions include laws guaranteeing women's rights, working partnerships with women's civil society organizations and an enabling socio-cultural climate.
3
Grier, Beverly. „Voices of African Women: Women's Rights in Ghana, Uganda, and Tanzania“. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2009): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15544770903269354.
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4
Glazebrook, Trish. „Women and Climate Change: A Case‐Study from Northeast Ghana“. Hypatia 26, Nr. 4 (2011): 762–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01212.x.
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This paper argues that there is ethical and practical necessity for including women's needs, perspectives, and expertise in international climate change negotiations. I show that climate change contributes to women's hardships because of the conjunction of the feminization of poverty and environmental degradation caused by climate change. I then provide data I collected in Ghana to demonstrate effects of extreme weather events on women subsistence farmers and argue that women have knowledge to contribute to adaptation efforts. The final section surveys the international climate debate, assesses explanations for its gender blindness, and summarizes the progress on gender that was made at Copenhagen and Cancun in order to document and provoke movement toward climate justice for women.
5
Everett, Elizabeth. „Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture: A Lesotho case study“. Gender & Development 5, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741922302.
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6
Boris, Eileen. „Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985“. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 13, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1987): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494388.
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Ying, Hu. „"How Can a Daughter Glorify the Family Name?" Filiality and Women's Rights in the Late Qing“. NAN NÜ 11, Nr. 2 (2009): 234–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768009x12586661923027.
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AbstractThis paper examines married daughters' filiality toward their natal families through three case studies. The protagonists are Qiu Jin (1875?-1907), Wu Zhiying (1868-1934) and Xu Zihua (1873-1935). Using the lens of filiality, we are able to observe the finer nuances of their gendered self-conception within the context of the rapidly changing world at the end of China's imperial era. I argue that the language and sentiment of filiality facilitated a substantial broadening of women's rights: in expanding what a literati daughter can claim as her intellectual inheritance, in providing the basis of a legal argument for a daughter's inheritance rights, and in offering a conduit for the experience of women's participation in political changes.
8
Desivilya, Helena Syna, und Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz. „The Case of CheckpointWatch: A Study of Organizational Practices in a Women's Human Rights Organization“. Organization Studies 29, Nr. 6 (Juni 2008): 887–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840608088708.
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The present study aims to discern the ways whereby gender-role perceptions and women's perspectives on political conflict and peace processes inform the organizational development process, reflected in organizational structure and processes. In order to achieve this we studied CheckpointWatch, a women's voluntary organization devoted to monitoring and reporting human rights violations of Palestinians crossing Israeli military checkpoints. The research is a qualitative study. Data gathering was designed to collect information from two sources: (1) interviews with key informants in the organization, and (2) documents transmitted over the organization's internal communications network. The findings illustrate the complexities involved in the organizational development processes of a women's peace and human rights organization, its vacillation between transition into a more formalized NGO and its holding on to the social movement organization, grassroots stage. The study also demonstrates the significance of feminist ideology with its embedded complexity and internal paradoxes, which infiltrates into organizational structure, operational processes and activities. Finally, this research highlights the fundamental role of the cultural and sociopolitical context in women's organizational practices. Overall, the study contributes to organization studies by shedding light on the intricacies of organizational dynamics in women's Peace and conflict resolution organizations.
9
Atiemo, Abamfo. „International Human Rights, Religious Pluralism and the Future of Chieftaincy in Ghana“. Exchange 35, Nr. 4 (2006): 360–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016140.
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AbstractA revolutionary development that resulted from Africa's experience of colonialism was the emergence of the nation-state made up of previously separate ethnic states. By the end of the colonial period the rulers of these ethnic states — the chiefs — had lost most of their real political and judicial powers to the political leaders of the new nation-states. But in spite of the loss of effective political power the chiefs continued to wield moral influence over members of their ethnic groups. The limited reach of the nation-state in the post-colonial era has also meant a dependence on the chiefs, in many cases, for aspects of local governance. This, for example, is the case of Ghana. However, in the modern context of religious pluralism the intimate bond between the chiefs and the traditional religion exacerbates tension in situations of conflict between people's loyalty to the traditional state and their religious commitment. In some cases, chiefs invoke customary laws in attempt to enforce sanctions against individuals who refuse to observe certain customary practices for religious reasons. But this has implications for the human rights of citizens. This article discusses the implications of this situation for the future of chieftaincy as well as prospects for the protection of the human rights of citizens who for religious reasons choose to stay away from certain communal customary practices.
10
Madhok, Sumi. „On Reading The Logics of Gender Justice“. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, Nr. 4 (2019): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz049.
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Abstract This ambitious and remarkable book provides us with a new, creative, and critical site for feminist scholarship and leads the way in producing historically and contextually specific empirical datasets and analysis of the deeply complex area of global women's rights. As is often the case with important work, the book engenders a supplementary set of hard questions to be asked both of itself and of the wider literature. In particular, the book enables us to raise two sets of further questions: first, about the links between law, policy making, women's rights, and social transformation, and second, to raise methodological and conceptual questions in the wake of empirically operationalizing intersectionality on a global scale.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Women's rights – Ghana – Case studies"
1
Heymann, Ababio Anita Mawusinu. „Trokosi, woryokwe, cultural and individual rights, a case study of women's empowerment and community rights in Ghana“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56710.pdf.
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2
Mtshali, Linda A. „Protection of women's rights in Africa through national human rights institutions (NHRIs) : a case study of Ghana and the Republic of South Africa“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16746.
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Marginalized and vulnerable groups have always existed in societies. Such groups have always
needed protectors of their rights. In democratic countries institutions have had to be established
to ensure that the rights of these groups are protected. National Human Rights Institutions
(NHRIs) are part of these institutions. NHRIs are important and vital as they 'serve as
independent bodies for the protection and promotion of human rights‘.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Ghana. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
3
Svedberg, Douglas. „Gaining international legitimacy by improving women's rights and gender equality : The case of Nicaragua“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402545.
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A reoccurring argument in previous research is that autocracies implement policy changes for women’s rights in order to gain international legitimacy. The idea is that by showing the international community that they are on-board with the global movement to empower women; focus is diverted they from their shortcomings in other democratic aspects. What is left out of the discussion though, is how such legitimization take shape. With help of qualitative content analysis, this thesis aims to investigate whether Nicaragua, an increasingly autocratic state which has implemented policy changes to improve women’s rights and gender equality, has gained international legitimacy in the reports of two different watch dog organizations, Amnesty International and Freedom House, and simultaneously received less criticism for their flaws as a state. The results of the analysis are not straightforward but provides two key findings that suggests that the theory cannot be completely dismissed. The first one is that, by comparing the reports by Freedom House, less criticism is detected simultaneously as the two policy changes are referred to more often in year 2012 compared to year 2011 which supports the theory. The second finding is that the amendments of Comprehensive Violence against Women Law in 2013 is referred to rather differently between Amnesty International and Freedom House, which brings more complexity to this issue. Thus, future research on the subject with similar methodology should analyze data from more than two organizations in order to understand if any view is more common than the other.
4
Jändel, Sara. „Fights for Rights : A Case Study of Two Vigilante Women's Movements: The Suffragettes and The Gulabi Gang“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353038.
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This thesis is a comparative case study of the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two women’s movements using violence as a political strategy to fight patriarchal structures. Studying vigilante women’s movements is important as the current literature on the relationship between women and violence is deficient, focusing on women as victims of violence but neglecting the idea of women as contributors to violence. This study therefore aims to challenge the idea of female pacifism and to acknowledge women as rational, and sometimes violent, actors. This will be done by comparing the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two most-different cases of vigilante women’s movements, with the purpose to find the motivations behind their strategic choice of violence. The study is of an explorative kind, aiming to contribute to the existing theories of vigilantism with why some women’s groups have felt compelled to step outside of traditional stereotypes and norms attributed to women to achieve their goals. The result shows that the existing theories explaining the motivations to vigilante actions coincide with the Suffragettes and the Gulabi Gang. They are however also proven to not adequately explain why some women’s movements use violence. This study therefore contributes, to the existing theories, with the conclusion that women’s movements use violence, generally seen as a masculine strategy, to shock and surprise the people and the decision-makers. The use of violence, in other words, creates a disturbance in the societal structures as a result of women generally being unexpected to use such strategies. It furthermore creates opportunities for the groups to increase the attention devoted to them in ways that would not have been possible if the groups would use more feminine strategies.
5
Rodriguez, Fernandez Gisela Victoria. „Reproduciendo Otros Mundos: Indigenous Women's Struggles Against Neo-Extractivism and the Bolivian State“. PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5094.
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Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector.
Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations.
To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.
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Johansen, Kine Fjell. „The state and civil society in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa : the case of women’s movements“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6875.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Both democracy and civil society is seen to be dysfunctional in many African countries. Political leaders are not accountable to the people and citizens’ participation in the democracies is low. Particularly, women have often been neglected both within formal politics and the civil society. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate the role of the women’s movements in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa. The study has focused on the relationship between the women’s movement and the state, and further addressed the extent to which the women’s movements have been able to direct the state and influence policymaking for improved women’s rights and gender equality in the respective countries. The thesis has found that the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in the three countries inhibits very different characteristics that give rise to varying degrees of success from the work of the women’s movements. Further, the relationship has been subjected to changes in accordance with the overall political developments in the three countries. In Uganda and South Africa the political transitions of the mid 1980s and early 1990s, each respectively represented a period of good connection and communication between the women’s movements and the state. The women’s movements were able to present a strong voice and, thereby, were able to influence the state for the adoption of national gender machineries. After the political transitions, the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in both Uganda and South Africa has, however, become more constrained. In South Africa, the debates on women’s rights and gender equality have been moved from the terrain of the civil society and into the state, leading to a seemingly weakened voice for the women’s movement outside the state. In Uganda, the women’s movement have come to be subjected to pressure for co-optation by the government. The government does not genuinely uphold a concern for increased women’s rights and gender equality, and the women’s movement has at times been directly counteracted. Further, in Kenya, the women’s movement’s relationship with the state is characterised by competition rather than communication. The women’s movement is subjected to high degrees of repression, attempts of cooptation and silencing from the state, and the women’s movement have been effectively restricted from presenting a strong voice and influence the state to any great. The three case- studies illustrates that the political opportunity structures present at a particular time influence the extent to which women’s movements can work effectively in different contexts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Menige Afrikaland se demokrasie sowel as burgerlike samelewing word as disfunksioneel beskou. Politieke leiers doen geen verantwoording aan die mense nie, en burgers se deelname aan demokrasie is gebrekkig. Veral vroue word afgeskeep in die formele politieke sfeer én die burgerlike samelewing. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die rol van die vrouebewegings in Uganda, Suid-Afrika en Kenia te ondersoek. Die studie konsentreer op die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat, en handel voorts oor die mate waarin die verskillende vrouebewegings die staat kan lei en beleidbepaling kan beïnvloed om beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid in die onderskeie lande teweeg te bring. Die tesis bevind dat die verhouding tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat in die drie lande onder beskouing baie uiteenlopende kenmerke toon, wat wisselende grade van sukses in die vrouebewegings se werk tot gevolg het. Voorts verander dié verhouding namate die oorkoepelende politieke bestel in die drie lande verander. Uganda en Suid-Afrika se politieke oorgange in die middeltagtiger- en vroeë negentigerjare onderskeidelik het ʼn tydperk van goeie bande en kommunikasie tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat verteenwoordig. Die vrouebewegings se stem het groot gewig gehad en kon dus die staat beïnvloed om nasionale beleid en werkswyses met betrekking tot gender in te stel. Ná die onderskeie politieke oorgange is die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat in sowel Uganda as Suid-Afrika egter aansienlik ingeperk. In Suid-Afrika het die debat oor vroueregte en gendergelykheid van die gebied van die burgerlike samelewing na die staat verskuif, wat die vrouebeweging se stem buite die staat aansienlik verswak het. In Uganda is die vrouebeweging weer onderwerp aan druk van koöpsie deur die regering. Die regering blyk nie werklik besorg te wees oor beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid nie, en die vrouebeweging word by tye direk teengewerk. Daarbenewens word die Keniaanse vrouebeweging se verhouding met die staat gekenmerk deur kompetisie eerder as kommunikasie. Die vrouebeweging het te kampe met heelwat onderdrukking en koöpsie- en muilbandpogings van die staat, en word in effek daarvan weerhou om hul menings te lug en die staat in enige beduidende mate te beïnvloed met die oog op groter doelgerigtheid en beter beleidbepaling wat vroueregte en gendergelykheid betref. Die drie gevallestudies toon dat die politieke geleentheidstrukture op ʼn bepaalde tydstip ʼn uitwerking het op die mate waarin vrouebewegings doeltreffend in verskillende kontekste kan funksioneer.
7
Kodj, Grace Dede. „The role of women in poverty reduction in Ghana“. Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27560.
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Various governments in post-independent Ghana have attempted to alleviate poverty among the citizenry. In furtherance of this, several poverty reduction strategies have been employed with different results. Even though the rate of poverty has fallen over the years, it is still high at 21,4% (Molini and Paci, 2015) with women unfortunately bearing most of the brunt of this (National Development Planning Commission, 2012). This dissertation looks at filling the gap in information by exploring the role women can play in poverty reduction,
using Ghana as a case study. In doing that, the study analyses poverty and the underlying reasons for endemic poverty among Ghanaians.
The objective of this study was to contextualize and make a dimension of poverty broadly in Africa and Ghana in particular. It also sought to critique the current policy alleviation policies and programmes, in relation to various factors contributing to endemic poverty among Ghanaian women, with the aim of identifying the roles that women can play in poverty reduction and making recommendations.
In this regard, a descriptive research design coupled with qualitative research methodological technique was employed, where relevant publications in the form of government reports, journals, textbooks and internet were used to collect data.
Inferences were extracted based on the requirements of the research topic.
The study found that women play an important role in food production, trade, and business. It also emerged from the study that there are numerous factors inimical to the reduction of poverty among women in Ghana. They included their inability to negotiate labour matters; a lack of, or limited education; patriarchal culture or customs; and economic sabotage. In addressing the aforementioned factors, the study recommended that in its pre-assessment of NGOs, government tailor their intervention to synchronize with the development strategies to alleviate poverty among women. It also advised educational awareness and public-public partnerships in the establishment of schools targeted most especially at women for empowerment purposes. Finally, there was an emphasis on advocacy for the reservation of land exclusively for women through land reforms.Public Administration and Management
M. Admin. (Public Administration)
8
Casey, Leora. „Balancing women's rights with the practice of Islam: case studies of Turkey and Iraq“. Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/10903.
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Islamic women’s rights remain a widely contested issue within the international relations
discourse. This research attempts to address this issue by examining Islamic women’s rights in
Turkey and Iraq. Balancing women’s rights with the practice of Islam: Case studies of Turkey
and Iraq, discusses the balance that Turkey has achieved between women’s rights and the
practice of Islam with the aid and discussion of postcolonial feminism and Islamic feminism.
This research then examines the case of Iraq, a state currently seeking international recognition.
Iraqi women’s rights are examined in an attempt to pinpoint whether factors that enabled
Turkey’s success can be found in Iraq. This research then identifies and analyses such factors, by
concluding on the future of women’s rights and the practice of Islam in both Turkey and Iraq.
9
Raliphada-Mulaudzi, Fhumulani Mavis. „Reproductive health rights of women in rural communities“. Diss., 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/15852.
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Reproductive health is very important as it shapes a woman's whole life. Currently there are a lot of obstacles which deny women their rights to reproductive health. The aim of this research was to find out what obstacles deny women the freedom to enjoy their reproductive health in order to establish a contribution which can be used by the Department of Health to improve their services. Descriptive research was conducted, using a survey approach. Convenience sampling was utilized. Participants were selected from a sample of people attending the reproductive health clinic at a hospital and a clinic in the Northern Province. The findings indicate that women are not enjoying reproductive health rights due to low educational level, cultural and societal constraints, low socio economic status and the negative attitude of the providers, of reproductive health services.Contraceptives
Family planning
Health and gender
Health rights
Reproductive choice
Reproductive health
Reproductive rights
Reproductive health care
Women's rights
Rural women
Health Science
M.A.Cur.(Nursing Science)
10
Dekete, Winnie. „An investigation into the extent to which the Zimbabwean Government and civil society have implemented Millennium Development Goal Number 3 (gender equality and empowerment to women) : the case of Ward 33 of Mt Darwin District in Zimbabwe“. Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13632.
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Girls in rural areas face a number of challenges in their pursuit of basic education,
empowerment and gender equality. This thesis explores the extent to which gender
equality and empowerment of women have been achieved in education in ward 33 of
Mt Darwin. At the centre is what Zimbabwean government and civil society
organisations such as Campaign for female education (Camfed) have done to
implement strategies addressing challenges affecting implementation and
achievement of MDG 3. A multi-method research strategy, including focus group
discussions, questionnaires administration and interviews, was used in the data
collection process. The findings of the study show reciprocal linkage between
education, empowerment and gender equality. Ward 33 requires integration in
approach from assisting agencies and the general populace if Millennium
Development Goal 3 is to be achieved. Results showed the multiple barriers girls
face in the process of accessing education within the homes, along the way to
school and within the school system itself. Camfed and government’s interventions
have been pointed out to contributing to the achievement of MDG 3 in the ward.
Women’s quest for equality is evident. Specific actions recommended after this
research include the need for MOESAC to strategically post qualified teachers in
rural areas, sensitization and empowerment programmes targeting men, civil society
organisations and government ministries working with women to intensify advocacy,
capacity building and leadership trainings for women.
Overall recommendation is that there is need to implement MDG 3 beyond 2015 if
rural women are to be integrated into the MDG 3 empowerment and gender equality
agenda.Development Studies
M. Admin. (Development Studies)
Bücher zum Thema "Women's rights – Ghana – Case studies"
1
African Women Development and Communication Network, Hrsg. Freedom of information (FOI) & women's rights in Africa: A collection of case studies from Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia. Nairobi: African Women's Development and Communication Network, 2009.
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2
Restructuring class and gender: Six case studies. Kraków: NOMOS, 2012.
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3
Programme, Safer Cities, Hrsg. The global assessment on women's safety. Nairobi: Safer Cities Programme, UN-HABITAT, 2008.
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Victoria. Office of Women's Policy . Women's safety, women's voices. Melbourne: Office of Women's Policy, Dept. of Premier and Cabinet, 2002.
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5
Mathew, Suseela. Breaking the barriers: Towards women's empowerment. Bangalore: Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, 2009.
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Dhaatri Resource Centre for Women and Children--Samata. Contesting women's rights within the political economy of mining in India. Secunderabad: Dhaatri Resource Centre for Women and Children, 2010.
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Mujer y empleo: Buscando la igualdad : Perú, Paraguay, Colombia, Argentina. Lima, Perú: Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán, 2009.
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Lund, Stine. Health insurance schemes in northern Ghana: A case study of Salamba Women's Health Insurance Scheme : OSVAL II. [Ghana: s.n., 2003.
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Albertini, Josefina. 4 mujeres, nuestros derechos. [Paraguay]: CIPAE, 1995.
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A disappearing world: Studies in class, gender and memory. North Melbourne, Victoria: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2015.
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1
Roberts, Tomi-Ann. „Bleeding in Jail: Objectification, Self-Objectification, and Menstrual Injustice“. In The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Menstruation Studies, 53–68. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-0614-7_6.
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Abstract In this first-person recollection, Roberts describes in frank detail an expert witness in a civil rights case on behalf of former inmates subjected to a strip and body cavity search in a women's jail. As Roberts relates, the procedure was monitored by female deputies and conducted en masse, and those who were menstruating had to remove their soiled tampons or pads in front of the group and, in some cases, bleed down their legs and onto the floor. Deputies are alleged to have verbally abused the inmates during the procedure. This case, Roberts says, has opened her eyes to the ways the shame and disgust that menstruation engenders gets deployed to debase disenfranchised women. Roberts asserts that this is a uniquely misogynist form of punishment, meted out by and against bodies and minds that have been colonized by objectification and self-objectification, becoming a grotesque platform to dehumanize women who land on the wrong side of the law and who live in bodies that menstruate.
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Otsuka, Keijiro, und Agnes R. Quisumbing. „Land Rights and Natural Resource Management in the Transition to Individual Ownership: Case Studies from Ghana and Indonesia“. In Access to Land, Rural Poverty, and Public Action, 97–128. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242177.003.0004.
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Tei, Daniel. „Mob Justice in Contemporary Ghana“. In Global Perspectives on People, Process, and Practice in Criminal Justice, 180–94. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6646-6.ch011.
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Mob justice/instant justice/vigilantism in Ghana serves as an indictment on the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, creates a heightened sense of fear among citizens that they could become victims, and also undermines the legitimacy of the police and legal authorities. Several studies have shown that communities use mob justice as a tool to respond to crimes and an ineffective criminal justice system. The current study aims to describe the mob justice situation in Ghana through the lens of the procedural justice theory. Specifically, the study asks the following research question: How does the media in Ghana describe mob justice? Drawing data from two Ghanaian newspapers—the Daily Graphic and The Ghanaian Times—the study relies on the content analysis method to explore how media in Ghana describe mob justice. The study reveals that lynch mobs are more likely to subject males, especially between the ages of 20-29, to lethal punishment than their female counterparts. Men's overrepresentation and women's underrepresentation as victims are theorized to be based on gender stereotypes. Finally, the study does not find support for the procedural justice theory. Thus, the study finds that police effectiveness is not sufficient enough to elicit police legitimacy that will enhance widespread public compliance. The study recommends that the Ghana Police should embark on policing styles that respect the rights and dignity of citizens, in addition to being effective, to remedy the mob justice problem. Further research is needed to combine official homicide data from the Ghana Police and other sources of homicide to highlight the phenomenon in Ghana, given the data source of the current study.
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De, Rohit. „The Case of the Honest Prostitute“. In A People's Constitution, 169–214. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691174433.003.0005.
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This chapter studies the new laws against prostitution, enacted to enforce Article 23 of the Constitution, which sought to end the trafficking of women. For nationalists and leaders of the Indian women's movement, independence meant the achievement of constitutional and legal equality and the emergence of the republican female citizen as a moral, productive member of society. However, legislators and social workers were confronted by a different conception of freedom when sex workers began to file constitutional challenges to the anti-trafficking laws. They asserted their constitutional right to a trade or a profession and to freedom of movement around the country, and they challenged the procedural irregularities in the new statutes. The chapter then demonstrates that despite the sex workers' minimal success in the courts, this litigation prompted mobilization and associational politics outside the court and brought rights language into the everyday life of the sex trade.