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1
Kim, Sang Ki. „Third-party intervention in civil wars: motivation, war outcomes, and post-war development“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3483.
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Why do third-party interventions in civil wars sometimes positively contribute to fast conflict resolutions and post-war development and sometimes backfire? To solve this puzzle, I present a conceptual framework that links the motives and methods of intervention to civil war outcomes and post-war development. Two contrasting motives, self-interest and humanitarian concerns, lead to different intervention types. Self-interest prompts states to undertake unilateral and biased intervention. Humanitarian concerns encourage states to engage in multilateral intervention through the UN with a biased position. Interveners are more prudent in the use of force. They resort to violent methods only when critical security interests are at stake or when extreme humanitarian disasters occur.
The method of intervention reflects interveners' motives and significantly influences civil war processes and post-war development. The effects of intervention on civil war duration and outcome, however, tend to be inconsistent with interveners' intentions. I find no empirical evidence that external intervention is likely to make civil war shorter. Whether interveners are motivated by humanitarian concerns or self-interest, they tend to fail to achieve their best outcome: a faster victory for their protégé or a faster negotiated settlement. Instead, biased interveners succeed in retarding military victory by their protégé's rival. Neutral interveners play a role in delaying time until government victory, regardless of their intention.
The effects of intervention on post-war development are somewhat consistent with interveners' intention. Multilateral intervention motivated by humanitarian concerns tends to promote post-war well-being by increasing resources available for post-war reconstruction. On the other hand, unilateral intervention tends to impede the improvement of post-war quality of life. The use of force also has negative impacts on post-war development. The reason is that those interventions pursing self-interest produce a less-respondent government and reduce available resources. Military victory is more likely to improve post-war quality of life than is a negotiated settlement. However, the positive effects of military victory are realized only when a group wins a victory without biased support from foreign powers. I find that multilateral intervention using nonviolent methods and having an unbiased stance may be the best way for the international community to help post-war development.
2
Sears, Todd Richard. „War as Art or Science: A Humanist Vision“. Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43543.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis attempts to answer the question, Is War art of science? In doing so it draws heavily upon Thomas Kuhn's humanistic philosophy of science. If War can be separated theoretically into two distinct analytical units, preparation for war, and conduct of war, then the answer to the question becomes more accessible. The war preparation process is notably similar to the Kuhnian dynamic of scientific process, i.e., the evolution of a paradigm through inter-disciplinary criticism and rearticulation. A case study of post-WWII US nuclear strategy is offered to substantiate the claim that war preparation operates in a way that is remarkably similar to Kuhnian science. So, if war preparation is scientific, then the conduct of war, a fundamentally different activity, may be seen as artistic. This case is made by drawing heavily upon the writings of General Carl von Clausewitz, and the 18th century German idealist Immanuel Kant. The end result of the work is to posit the existence of two types of men necessary for the execution of War, those who demonstrate ability in the sublime genius of science, and those who are more suited to develop the heroic genius of battle. The question then arises as pertains to the US military educational system's ability to identify these men and intensify their development within each's specific forte.
3
Hall, Charlie. „British exploitation of German science and technology from War to post-War, 1943-1948“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/60242/.
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The aim of this thesis is to present a rounded picture of British efforts to obtain information on German science and technology, both military and civilian, after the Second World War. This endeavour was conducted for numerous reasons - to secure some form of reparations, to improve defence capabilities for any future conflict, and to ensure that Germany possessed no lasting scientific war potential - and in various ways - the examination of laboratories and factories, the confiscation of equipment and documents, and the interrogation of experts. In some cases, these same experts were detained, brought to Britain, and occasionally offered work at government research establishments or private companies, in order to exact long-term benefit for Britain from the occupation of Germany. Unsurprisingly, an endeavour of this nature encountered difficulty from multiple quarters, including public opposition in Britain, conflict with other initiatives, such as reconstruction, in Germany, and competition with foreign powers, most notably the Soviet Union. As a result, this thesis sits at the intersection between various fields of historical inquiry. It incorporates elements from the history of intelligence, such as the necessarily secretive nature of many of the exploitation operations and the involvement of high-level intelligence bodies in the direction of the programme; from diplomatic history, not least how exploitation was affected by the reconfiguration of Britain's status on the world stage as it was steadily eclipsed by the United States and the Soviet Union; from the history of science, as the programme encompassed some of the most significant technological developments of the period, including the atomic bomb, the jet engine and guided missiles; and from military history, both because the first units and individuals concerned with the initiative were military and because many of the most valuable spoils removed from Germany were of a warlike nature. Ultimately, though, the narrative presented in this thesis is primarily concerned with British policy - policy towards occupied Germany, science and technology, and the nascent Cold War - and how this evolved throughout, and was shaped by, the deeply transformative period surrounding the end of the Second World War. The story of the British exploitation of German science and technology is, therefore, a crucial, but thus far understudied, facet of Britain's adjustment to the new post-war era in 1945.
4
Quek, Ch-yuan Kaiy. „Rationalist causes of war : mechanisms, experiments, and East Asian wars“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84849.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation specifies and tests rationalist mechanisms of war. Why would rational states fight each other despite their incentives for peaceful bargains that would avoid the costs of war? In the rationalist theory of war, private information and the commitment problem are the key causes of war. I study the effects of these factors - and the mechanisms regulating their effects - through randomized experiments, historical analysis of the decision processes in three wars, and a comparative study of all international wars fought in East Asia in the last century. This is the first integrated study of rationalist causes of war that combines randomized experiments with historical cases. Despite a wide theoretical literature, there are few empirical tests of rationalist explanations for war. I use experimental and historical evidence to show that the commitment problem has strong positive effects on conflict. The effects of private information are less clear. Next, I specify six mechanisms that regulate the effects of the commitment problem and the private-information problem: three mechanisms (exogenous, endogenous, and inadvertent enforcement) for the first problem and three mechanisms (signaling with sunk cost, implementation cost, and salient contradiction) for the second. The experimental and historical evidence largely converge. Each of the three enforcement mechanisms calms the commitment problem and reduces the risk of conflict. Evidence for the three signaling mechanisms is mixed. Finally, I use the case universe of East Asian wars to assess the relevance of the mechanisms, suggest theoretical refinements, and infer alternative theories of war.
by Ch-yuan Kaiy Quek.
Ph.D.
5
Gallagher, Ron. „Science fiction and language : language and the imagination in post-war science fiction“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1986. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/90798/.
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This study examines the claims for a privileged status for the language of science fiction. The analysis of a series of invented languages, including 'nadsat', 'newspeak' and 'Babel-17', establishes that beneath these constructions lie deep-seated misconceptions about how language works. It is shown that the various theories of language, implicitly or explicitly expressed by writers and critics concerned with invented languages and neologism in science fiction, embody a mistaken view about the relation between language and the imagination. Chapter two demonstrates, with particular reference to the treatment of time and mind, that the themes on which science fiction most likes to dwell, reflect very closely the concerns of philosophy, and as such, are particularly amenable to the analytical methods of linguistic philosophy. This approach shows that what science fiction 'imagines' often turns out to be a product of the deceptive qualities of the grammar of language itself. The paradoxes of a pseudo-philosophical nature, in which science fiction invariably finds itself entangled, are particularly well exemplified in the work of Philip K. Dick. Chapter Three suggests that by exploiting the logically impossible, by making a virtue of the tricks and conventions which have become science fiction's stigmata (time-travel, telepathy, etc.), Dick indicates a means of overcoming the genre's current problems concerning form and seriousness. In conclusion it is demonstrated through the work of J. G. Ballard, that any attempt to throw off science fiction's 'pulp' conventions is likely to lead the genre further into the literary wilderness.
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Daley, Christopher. „British science fiction and the Cold War, 1945-1969“. Thesis, University of Westminster, 2013. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8yz67/british-science-fiction-and-the-cold-war-1945-1969.
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This thesis examines British Science Fiction between 1945 and 1969 and considers its response to the Cold War. It investigates the generic progression of British SF in the post-war years, assessing the legacy of the pre-war style of scientific romance in selected works from the late 1940s, before exploring its re-engagement with the tradition of disaster fiction in works by John Wyndham and John Christopher in the 1950s. The thesis then moves on to contemplate the writings of the British New Wave and the experimentations with form in the fiction of J.G. Ballard and Brian Aldiss as well as the stories and articles incorporated within New Worlds magazine during Michael Moorcock’s period as editor. Following on from this is a consideration of the emergence of SF film and television in Britain, marking out its convergence with literary works as well as its own distinctive reactions to the changing contexts of the Cold War. This thesis therefore diverges from existing literary histories of post-war British writing, which have largely focused on the numerous crises affecting the literary novel. Such examinations have tended to represent the Cold War as an ancillary theme – despite Britain being the third nation to acquire nuclear weapons – and have generally overlooked Science Fiction as a suitable mode for engaging with the major transformations taking place in post-war British society. Reacting to such assumptions, this thesis argues that British SF was not only a form that responded to the vast technological changes facilitated by the Cold War, but equally, that cultural life during the Cold War presented considerable challenges to Science Fiction itself – with visions of nuclear war and authoritarianism no longer the exclusive property of the speculative imagination but part of everyday life. Additionally, by concentrating on overtly British responses to the Cold War this thesis aims to further illuminate an area of cultural history that has otherwise received limited attention.
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Barakat, Sultan. „Reviving war-damaged settlements : towards an international charter for reconstruction after war“. Thesis, University of York, 1993. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4661/.
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This study is concerned with the issue of reviving settlements after war. It focuses on the formulation of reconstruction policies and programmes. The aim is not to propose ready made solutions but rather to identify a set of 'practical' and 'effective' reconstruction recommendations, that could in the future constitute a morally based international reconstruction philosophy. The problem we are addressing is that: Often, the task of rebuilding war-devastated settlements is seen entirely as a 'series of short-term quick fix projects'; carried out by central governments; and often imposed from above to serve 'hidden political agendas', with the ultimate result of the disaster of war being followed by the 'disaster of reconstruction '. The hub of this research is based on field investigations and literature studies and, is presented to support the following hypothesis: Settlement reconstruction should be an integral part of the nation-wide post-war development strategy, and within that reconstruction policies should foster the incremental learning process by the affected local communities. This dissertation sets out to understand the nature of armed conflicts and the complexity of reconstruction after war. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the different tasks involved in the process of reconstruction by establishing, from the available (cross-cultural) literature, a conceptual framework of some of the main planning and implementation issues and dilemmas. It then examines in detail the three cases of Iraq, Yemen and Belfast. Finally, it focuses on the concept of community participation In reconstruction which has widely been claimed to be the answer to many reconstruction problems. And concludes by: (1) drawing up a set of 'policy and practice' recommendations, that would enable 'careful' decision-makers, professionals and community leaders to ensure that the 'disaster of war' will not be followed by a 'catastrophe of reconstruction', and (2) 1aying the basis for an internationally respectable 'Charter for Reconstruction after War', that would help to involve governments and international bodies in the development and application of sound reconstruction policies, with the ultimate result of them being responsive to the needs of people. Both are translations of the insights gained from this research into practical solutions.
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Schub, Robert Jay. „Certainty and War“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493541.
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Does greater certainty about an adversary’s attributes cause peace? What states believe they can secure through force dictates the diplomatic settlements they will accept. In prevailing accounts which preclude assessment errors, certainty promotes peace as states can readily identify agreements preferable to war. Yet, empirically, high-certainty assessments often contribute to bargaining failure, rather than success. This dissertation resolves the tension. Assessments are not objectively given; leaders must form them through subjective processes. Consistent with behavioral studies, leaders are often more certain than available information warrants. Incorporating these overprecision errors, I show certainty can increase the risk of war. Hence, the relationship between certainty and war is conditional.
Whether estimates are overprecise depends on the information leaders receive from advisers who have specialized expertise due to a division of labor. Failure to tap into this expertise generates overprecise estimates. This is particularly likely when leaders fail to gather information pertinent to an adversary’s political (versus military) attributes by marginalizing a state’s diplomats—such as US State Department officials. Bureaucracies affect state behavior through the substantive expertise they provide, not through parochial preference divergences which dissipate during crises.
To test the argument I construct a measure of certainty using an original corpus of declassified security documents from US Cold War crises. Quantitative tests using the measure demonstrate that State Department officials provide assessments with less certainty than counterparts and the relationship between certainty and conflict is conditional on the State Department’s role. When State Department officials are heavily involved, certainty leads to peace; when marginalized, certainty is likely due to overprecision and leads to war.
Case studies of the Bay of Pigs and Iraq War assess implications that elude quantitative testing. Presidents marginalized diplomats, privileging CIA estimates in 1961 and Pentagon estimates in 2003. Each agency offered high-certainty estimates over political attributes affecting conflict outcomes: popular uprisings in Cuba and stability in post-Saddam Iraq. Overprecision is not a matter of hindsight as marginalized advisers invoked greater uncertainty before hostilities commenced.
Integrating behavioralist and rationalist approaches offers greater explanatory power in quantitative tests and provides insights into historical cases that are puzzling for extant theories. Moreover, the dissertation shows that certainty is not strictly welfare enhancing and flags policy conditions conducive to assessment errors and costly foreign policy blunders.Government
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Romaya, Bassam. „Philosophizing War: Arguments in the War on Iraq“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/78961.
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PhilosophyPh.D.
I set out to analyze four main philosophical arguments which have dominated the Iraq war debate. Each of these arguments has been used by philosophers to varying degrees to assess the circumstances surrounding the war. The discussions customarily focused on four key issues: just war theory, humanitarian intervention, democratization, and preventive war. In each case, I examine the argument's methods, shortcomings, and implications, to conclude that each fails to satisfactorily address, explain, or elucidate the highly controversial war. I argue that we simply cannot rely on a meager set of arguments to provide us with greater insight or genuine understanding of this war, as well as new or postmodern wars more generally. First, arguments that focus on the just war tradition overlook key events and underemphasize developments that have effectively eroded the tradition's defining concepts, such as the distinctions between combatant/noncombatant, states/non-states, victories/defeats, armies/non-state or non-nation actors. Second, theoretical analyses are routinely misappropriated or misapplied; this is especially evident in calls for humanitarian intervention, implemented for past harms committed, using backward-causing logic intended to make up for past inaction, rather than halting ongoing or imminent harm. Third, the focus on forcible democratization overlooks the high probability for failure in such pursuits and readily dismisses moral, legal, economic, educational, and cultural obstacles to democratic national building. Fourth, arguments which focus on preventive war suffer from similar problems encountered with the previous three, especially since it is unclear that the event could be characterized as a case of preventive war. The relationship between belligerent state and target state was not one in which the target state posed a future or distant threat to the belligerent state. Collectively, the arguments err in their uncritical acceptance of methodological analyses that have no genuine application to the matter at issue; that is, each misunderstands the nature of new or postmodern wars and clings to concepts relevant to modern wars, which do not factor in developments such as non-state actors, the spread of global capitalism, economic and cultural globalization, strategic objectives or military preeminence, imperialist aims or empire-building.
Temple University--Theses
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Singh, Sanjana P. „Framing Freedom Wars: US Rhetoric in Afghanistan During the Cold War and the War on Terror“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/541.
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The United States has maintained a heavy military presence in Afghanistan for a little more than a decade however; the US has been involved in Afghanistan on and off for over three decades. The 2001 ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan became framed around the goal of saving Afghan women. In order to understand how this framing came about and what the impact of this framing was I study US congressional documents, speeches and other public rhetoric by government officials in the 1980s and early 2000s. Analyzing rhetorical language and reoccurring themes helps us understand what major framing devices and narrative techniques were in play during these time periods. Ultimately I conclude that women’s safety was a post-facto justification for intervention; the framing techniques used during the 2001 were utilized in order to create a clear, coherent narrative that selectively ignores the impact of US involvement in Afghanistan during the Cold War.
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Mutawi, S. A. „Jordan in the 1967 war“. Thesis, University of Reading, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356068.
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Nichiporuk, Brian. „Learning the lessons of war : the impact of World War I upon the interwar great powers“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12583.
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13
Braun, Jamison D. „Explorations on just war“. Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10109.
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In this thesis, I present examples of non-adherence to Just War Doctrine and challenge whether the theory ought to be adhered to at all. My research is based on nation to nation and nation to international actor wars and addresses all three tenets of the Just War Doctrine: Jus in bello, Jus ad bellum and Jus pos bello. My writings suggest that since Just War Theory has not been adhered to in entirety within the last 100 years, standing by the theory may, in itself, be irrelevant. This theory was created to make addressing, committing and ending war the gravest of all man's acts, so severe in nature that there is no room for error. In fact, during the research of this thesis, a war that was fought justly according to tradition was not found. And, because Just War Doctrine decreed that in order for a war to exist justly, all tenets must be followed, this thesis has provided considerable evidence that for the last 100 years Just War Doctrine has not been adhered to and with the changing dimensions of warfare by terrorists, state and rogue actors, and increased interconnectedness through Globalization, Just War may never be relevant as it was in the early years of establishment.
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Pohl, Jill Hannah. „Al Qaeda's Propaganda War: A War for Hearts and Minds“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1389654137.
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Shortt, Michael. „Arms racing, coercion and war“. Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86735.
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This paper constructs a graphical and mathematical model of dyadic interstate security competition. It does so by integrating arms racing and war initiation in to a single rational choice framework. The model is constructed from rigorously-defined concepts and all assumptions are made explicit. Equilibrium values for security-based arms racing are derived under the model and compared to conquest-seeking arms races. Comparative static results are provided for several shocks to the basic system. The model is informally extended in to probabilistic war scenarios. Finally, a number of testable predictions generated by the model are presented.Ce mémoire présente un modèle graphique et mathématique du conflit dyadique dans le domaine de la sécurité internationale. Le modèle permet d'interpréter la course aux armements et le déclenchement des guerres dans un cadre formel. Le modèle est construit a partir de concepts rigoureusement définies et nos postulats ont été présenté de manières explicites. Les valeurs d'équilibre pour une course aux armements voulant assurer la sécurité nationale sont prédits à partir du modèle et comparé aux valeurs produites pour une course aux armements avec des objectifs de conquête. Différents résultats d'analyse statique sont comparés pour différentes perturbations du modèle de base. Le modèle est étendu intuitivement pour présenter des scénarios probabilistes de guerre. Finalement, de nombreuses propositions réfutables sont dérivées du modèle.
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Katoch, Ghanshyam Singh. „Fourth generation war : paradigm for change /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FKatoch.pdf.
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Nordhag, Anders. „War, Peace and Ideologies : Approaching peace in war through Democratic Confederalism and the war in Rojava“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162558.
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Traditionally, war and peace have been approached as incompatible entities; where war and violence are present, peace has been assumed to be absent. Recent studies of peace in conflict have started to undermine this assumption, since expressions of peace and attempts at building peace have been found among individuals and communities entangled in violent conflicts. This thesis explores peace in war via democratic confederalism, an ideology that is being implemented in northern Syria. An ideational analysis is used to approach the ideology, which is later compared with an analytical framework developed from liberal and critical peacebuilding to explore democratic confederalism’s similarities and deviations in regard to the two theories. Afterwards, the findings are analysed in the context of northern Syria. The study shows that there are several intersections between aspects of critical peacebuilding and democratic confederalism. Discussed through the war in northern Syria and it is argued that the self-defence part of democratic confederalism has taken a prominent and necessary role, but one that might obscure the aspects of democratic confederalism that are peace-conducive. The research paper concludes that while this might make democratic confederalism as a whole appear less peaceful, it should be understood through the context of war and aspects that contribute to peace should be interpreted as expressions of peace in violent conflict.
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Biermann, Kurt-R. „War Alexander von Humboldt ein "Freiherr" (oder "Baron")?“ Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5758/.
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Fogg, Erik (Erik D. ). „Generalizing power transitions as a cause of war“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53080.
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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-70).
In this thesis, I ask three questions about the nature of power transition theory. First, I ask whether power transition theory can be generalized beyond identification of great powers or regional hierarchies. Lemke and Werner introduce the concept of a multiple hierarchical order, in which mutually relevant regional powers can go to war over dissatisfaction with a regional status quo. I submit that this concept can be generalized into a continuous concept to include all states within the umbrella of the theory. Second, I ask how often status quo states initiate war in power transition cases. Jack Levy explains that status quo states have a motive to launch a preemptive war against a revisionist state, before it becomes too powerful to defeat. I submit that these motivations lead to a high incidence of status quo actor-initiated war in power transitions. Finally, I ask whether the rate of change of relative power matters during a transition period. I hypothesize that quick changes in the relative difference in power between two states would create a fast-closing window of opportunity. This closing window creates a crisis and motivates leaders to move quickly, leading to a higher probability of avoidable war. Incorporation of rate of power transition could explain war in power transition cases yet to achieve true parity, or even explain peace in a period of parity and revisionism. To test these questions, I create a large, inclusive (571,000+ N) dataset of nearly all dyads between 1821 and 2001, using the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capabilities as the basis of power independent variables, and a composite of distance and power measurements to determine the relevance independent variable. I run a number of regressions of the power and relevance independent variables against the onset of war. I reach decisive conclusions about the nature of power dynamics in the international system, and propose their incorporation into the power transition literature. Generalized, continuous measurements of relevance, parity, and rate of change of power transition increase the explanatory power of the model; the revisionist state does not always or even usually provoke power transition war; finally, higher rates of power transition lead to a higher probability of war. The thesis ends with a number of shortfalls with the model I propose, and a number of further revisions and expansions of power transition theory.
by Erik Fogg.
S.M.and S.B.
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Welch, Michael. „Military science and military history : Bloch, Fuller, Henderson and the Royal United Service Institution (1830-1901)“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389866.
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Oakes, Fergus Peter Wilfred. „The nature of war and its impact on society during the Barons' War, 1264-67“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6406/.
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This thesis examines the nature of war and its impact on society in the English civil war, known as the Barons’ War, which was waged from1264-67 between King Henry III and a baronial opposition led by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester. This is the first dedicated major study of the civil war as a war rather than as a political or constitutional event. While several of the war’s important campaigns have received individual study, the broader issues of the war, like the state and use of castles and town defences, guerrilla warfare and the impact of these on society have not received the same attention. Military history in general has received comparatively little study from the early to mid-thirteenth century and this thesis seeks to examine potential military developments between the civil war of 1215-17; the wars of Edward I in the late-thirteenth century and the Barons’ War’s possible impact upon these. Chapter one contextualizes the military experience and the types of men engaged in the civil war; the methods of recruitment and the general ‘customs of war’. This discussion will inform the discussion in the rest of the thesis. While castles were a crucial aspect of medieval warfare their role in 1263-1267 remains little studied, despite a considerable body of surviving documentation relating to them. Chapter two will therefore focus on the role, state and struggle for control of castles, particularly royal castles on the eve of the war. Chapter three will examine their use and effectiveness in warfare, the techniques and problems of besieging them and, in particular, will utilize a number of illustrative case studies of major sieges in the conflict. The fourth chapter will examine the previously unexamined role of town defences in the war, particularly their state and effectiveness. In chapter five, the thesis will bring a fresh focus by discussing the use of the wilderness by both sides as a tool of resistance, with its principal focus on the war waged by the Disinherited after the battle of Evesham until 1267 and its impact and significance. The final chapter examines the nature of warfare at a very local level, exploring how the issues and events described in the former chapters impacted on communities and also more local participation in waging war as well as examining the blurred lines between warfare and crime. The appendices include a discussion of the involvement of Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby in the largely unexplored events of the siege of Gloucester in 1264.
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Goodare, Jennifer. „Representing science in a divided world : the Royal Society and Cold War Britain“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/representing-science-in-a-divided-world-the-royal-society-and-cold-war-britain(3b43e9ec-765b-4944-b9b3-ea0284fc7d66).html.
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This thesis shows that despite the rhetoric of universalism and internationalism used by the Royal Society, especially after the onset of Cold War, its policies and actions in the period 1945-75 remained closely allied to the interests of the British state. More specifically, in its foreign relations the Society mainly operated within a network of Western intergovernmental organisations that were a response to, and operated in similar ways, to Eastern Bloc organisations. While financially dependent on a Parliamentary grant-in-aid, they effectively carved out a role in the sphere of international scientific relations which was built upon an image of independence from the state. Thus, Society Officers and staff were able to mobilise a double-sided discourse of utility to, and independence from, the state. The association between the government of the day and the Society was at its most effective when a consensus existed between like-minded government administrators and Officers of the Society. A culture of collaboration and informal networks allowed them to build relationships and share ideas. The Society was perfectly designed to facilitate this culture, as its Fellows permeated government networks as individuals as much as they did as direct representatives of the Society. The status of Fellows conferred on them eligibility for a variety of positions, both formal and informal, within the elite infrastructure of national life. The thesis also shows that party political and ideological motivations often prefaced associations between Fellows and like-minded politicians or civil servants, but these associations were principally between economic liberals to the exclusion of far left scientists. However, the Society’s connections with the government were also motivated by reasons beyond party politics. The Society had an overarching aim to preserve the United Kingdom’s position as a scientific ‘Mecca’. In the shifting post-war landscape, in which the country became more dependent on outside help and conscious of its relative decline in economic and political power, the Society looked beyond national borders to stay in the competition. The thesis shows that Officers of the Society responded creatively to the changing geopolitical landscape as old spheres of influence waned, such as the Empire-Commonwealth, and new ones opened up, such as the European Community and the special relationship with America. The Society pursued these new opportunities with patriotic ambition, often prioritising relations that promised scientific rather than political gains, but always within a Western framework.
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Markham, Timothy. „Bourdieusian political theory and social science : the field of war correspondence 1990-2003“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:af02a3e5-3853-4f67-afe3-4e94c8369788.
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This thesis examines the cogency of Bourdieusian political theory and social science on phenomenological, empirical and normative grounds. It investigates whether Bourdieu's philosophy of science leads logically to the political content of Bourdieusian theory, and concludes that the originary determinism which characterises Bourdieu's work is a normative commitment. Rather than characterising that which is bracketed out of Bourdieu's neo-Marxist phenomenology - that is, the level of determination accessible neither to the consciousness of the social agent nor the social scientist - as inherently coercive, the thesis argues that the Bourdieusian modeal can be defended on deontological grounds. Specifically, this entails a deontological acceptance of the cultural value of autonomy and accountability. The tension between these two in turn raises the problem of acceptable levels of exclusion and decontestation, and the thesis concludes that a qualified elitism is defensible and compatible with Boudieusian principles. The thesis incorporates a case study which serves two functions. First, it puts into empirical practice the principles of Bourdieusian philosophy of social science to ascertain what implications and normative commitments are built into Bourdieusian methodology. In this regard it concludes that while it is possible to produce constructive analysis of systematically misrecognised economies, it becomes necessary to delineate the point beyond which positing further levels of coercive determination is counter-productive - and this can only be done according to deontological criteria. Second, it assesses the merit of Bourdieusian sociologies relative to existing accounts of the journalistic field. It concludes that while Bourdieu is excessively dismissive of individual awareness of the conditions of their field, Bourdieusian field analysis produces significant insights into the processes of naturalisation, self-identification, esotericisation and disinterestedness.
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Whetten, Andrew B. „Surviving a Civil War: Expanding the Scope of Survival Analysis in Political Science“. DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7417.
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Survival Analysis in the context of Political Science is frequently used to study the duration of agreements, political party influence, wars, senator term lengths, etc. This paper surveys a collection of methods implemented on a modified version of the Power-Sharing Event Dataset (which documents civil war peace agreement durations in the Post-Cold War era) in order to identify the research questions that are optimally addressed by each method. A primary comparison will be made between a Cox Proportional Hazards Model using some advanced capabilities in the glmnet package, a Survival Random Forest Model, and a Survival SVM. En route to this comparison, issues including Cox Model variable selection using the LASSO, identification of clusters using Hierarchal Clustering, and discretizing the response for Classification Analysis will be discussed. The results of the analysis will be used to justify the need and accessibility of the Survival Random Forest algorithm as an additional tool for survival analysis.
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Shepherd, G. M. „Britain, Germany and the cold war, 1951-1955“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358537.
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Brooke, Stephen James. „Labour's war : party, coalition and reconstruction 1939-45“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291291.
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Giustozzi, Antonio. „War, politics and society in Afghanistan 1978-1992“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265765.
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Mahoney, Joan. „Civil liberties in Britain during the Cold War“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317806.
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Alm, Daniel. „The US invasion of Afghanistan: : A justified war?“ Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447712.
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Labs, Eric Jackson. „Fighting for more--the sources of expanding war aims“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11637.
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Long, Austin G. „First War Syndrome : military culture, professionalization, and counterinsurgency doctrine“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/60214.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.Vita. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
Counterinsurgency was a persistent and important challenge to military organizations in the second half of the 20th century and seems likely to continue to pose a challenge in the 21st century. This makes understanding how military organizations respond to this challenge both an important policy question and a fruitful area for academic research on military doctrine. The involvement of the United States and the United Kingdom in counterinsurgency in Kenya, South Vietnam, and Iraq are used to test four competing hypotheses on the origin and development of military doctrine. The four hypotheses are doctrine as rational response to environment, doctrine as product of civilian intervention, doctrine as means to deal with generic organizational desires and problems, and doctrine as product of organizational culture. This latter hypothesis is developed extensively by examining the professionalization of military organizations through professional military education, which has its origin in a certain set of experiences termed "the first war." The next three chapters detail the formation and evolution of culture and professional education in three militaries (U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps, and British Army). The case studies then test how these organizations responded in terms of doctrine and operations to the challenge of counterinsurgency in South Vietnam (U.S. Army and Marine Corps), Kenya (British Army) and Iraq (all three). It then presents, as an additional plausibility probe, a brief shadow case of Afghanistan and Pakistan (all three organizations, plus the Canadian and Pakistani armies). The evidence in these case studies indicates a strong role for organizational culture in military doctrine and operations when information from the environment is ambiguous (as it frequently is, especially in counterinsurgency) but that culture is substantially attenuated in effect when information from the environment becomes unambiguous. It then concludes by discussing both theoretical and policy implications and avenues for future research.
by Austin Long.
Ph.D.
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Brace, Susan. „The Role of Bureaucracy During the War on Terror“. University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1302293519.
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ENRIGHT, NANCY K. „TRADITIONAL AUTHORITY ATTITUDES, MORAL WORLDVIEWS AND THE CULTURE WAR“. University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1092805089.
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McGregor, C. D. „The 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War : causes, course and consequences“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317747.
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Lenarth, Anja. „The Humanitarian Intervention in South Sudan : A Just War?“ Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-86031.
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Stephenson, Henry A. „The justice of preventive war /“. Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FStephenson.pdf.
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Dixon, Matthew. „Population-centric warfare : how popular support determines civil war outcomes“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/18853/.
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In recent years, the most technologically advanced militaries in the world have toiled against guerrilla forces. Counterinsurgent doctrine focuses on a government’s lack of popular support to explain this. Academic literature, however, currently treats popular mobilisation as a dependent variable, rather than using it as a framework for understanding the dynamics and outcomes of civil wars. This thesis represents a first step to address this disparity and incorporate popular support into the comparative study of civil war outcomes. I explore what popular support provides conflict actors, what determines population behaviour and how the ability of conflict actors to generate support determines the dynamics and outcome of a conflict. I conclude that popular support, or the battle for ‘hearts and minds’, is crucial to the power of conflict actors, but only when it is understood as a contribution, not shared preferences. Based on this analysis I propose a framework for studying civil conflict that focuses on the regenerative capacity of the two belligerents. The key battleground in any civil war is rebel efforts to degrade the sovereign structures the government uses to generate support from the population. If rebels can achieve this, the government collapses and the rebels can win the war even if they are smaller or fail to score any battlefield successes. I test this model using a quantitative analysis of 65 civil wars and four in-depth cases studies. Overall there is strong empirical support for the model of conflict developed in this thesis, raising a number of theoretical and practical implications. Most importantly, I find that strengthening institutions of governance, be they formal or informal, is the best method for governments to defeat rebel groups, while rebels win by undermining socioeconomic activity.
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Waters, Lonn Augustine. „Secrecy, deception and intelligence failure : explaining operational surprise in war“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33710.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-85).
Operational surprise attacks are large-scale, theater-level intrawar attacks, which result from a country misestimating the capabilities and intentions of its enemies. This thesis analyzes how these massive surprise attacks occur during war when countries should be especially wary of their enemies and vigilant for any evidence of attack. Three hypotheses may explain the frequency and success of operational surprise attacks including operational secrecy, strategic deception, and intelligence failure. Using the Battle of the Bulge in World War II and the Chinese counteroffensive in the Korean War as case studies, this analysis illustrates these three elements and evaluates their relative causal weight in these attacks. This study concludes that each hypothesis is a contributing element to the surprise attack, but that a failure of intelligence is the critical factor. Moreover, this failure stems from a "victory disease" - a belief held by military leaders and their intelligence staff when victory appears near that one's enemy is too weak or has allowed the opportunity to mount a successful counterattack pass.
(cont.) Thus, precisely when one's enemy becomes most desperate on the battlefield countries run a greater risk of surprise attack by failing to accurately estimate an enemy's strategic intentions and military capabilities.
by Lonn Augustine Waters.
S.M.
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. „Bankruptcy, guns or campaigns : explaining armed organizations' post-war trajectories“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/64616.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2011.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 304-328).
This project seeks to explain what happens to armed organizations after they sign peace accords. Why do they dissolve, return to war, or form non-violent socio-political entities (political parties or civic associations)? To explain variation in post-war outcomes, my argument centers on the human geography of armed groups. Recruitment, deployment, and post-war migration patterns generate distinct configurations of a) collective capacity, b) relations with civilians, and c) inter-armed group dynamics. I propose that, if a rebel or paramilitary unit recruits in a geographically concentrated area and deploys its fighters in their home communities, the organization will persist and transform into a socio-political entity after disarming. If instead the organization recruits in a dispersed manner, deploys its soldiers away from their towns of origin, and the soldiers either return home or displace to a third locale, the group will disintegrate; it will lose its capacity for collective action. By bankrupting some organizations and preserving others, demobilization has differential effects on armed group capacity. Where it weakens a group, it destabilizes the territorial bargains between the ex-armed group and state and between the group and its contiguous, non-state armed actors. As a result, resumed war becomes likely. If instead, the distribution of power within the system is maintained, the groups will, over time, fully demilitarize and be brought into the state's legal framework. This dissertation is based on rich data collected during fourteen months of fieldwork in Colombia from 2006 to the present during which time I went inside each demobilizing organization to reconstruct and map its postwar trajectory. Exploiting Colombia's unparalleled comparative laboratory for this research, I test the effect of recruitment, deployment, and post-war migration patterns on organizational outcomes using two strategies. First, I conduct a detailed, controlled comparison of armed groups in three regions of Colombia based on interviews of over 200 ex-combatants, civilians, and victims. The second strategy combines these qualitative sources with quantitative ones to evaluate the proposed hypotheses on the entire universe of municipality-armed group dyads in Colombia (n=1040). For this analysis, I rely on municipal-level violent event data, interviews of nearly 100 Colombian experts on the armed conflict, a database of seven years of news articles, and statistical evidence from a series of surveys of former paramilitaries (n=31,472). The empirics provide strong support for the proposed model. The project has significant implications for debates on reintegration, state-building, consolidating peace, reconciliation, decriminalization, and transitions to democracy.
by Sarah Zukerman Daly.
Ph.D.
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McLaughlin, Gregory. „Cold War news : a paradigm in crisis“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2746/.
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The role of the media - East and West - in the East European revolutions in 1989 has been the subject of much discussion and research. However, the focus has been on the extent to which the media directly influenced these events. There has been very little work done on the impact of the revolutions on how the western news media reported events to their domestic audiences. Yet for over 40 years, they had reported Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union within a specific, interpretative framework: "Cold War News". Suddenly, in 1989, the whole referential structure appeared to fall apart as assumptions shattered and certainties crumbled. This study, therefore, examines the impact of political revolution and crisis on 'Cold War news'. It uses in-depth quantitative-qualitative content analysis, and pays special attention to images, language, themes, and structures of access in order to reveal the nature and extent of the paradigm crisis and point up contradictions that may arise as a result.
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Ryckman, Michael. „Civil war, Terrorism, and the Substitutability of Violence“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/202533.
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Terrorism and civil war have each been studied heavily by scholars of non-state political violence; however, the two have typically been kept analytically distinct. Broadly, this project argues for treating these varying types of violence as more similar than different. While terrorism and civil war are not the same thing, they do exhibit powerful similarities both conceptually and empirically. By treating terrorism and civil war as distinct, scholars have missed out on many new insights gained from a more unified approach to non-state violence.Broadly, this project begins with the basic assumption that civil war and terrorism are not types of violence; rather, they are types of politics. Groups use terrorism and engage in civil war when those tools are available and useful, given the goals of the group. For violent groups, terrorism is versatile tool that can be used in many environments. Civil wars, while larger and rarer, are logically identical; if a group grows to be sufficiently large and powerful, and it is otherwise unable to change policy some other way, a civil war is a natural and unsurprising event.Studying violence by segmenting it into such distinct types has left scholars with disjointed explanations and no ability to bring together small-scale and large-scale events - like terrorism and civil war. The purpose of this project is to act as an initial step by suggesting a framework where varying types of non-state violence can simultaneously exist.In addition to the theoretical contributions of Part 1, the project demonstrates powerful new insights that can be realized by approaching non-state violence in a more unified manner. Part 2 provides two empirical chapters demonstrating insights from approaching terrorism and civil war together. Chapter 4 shows that terrorism data can be used as a temporally specific predictor of civil war onset. Next, Chapter 5 frames international terrorism as a transnational outcome of civil wars. Ultimately, much can be learned from treating non-state violence in a more unified manner.
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Kreiter, Michael P. „"There will be no Reconciliation": The Science Fiction Culture War of White Supremacist Puppies“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1618595056659932.
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Sandenbergh, Hercules Alexander. „How religious is Sudan's Religious War?“ Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3470.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006.Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.
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Cunningham, David E. „Veto players and civil war duration /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3241818.
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Corrigan, Lane Hannah. „Protecting the "Worst of the Worst": The Constitutional Rights of Non-Citizen Enemies in World War II and the War on Terror“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1481.
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After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President Bush authorized the detention of certain non-citizens suspected of terrorism at the naval base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Beginning in 2004, the Supreme Court considered whether these non-citizens were entitled to rights under the Constitution. In deciding that question, the Court compared the facts in the War on Terror cases with World War II cases that dealt with the rights of captured Nazis. Though the cases from World War II denied all protections to nonresident enemies, the Court in 2004 and 2008 determined that detentions in Guantanamo were unique. As such, the Court held that non-citizens detained at Guantanamo had certain constitutional privileges. I analyze two cases from World War II, Johnson v. Eisentrager and Ex Parte Quirin, and two cases from the War on Terror, Rasul v. Bush and Boumediene v. Bush, to illustrate the evolution in the Court’s understanding of non-citizen enemies’ rights. Ultimately, I find that the Court has done its part to protect detainees’ basic rights, but that Congress should do more to enact legislation that embodies our nation’s commitment to fairness, justice, and other constitutional values.
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Bacharach, Marc N. „War Metaphors: How President’s Use the Language of War to Sell Policy“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1154105266.
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Shapiro, Ryan Noah. „Bodies at war : National Security in American controversies over animal & human experimentation from WWI to the War on Terror“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/120880.
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Thesis: Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS), Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Program in Science, Technology and Society, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
The rhetoric and apparatus of national security have played critical roles in American controversies over animal and human experimentation from the dawn of the Twentieth Century to today's "War on Terror." Drawing on archival and Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) research, this dissertation traces how American partisans in the enduring vivisection controversy have sought to mobilize national security concerns to tar their domestic political adversaries as enemy agents of foreign enemies from the Kaiser and Hitler to Stalin and Al-Qaeda. Further, this study explores how these efforts have intersected with issues of gender, slavery, and the pathologizing of political dissent, as well as campaigns for the absolute freedom of research, the functioning of Nazism and the Holocaust in the American political imagination, civil liberties in the Post-9/11 world, and ongoing debates over animal rights, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and domestic terrorism.
by Ryan Noah Shapiro.
Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS)
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Coe, Andrew. „Economic Origins of War and Peace“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10633.
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Why do wars happen, and what do societies fight over? Why are international relations sometimes fearful and aggressive and other times harmonious? I show that these questions can be fruitfully explored by importing some basic economic theory into the existing bargaining theory of war. A separate essay analyzes the interactions between the United States and countries that may be pursuing nuclear weapons. "Costly Peace: A New Rationalist Explanation for War" posits a new explanation for war: sometimes peace is more costly (in the sense of leaving both sides worse off in expectation) than war. This means that some wars improve overall welfare relative to peace. I develop models for three common sources of costly peace tailored to particular wars and analyze them to expose the common underlying logic for war. The costs of: arming explain the Iraq War; imposition explain the civil conflicts within Iraq after the earlier Gulf War; and predation explain the American War of Independence. "The Modern Economic Peace" develops a theory of the origins of international disputes, in which the economic conflict of interests between two states is determined by the benefits and costs of transferring wealth from one state's economy to the other's. Whether such a transfer happens depends on the military situation between the two states and also the characteristics of their economies and governments. Nations with sensitive, integrated ("modern") economies of comparable size and representative governments have little to fight over. This might explain not only the puzzling comity of the West, but also long-run global patterns in organized violence, economic liberalization, and democratization. "A Model of Arms Proliferation and Prevention" is co-authored with Muhammet Bas. We develop a formal model of bargaining between two states, where one can invest in developing nuclear weapons and the other imperfectly observes its efforts and progress over time, and use it to analyze the occurrence of proliferation and war, the viability of non-proliferation agreements, and the role of intelligence-gathering and estimates. The model explains some of the complex phenomena that occur in these interactions, such as mistaken wars, cyclical crises, and the failure of non-proliferation deals.Government
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Ramey, Robert A. „Space warfare and the future law of war“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0030/MQ55106.pdf.
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White, L. G. „War and government in a Castilian province : Extremadura 1640-1668“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356617.
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