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1
Bauman, Zygmunt. „The Great War of Recognition“. Theory, Culture & Society 18, Nr. 2-3 (Juni 2001): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632760122051823.
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With the removal of the ‘final state’ vision from the perception of historical process recasts the coexistence of (proliferating) differences as a perpetual condition of modernity. Given that ‘difference’ masks all too often inequality, perpetuity of the ‘wars of recognition’ is therefore a likely prospect, since the instability of all extant and emerging power settings triggers reconnaissance-through-battle. The politics of recognition, though, tends to be viewed and practiced, wrongly, as an alternative rather than complement of distributive justice, thereby inflaming rather than mollifying the intensity of ‘recognition wars’.
2
Smith, Martin. „Unending war“. Index on Censorship 23, Nr. 3 (März 1994): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535705.
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3
Hashimoto, Tom. „Causes of war: the struggle for recognition“. European Security 21, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2012): 592–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2011.627506.
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4
OTTOLENGHI, MICHAEL. „HARRY TRUMAN'S RECOGNITION OF ISRAEL“. Historical Journal 47, Nr. 4 (29.11.2004): 963–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004066.
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Historiographical accounts of Harry Truman's recognition of Israel have placed undue importance on this apparently sudden act on 14 May 1948. US Palestine policy has not been placed in the correct historical context of the Cold War. As a ‘Cold War consensus’ developed in Washington in the early post-war period, Palestine emerged as a secondary issue to the major concern that was the ‘Northern Tier’ of Greece, Turkey, and Iran. The US was guided by broad but clear objectives in Palestine: the attainment of a peaceful solution, a desire not to implicate US troops, and the denial of the region to the Soviets. Disagreements between the White House and the State Department were all expressed within these broad policy objectives. Israeli sources have been significant by their absence in the existing historiography of recognition. These sources reveal that for the Jewish community in Palestine, diplomatic victories were of secondary importance to the practical achievement of statehood. From both a Washington perspective, and the perspective from Palestine, US recognition was not regarded as a crucial issue at the time. It was a decision taken within the context of broad US objectives in Palestine, and it did not influence the decision of the Yishuv to declare statehood.
5
Espindola, Juan. „Facial Recognition in War Contexts: Mass Surveillance and Mass Atrocity“. Ethics & International Affairs 37, Nr. 2 (2023): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679423000151.
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AbstractThe use of facial recognition technology (FRT) as a form of intelligence has recently made a prominent public appearance in the theater of war. During the early months of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Ukrainian authorities relied on FRT as part of the country's defensive activities, harnessing the technology for a variety of purposes, such as unveiling covert Russian agents operating amid the Ukrainian population; revealing the identity of Russian soldiers who committed war crimes; and even identifying dead Russian soldiers. This constellation of uses of FRT—in a war increasingly waged on the digital and information front—warrants ethical examination. The essay discusses some of the most serious concerns with FRT in the context of war, including the infringement of informational privacy; the indiscriminate and disproportionate harms it may inflict, particularly when the technology is coupled with social media intelligence; and the potential abuse of the technology once the fog of war dissipates. Some of these concerns parallel those to be found in nations that are not engulfed in war, but others are unique to war-torn settings.
6
Autti, Outi, und Saara Intonen. „The Recognition of War Refugees: Lapland, Love, and Care“. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 53, Nr. 1 (2022): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01799.
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Abstract According to Honneth, the mutual recognition essential for individual autonomy and a just society divides into three forms—love in primary relationships, rights in legal relationships, and solidarity in the community of value. Such recognition has three corresponding forms of disrespect—abuse, exclusion, and denigration, all of which can raise struggles for recognition. An analysis of empirical data—in this case, oral-history reports from Finnish evacuees to Sweden during the Lapland War (1944–1945)—within this framework of recognition reveals detailed information about the refugees’ wartime experiences, particularly those that they deemed significant enough to be remembered decades after the event.
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Karnik. „Recognition of war crimes taking place in Gaza“. Socialist Lawyer, Nr. 85 (2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.85.0007.
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Litvin, Margaret. „War Stories, Language Games, and Struggle for Recognition“. PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 31, Nr. 2 (Mai 2009): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/pajj.2009.31.2.65.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis D. „Antidote to Civil War?“ Studia Historyczne 61, Nr. 2 (242) (31.12.2018): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.05.
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This paper seeks to reopen the question of legitimacy, and in particular democratic legitimacy, as an important factor affecting the course of European ‘small states’ involved in World War II. It draws attention to previously neglected or understudied but crucial aspects of wartime legitimacy, eminently the role of recognition by foreign powers, the rhetoric of the ‘Big Three’ Allies regarding post-war Europe, and the relevance of democratic legitimacy as a powerful antidote to civil conflict during the period of transition into peacetime.
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Korac, Maja. „Feminists against Sexual Violence in War: The Question of Perpetrators and Victims Revisited“. Social Sciences 7, Nr. 10 (30.09.2018): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7100182.
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This article reflects upon feminist activism and analyses of sexual victimisation of women in war during the 1990s. It critically examines the reasons for the continuation of this type of violence against women, despite its recognition as a war crime; the recognition that marked one of the significant achievements of feminist activism during the last decade of the 20th century. The discussion points to the centrality of sexual violence in war for the system of gender based violence (GBV) against both women and men in war. It argues that a relational understanding of the gendered processes of victimisation in war is critical. This approach enables an acknowledgement that sexual violence in war and rape, as one of its expressions, is a violent political act that is highly gendered both in its causes and consequences, and, as such, it affects both women and men. This article provides an overall argument for the need of feminist scholarship and activism to engage with these differently situated experiences and practices of victimisation in war, to ‘unmake’ it.
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Song Young Ji, Hyunok Kim und 김수영. „Cooperative Tie and Solidarity Recognition with War Refugee Children“. Korean Journal of Social Welfare 70, Nr. 4 (November 2018): 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20970/kasw.2018.70.4.005.
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Albano, Sondra. „Military Recognition of Family Concerns: Revolutionary War To 1993“. Armed Forces & Society 20, Nr. 2 (Januar 1994): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402000207.
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Holmqvist, Caroline. „War, ‘strategic communication’ and the violence of non-recognition“. Cambridge Review of International Affairs 26, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2013): 631–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2013.837427.
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14
Herd, David, und Stephen Collis. „Making space for the human: Rights, the Anthropocene and recognition“. European Journal of American Culture 39, Nr. 1 (01.03.2020): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00008_1.
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This article addresses the tension between two expressions of post-war spatiality. It was the aim of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the article observes, to achieve a formulation of the human from which no person might fall out. At the same time, as the category of the human as attribute of persons struggled to extend itself, so the effects of the so-called Anthropocene became greatly accelerated. The article argues that these forms of spatiality must be thought in relation to one another. It contends that to understand the degree to which the Universal Declaration was spatial in its understanding, it is necessary to read that document alongside such post-war writers as Charles Olson and Hannah Arendt. It considers how far, in various post-war geopolitical imaginaries, one finds resources for thinking about human movement in our own moment, and how such thinking can address the Anthropocene and its still accelerating effects.
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Söderström, Johanna. „Seeking Recognition, Becoming Citizens“. Conflict and Society 5, Nr. 1 (01.06.2019): 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2019.050111.
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How do former combatants understand and make themselves into a citizen category? Through exploring the life narratives of former combatants from three different wars (Namibia, Colombia, and United States–Vietnam), this article locates similarities in the claims for recognition. The achievements or the grievances associated with the war and their homecoming made them deserving of special recognition from the state, the country, or other veterans. These claims situate these veterans in a political landscape, where they are called upon to mend and affirm the relation with the state, achieve recognition from society, and defend their fellows, which inform their citizenship practices, as it shaped their political mobilization and perceived political status. Through seeking recognition, they affirm their role as citizens.
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Landau-Wells, Marika. „High Stakes and Low Bars: How International Recognition Shapes the Conduct of Civil Wars“. International Security 43, Nr. 1 (August 2018): 100–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00321.
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When rebel groups engage incumbent governments in war for control of the state, questions of international recognition arise. International recognition determines which combatants can draw on state assets, receive overt military aid, and borrow as sovereigns—all of which can have profound consequences for the military balance during civil war. How do third-party states and international organizations determine whom to treat as a state's official government during civil war? Data from the sixty-one center-seeking wars initiated from 1945 to 2014 indicate that military victory is not a prerequisite for recognition. Instead, states generally rely on a simple test: control of the capital city. Seizing the capital does not foreshadow military victory. Civil wars often continue for many years after rebels take control and receive recognition. While geopolitical and economic motives outweigh the capital control test in a small number of important cases, combatants appear to anticipate that holding the capital will be sufficient for recognition. This expectation generates perverse incentives. In effect, the international community rewards combatants for capturing or holding, by any means necessary, an area with high concentrations of critical infrastructure and civilians. In the majority of cases where rebels contest the capital, more than half of its infrastructure is damaged or the majority of civilians are displaced (or both), likely fueling long-term state weakness.
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BUYSE, ANTOINE, und RICK LAWSON. „State Recognition: Admission (Im)Possible“. Leiden Journal of International Law 20, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2007): 785–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650700444x.
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This article focuses on state recognition in the European context and on the admission of states to the Council of Europe after the end of the Cold War. It argues that two global trends identified by John Dugard in the 1980s have continued since then: a common approach to state recognition has been adopted and the criteria for state recognition have increasingly been given normative content. This reflects that the constitutive theory of state recognition continued to be popular. The two trends have not automatically resulted in a more legal approach to the issues, as the case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina illustrates.
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Hronešová, Jessie. „Bones and Recognition: Compensating families of Missing Persons in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, Nr. 2 (August 2018): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1467784.
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A growing trend in post-war transitional justice posits that structural conditions explain why only some post-war countries award material assistance to survivors of war atrocities. While these explanations provide critical insights into the processes behind compensation adoption across post-war states, they do not explain the great variance in which victims obtain compensation within post-war countries. Using the case of missing persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a victim category that secured compensation in 2004, I present a new model to explain compensation using a rationalist approach. The paper shows that compensation adoption is primarily driven by an opportune combination of three factors: international salience (defined as the international attention given to the victim category and/or prioritisation of its demands), moral authority (defined as the level of perceived domestic deservingness for compensation) and mobilisation resources (defined as the victim category's capacities to mobilise and the quality of its networks). Drawing on fieldwork, this article shows that the prominence of the Srebrenica genocide propelled the issue of missing persons on to domestic and external agendas, affording the surviving families an opportunity to demand special compensation.
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Mabeya, Danvas Ogeto. „Recognition for Convenience! Kenya’s Foreign Policy towards South Africa under Moi’s Era (1978-1998)“. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, Nr. 6 (15.12.2021): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.6.141.
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During the 1970s, majority of states, including Kenya followed the practice of recognizing states and not governments. In so doing, they downplayed the granting of formal recognition to new governments. Kenya’s policy, then, was clearly stated in parliament in 1971 when the then foreign affairs minister, Dr. Njoroge Mungai, was asked to comment on the Kenya government’s position on the military regime of General Idi Amin of Uganda. He stated, “Kenya could not afford to interfere with internal matters of another state nor let any state interfere with internal matters of Kenya.” However, during the Post–Cold War period, Kenya’s recognition policy underwent major transformations to include recognition of de jure governments. This study critically examines Kenya’s recognition of South Africa government during and after the Cold War in a bid to reveal any distinct policy trends if any during Moi’s era. The study aims to ascertain how, Kenya’s recognition policy, has largely, been formulated, articulated and exercised during Moi’s administration (1978-1998). The central question of this study is this: What recognition trends emerged towards South African government under Moi’s administration (1978-1990)?
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Sprenkels, Ralph. „The Debts of War“. Conflict and Society 5, Nr. 1 (01.06.2019): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2019.050106.
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This article examines mobilization by civil war veterans of the insurgency and the government army. These veterans became a major political force in postwar El Salvador. I demonstrate that the ascendency of the war veterans hinged on the combination of two types of mobilization: “internal” mobilization for partisan leverage, and public mobilization to place claims on the state. By this bifurcated mobilization, veterans from both sides of the war pursued clientelist benefits and postwar political influence. Salvadoran veterans’ struggles for recognition revolve around attempts to transform what the veterans perceive as the “debts of war” into postwar political order. The case of El Salvador highlights the versatility and resilience of veterans’ struggles in post- settlement contexts in which contention shifted from military confrontation to electoral competition.
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Wen, Zhuoyi. „Towards Solidarity and Recognition?“ Asian Journal of Social Science 43, Nr. 1-2 (2015): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04301006.
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According to the rhetoric of the post-war welfare state, citizens should have equal access to social benefits and protection based on human needs, rather than place of residence (Wincott, 2006). But under China’s socialist system and neoliberal reform, Chinese social citizenship has been eroded for various political and economic goals. Are there positive changes in Chinese social citizenship after a decade of social policy development? By interviewing 24 migrant college graduates working in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, the current study confirms institutional progress in social policy for people’s social protection. But these post-neoliberal social programmes are far from enough to help migrant graduates perform full social citizenship in urban regions. By studying social inclusion of educated but disadvantaged youth under neoliberal and post-neoliberal reforms, the study contributes to a growing body of literature analysing social citizenship and social policy in China.
22
Naqvi, Yasmin. „Amnesty for war crimes: Defining the limits of international recognition“. International Review of the Red Cross 85, Nr. 851 (September 2003): 583–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100183819.
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Résumé L'action pénale contre les personnes accusées d'avoir commis des crimes de guerre est un aspect fondamental du droit d'une victime à la justice. Toutefois, dans les conflits armés où des violations graves du droit international ont été perpétrées massivement, il est souvent nécessaire d'établir un équilibre entre le droit des victimes à obtenir justice de manière tangible et le besoin, pour l'Ètat territorial, de traiter les atrocités passées de façon à ne pas engendrer de nouvelles violences et à stimuler le processus de réconciliation. Dans de telles circonstances, une justice réparatrice associant des amnisties limitées à d'autres mécanismes de responsabilité peut constituer un moyen d'assurer l'État de droit tout en tenant compte de la complexité du processus de transition. Quand des États vivant une situation de transition prodament de telles amnisties, il est important d'établir si celles-ci seront reconnues par la communauté internationale. Cet article analyse les règies et les principes internationaux qui fondent ou étayent la décision que prend un tribunal national ou international de reconnaître ou non une amnistie couvrant les crimes de guerre. l'auteur s'attache d'abord à déterminer s'il existe un devoir coutumier de traduire en justice les personnes accusées de crimes de guerre, quels qu'ils soient. Les effets du caractère de jus cogens de l'interdiction de commettre des crimes de guerres sont égakment examinés, tout comme la pratique plus récente des États d'établir des tribunaux spéciaux pour juger les personnes accusees de crimes de guerre. L'article fait valoir que le droit international n'interdit pas aux tribunaux nationaux et internationaux d'accorder une amnistie limitée à ceux qui sont considérés comme «les moins responsabks » de la commission des crimes de guerre, lorsque l'amnistie est associée à des mesures de contrôle et vise à faciliter l'instauration d'une paix durable.
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Kim, Jongouk. „Recognition and Education of 'Vietnam War' in Korea and Vietnam“. JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 20, Nr. 4 (30.11.2017): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2017.11.20.4.61.
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Cousineau, Matt. „The Global War on Terror and Automatic License Plate Recognition“. Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 50, Nr. 1 (Februar 2013): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cars.12003.
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Naqvi, Yasmin. „Amnesty for war crimes: Defining the limits of international recognition“. Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge/International Review of the Red Cross 85, Nr. 851 (September 2003): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500183816.
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Mabeya, Danvas Ogeto. „The Question of Legitimacy: Kenya's Recognition Policy of Governments under Moi during the Cold War – Eastern Africa Countries (1978-1990)“. Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 2, Nr. 6 (30.11.2020): 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2020.2.6.26.
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During the 1970’s, majority of states, including Kenya followed the practice of recognizing states and not governments. In so doing, they downplayed the granting of formal recognition to new governments. Kenya’s policy, then, was clearly stated in parliament in 1971 when the then foreign affairs minister, Dr. Njoroge Mungai, was asked to comment on the Kenya government’s position on the military regime of General Idi Amin of Uganda. He stated, “Kenya could not afford to interfere with internal matters of another state nor let any state interfere with internal matters of Kenya.” However, during the Post–Cold War period, Kenya’s recognition policy underwent major transformations to include recognition of de jure governments. This study critically examines Kenya’s practice during and after the Cold War in a bid to reveal any distinct policy trends if any. The study aims to ascertain how, Kenya’s recognition policy, has largely, been formulated, articulated and exercised during Moi’s administration (1978-1990).
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Deahl, Martin P. „Doctors at war: psychiatry in the Gulf“. Psychiatric Bulletin 16, Nr. 4 (April 1992): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.16.4.220.
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When Britain committed an armoured division to the Gulf in the autumn of 1990, it was inevitable that psychiatrists and other mental health personnel would be required. Battleshock, or combat stress, is important to the Army – it not only accounts for significant numbers of casualties in any land war, but, unlike other casualties, represents a potentially avoidable loss of manpower and important source of reinforcement. Based largely on the experience of Arab-Israeli conflicts it is believed that, with appropriate management, up to 90% of battleshock cases can be returned to duty within seven days. Moreover, it is thought that early recognition and intervention may reduce the incidence of PTSD and other long-term psychiatric sequelae (Foy et al 1987; Solomon & Benbenishty, 1986). Fortunately, Battleshock claimed few victims in the Gulf, due mainly to the brevity of the land war and the high state of motivation and morale of the allied force. The effectiveness of the Army's policy of early recognition of battleshock cases with minimal medical intervention on the battlefield and rapid return to duty remains uncertain and untested (Dunning, 1990).
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Kelsay, John. „Just War Thinking as a Social Practice“. Ethics & International Affairs 27, Nr. 1 (2013): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000780.
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The abstract for the International Studies Association panel that gave rise to this special section of Ethics & International Affairs referred to the “triumph” of just war theory. However, I think we ought rather to speak of just war discourse as occupying a particular niche. This is especially so with respect to discussions about policy: when and where governments should make use of military force, what type, and so on. In that context, appeals to the criteria of jus ad bellum and jus in bello complement (or sometimes compete with) thinking that draws on international law, various strategic doctrines (for example, counterinsurgency warfare, or COIN), notions of reciprocity between states, and a host of other considerations. The notion of “triumph” claims too much. At the same time, for advocates of the just war framework, the kind of recognition indicated by presidential and other official mentions of the idea is worthy of note. Some of these are due to constituency politics—that is, to the idea that “institutional” advocates of just war (say, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops) may influence blocs of voters. Other invocations are better interpreted as a recognition that the vocabulary of just war can serve (along with other ways of speaking) in the attempt to craft wise policy.
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Steijlen, Fridus. „Remembrance of Dutch War Dead in Southeast Asia, 1942-1945“. Public History Review 16 (08.11.2009): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/phrj.v16i0.1052.
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Recognition of the war experience in Southeast Asia in the Netherlands was not easy. The Indisch community, those who had to leave the Netherlands East Indies after decolonization, did not feel that their war experience was accepted. Following the story of one man, a former POW, this article shows how unorthodox ways of protesting were used to command respect and acknowledgement. The arena for these actions was not only the Indisch monument in the Netherlands, but also the War cemetery in Thailand. The former Dutch POW ended up in a dispute with the Australian caretaker of that cemetery over the specific location of a camp. Both men, however, were motivated by the same urge to find the exact locations of camps along the Burma railway. The story of this POW shows how important official recognition is on a personal level.
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Meyer, Miranda, und Stefan Norgaard. „Mnemonic land war: Memory constellations through Lebanon and South Africa“. Memory Studies 15, Nr. 6 (30.11.2022): 1393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221133516.
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Although Lebanon and South Africa are often treated as exceptional cases, the use of geographic analogies like ‘bantustans’ and ‘Lebanonization’ signals their relevance to many other places. These analogies point to the recognition of a spatial mode of mnemonic war in which struggles over the past are also struggles over land. Such analogies signal recognition but also require forgetting: as narrative chronotopes, they are limiting. To look beyond these limits, we name this shared condition ‘mnemonic land war’ and trace its workings through territorialization, property regimes and planning in South Africa and Lebanon. Understanding these processes as memory-work allows us to see what the places analogized to Lebanon and South Africa share in their mnemonic land wars, and link them into a transnational memory constellation. Understanding this constellation can guide a comparative understanding of mnemonic war ‘on the ground’.
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Ng, Julia. „Rechtsphilosophie after the War“. Critical Times 2, Nr. 2 (01.08.2019): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-7708323.
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Abstract What resources does philosophy have at its disposal for a critical analysis of the role of violence in a war of all against all? Faced with this question, Walter Benjamin discovers that legal positivism, which believes in the capacity to derive how law ought to be from the sheer concept of a “correct” law, is constitutively blind to the possibility that values may be misaligned with law, and that the basic structures of law and consensus might come after the fact of power. Drawing on the work of contemporaneous legal theorist Leonard Nelson, this article argues that Benjamin developed a potent critique of the dialectic of recognition at work in the legitimation of violence, making way instead for an analysis of what remains unrecognizable to the normative order: power, loitering as a “nonvalue” in the gap between values and legal ends.
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Mironova, E. M. „Russian Non-Bolshevik Diplomacy and the Issue of International Recognition of the White Movement in 1918-1920“. MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, Nr. 1 (08.03.2023): 52–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-52-86.
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Gaining international recognition for the White Movement was the most important foreign policy task of the Russian non–Bolshevik diplomacy. The article traces the evolving discourse of career diplomats considering this issue at different stages of the civil war. It shows their deep patriotism, professionalism, and persistency in carrying out the task. However, when the allies did not share the slogans of the White Movement, the possibilities for finding common ground were very limited. At the first stage (summer-autumn 1918), diplomats were cautious about the claims for recognition of numerous Russian non–Bolshevik governments. In the second stage (1918 – 1919), the issue of recognition played a unique role – participation of Russian representatives in the peace conference, and therefore in determining the configuration of the post-war world, depended on its success. The resolve of the diplomats to defend the Russia’s national interests did not suit foreign powers, who did not share the movement's slogan about restoring a united and indivisible Russia, its power, and its position in the world. At the third stage (spring-summer 1920), diplomats, loosing hope for military victory of the White Movement in the civil war, withdrew from the direct involvement in seeking international recognition for the Movement. However, they provided all possible technical support to the head of the Department of External Relations of the Wrangel Government, Peter B. Struve, who assumed this mission. France's recognition of the Sevastopol authorities in the summer of 1920 was limited, did not involve active military assistance, and caused justified skepticism in diplomatic circles.
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Belozerov, Vasily. „Between Science and Ideological Pressure: Political Reflection on Civil War in Soviet Russia in 1917–1922“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 4 (September 2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.6.
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Introduction. The article explores the process and circumstances of understanding war as a political phenomenon in Soviet Russia 1917–1922, describes their impact on practice and theory development. For this purpose, the author studies the related political and ideological circumstances, characterizes the theory of class warfare and shows the specifics of understanding of the link between war and politics. Methodology and research methods. The methodology is based on political realism and the recognition of war as a complex, volatile and contradictory political phenomenon. The article identifies the causality between the attitudes of the Soviet leadership, political practice and theoretical approaches to the study of war, taking into account real political situations, processes and decisions. Analysis. The study of war as a political phenomenon took place in the context of policy impact of the ideology and doctrinal principles of the state. Two approaches have emerged in the development of the theory of war. The first was characterized by a pronounced ideological perception of the war. The second approach was marked by the recognition of the political nature and determination of war, while avoiding the discussion on the mechanism of implementation of Soviet political institutions into military theory and practice. Under these conditions, the synthesis of the two research paradigms was impossible. As a result, the first approach that didn’t recognize the existence of alternative points of view in the study of war began to prevail. Results. In the early years of Soviet power, the scientific study of war turned out to be secondary in relation to the official ideological and doctrinal guidelines, which eventually began to formulate the comprehension of war as a political phenomenon. This situation, with minor changes, remained in the subsequent decades, which had consequences for the country’s defense and the use of military force.
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Šurlan, Tijana. „INTERNATIONAL LEGAL RECOGNITION OF THE KINGDOM OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES“. Istorija 20. veka 41, Nr. 1/2023 (01.02.2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.sur.1-18.
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The paper studies international legal recognition of a state using the example of the recognition of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1919-1920. One aspect of the paper is based on historiographical literature, presenting and analysing the factual situation, which forms the basis for the legal analysis. The legal analysis is based on the nature of state recognition, as perceived at the beginning of the 20th century. The backbone of the paper is the actual course of recognition of the Kingdom of SCS. Nevertheless, the paper also touches on the topic of the origin of the Kingdom of SCS and problematizes the issue of whether that state was new or old. The main emphasis for the topic is the exploration of whether the Kingdom of SCS, at the time when it was striving to obtain recognition from the allies in the Great War, satisfied the conditions of statehood from the point of view of the then relevant norms of International Public Law. The paper follows a dual theoretical understanding of the international legal concept of recognition through both declarative and constitutive theories, reflecting different understanding of recognition both in the period following the end of the First World War and today in the 21st century. To that extent, consideration of the historical concept of legal recognition contributes to a more complete understanding of this issue in contemporary international law as well.
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Fiedorczyk, Piotr. „Declared Dead and Recognition of Death in the Judgments of Bialystok Municipal Court in the Years 1946–1950“. Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius) 70, Nr. 3 (11.01.2023): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/g.2023.70.3.149-159.
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Between 1946 and 1950, municipal courts in Poland declared dead or pronounced dead persons missing and died during World War II on a large scale. The basis for these rulings was primarily the 1945 Law on Persons Decree, created as a result of the great unification process of civil law in Poland. The decree was intended to regulate the civil and property status of the population in connection with wartime personal losses. In the Bialystok Municipal Court, such proceedings involved 2,278 people. Most of them were civilian victims of the war, which makes clear the nature of World War II. About half of the proceedings concerned the Jewish population, as more than 90% of Bialystok Jews were exterminated in the Holocaust. The preserved court case files are a very important historical source for the history of the war in Bialystok County. The article presents court proceedings in the case of Jozef Ostruszka, the last president of the Bialystok District Court before the war, being declared dead. He was deported by the Soviets to the Komi Republic and died of exhaustion there. The proceedings were held at the request of his wife, who survived the war. Jozef Ostruszka was one of more than a dozen Bialystok courts officers who lost their lives during the war. Their fate requires further research.
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Nifatova, Olena, Volodymyr Ladyka, Yuliia Hryshyna und Yuriy Danko. „Agricultural education in times of war: Strategic visions, leadership practices and post-war reconstruction“. Problems and Perspectives in Management 21, Nr. 2 (10.04.2023): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.21(2-si).2023.11.
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In the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, agricultural universities will provide the state with specialists capable of implementing the seamless integration of “green” benchmarks. The full-scale war has not only threatened the sustainable operation of all spheres of higher education institutions but also forced them to look for new ways of adaptation and development. This study aims to assess the readiness of higher education institutions in the agrarian sector to meet the personnel needs of the state in the medium-term of post-war reconstruction. The paper used a group of parameters with specific indicators: education (change in the number of graduates at the Bachelor’s and Master’s educational levels, the ratio of publicly-funded and fee-based education seekers, changes in the average entrance score), science (change in the number of articles published in Scopus and the corresponding h-index, the number of Erasmus grants received, the amount of budget funding for science), recognition (academic ranking of higher education institutions by the Webometrics and Top-200 Ratings), and financing (estimated amounts of funding from the general and special fund, and their ratio). The study offers a unique approach to calculating the Integrated Sustainability Index of higher education institutions. This index clearly illustrates how efficiently 15 agricultural higher education institutions have adapted to wartime transformations. For example, Sumy National Agrarian University and Lviv National Natural Resource Management University have this index exceeding 30%. The study draws attention to the problematic areas of university activity during the war and suggests extending the valuable experience of Sumy National Agrarian University. AcknowledgmentThe authors are grateful to the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who are liberating the territory of Ukraine at the cost of their own lives, as well as to Ukrainian farmers, who, despite the war, are doing everything possible to prevent a food crisis in the world.This study is co-funded by the European Union through the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA) within the project “Europeanisation of Doctoral Studies in Line with the Innovative Doctoral Training Principles in Europe: Towards a Common Future” 101083493 - EDOCS - ERASMUS-JMO-2022-HEI-TCH-RSCH https://edocs.snau.edu.ua/en/
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Røren, Pål. „The Belligerent Bear: Russia, Status Orders, and War“. International Security 47, Nr. 4 (2023): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00458.
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Abstract Do states get higher social status from fighting? The prestige of war depends on the type of “status order” that it is interpreted in. Status orders condition and enable the pursuit and recognition of status within social clubs of world politics. Depending on the status order, social clubs may either value or stigmatize belligerence. An analysis comparing the status recognition that Russia received in three social clubs (the great power club, the G-8, and the UN Security Council) after it annexed Crimea and invaded eastern Ukraine in 2014 explores this assumption. The analysis shows that war generated different status effects on Russia's status within each of these clubs. Contrary to popular belief, and amid widespread condemnation, Russia was increasingly recognized as a great power within U.S. public discourse. In contrast, Russia's belligerence diminished its status within the G-8 and had little effect on its status in the UN Security Council. The findings underline the importance of context in estimating status effects of participating in wars and any other behavior that might impact a state's standing in world politics.
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Gill, Lesley. „Anthropology goes to war, again“. Focaal 2007, Nr. 50 (01.12.2007): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/foc.2007.500110.
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Debates about the relationship of anthropology to the U.S. national security establishment are not new, and anthropologists are now forced to confront the issue again. Since the 11 September attacks, the U.S. military has stepped up efforts to recruit anthropologists to fight the so-called "war on terror," and a group of self-identified "security anthropologists" have organized for more recognition and legitimation within the American Anthropological Association. The article considers what is new about the current controversy, and it examines the issues at stake for anthropologists and the people who they study. It argues that anthropologists need to raise anew basic questions about their disciplinary and intellectual endeavors and that they must re-educate themselves on the realities of power.
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Kojevnikov, Alexei. „The Great War, the Russian Civil War, and the Invention of Big Science“. Science in Context 15, Nr. 2 (Juni 2002): 239–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889702000443.
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ArgumentThe revolutionary transformation in Russian science toward the Soviet model of research started even before the revolution of 1917. It was triggered by the crisis of World War I, in response to which Russian academics proposed radical changes in the goals and infrastructure of the country’s scientific effort. Their drafts envisioned the recognition of science as a profession separate from teaching, the creation of research institutes, and the turn toward practical, applied research linked to the military and industrial needs of the nation. The political revolution and especially the Bolshevik government that shared or appropriated many of the same views on science, helped these reforms materialize during the subsequent Civil War. By 1921, the foundation of a novel system of research and development became established, which in its most essential characteristics was similar to the U.S. later phenomenon known as “big science.”
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Fedorov, Aleksandr V. „Genocide of the Soviet People in the Years of the Great Patriotic War: The Investigative and Judicial Practice“. Juridical World 1 (26.01.2023): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1811-1475-2023-1-14-20.
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The article is devoted to the issues of investigation and judicial review of crimes committed during the Great Patriotic War by the Nazis and their accomplices in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union. The article provides data on the activities of the investigating authorities to investigate fascist atrocities against the civilian population and prisoners of war in the occupied territories, considers the circumstances that allow qualifying these atrocities as the genocide of the Soviet people, analyzes court decisions on the recognition of facts of legal significance, namely, the recognition of newly revealed crimes of genocide of national, ethnic and racial groups representing the population of the USSR — the peoples of the Soviet Union.
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Mabeya, Danvas. „Evolution of Kenya’s Foreign Policy During the Cold War“. African Journal of Political Science 11, Nr. 1 (09.02.2024): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/7y5qaz38.
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This study critically outlines Kenya’s Foreign Policy as it evolved during the cold war under Moi’s era toward the Middle East. The study exemplifies the underlying strategies, sources, national and personal interests, objectives, priorities, and implementation of Kenya's foreign policy. The study is premised on the need to elucidate if Kenya’s belief in regional peace and security was the cornerstone under which Kenya’s foreign was formulated and implemented. It was believed that any inconsistencies in Kenya’s foreign policy were based on rational and emerging trends in international affairs such as security threats to regional and global peace and stability. The study aims to ascertain how, Kenya’s recognition policy, was formulated, articulated, and exercised during Moi’s era toward the Middle East (1978-1990). The central question of this study is this: What influenced Kenya’s recognition policy towards Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Israel, and Palestine during the Cold War under Moi’s administration (1978-1990)?
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Lavrov, Dmitrii Evgen'evich. „Exhibition activity of the trade of the Fedoskinsky lacquer miniature of the Soviet period of the post-war period (the second half of the 1940s – the beginning of the 1970s).“ Человек и культура, Nr. 4 (April 2022): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2022.4.36799.
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The subject of this study is an analysis of the exhibition practices of the Fedoskin lacquer miniature craft in the post-war period (from 1945 to the early 1970s). The purpose of the article is not just to tell about the exhibitions of Fedoskin lacquer products of the post–war period, but above all to show those important changes that allow us to consider the post–war period as an important stage in the history of the development of the craft and his exhibition activities. Having briefly reviewed the bibliography of the issue and given a description of the exhibitions of the Fedoskino labor artel in the pre-war period (1920s – 1930s), the author analyzes in detail the most remarkable post-war exhibitions of the craft, finding both common features with the previous period and the features of the differences on which the author focuses his attention. Using the method of comparative analysis, as well as historical-systemic and problem-chronological research methods, the author characterizes the various forms of exhibition activity used to exhibit products of the Fedoskinsky lacquer craft both in the post-war period and earlier. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of the activities of museum workers and craft artists in the popularization and public recognition of the products of the Fedoskin lacquer miniature in the post-war period. The main conclusion of the article is the statement of the importance of studying the exhibition practices of the Fedoskinsky fishery of the post-war period for the most complete study of its history and public recognition.
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Woodman, Richard. „A medal for the Arctic?“ Polar Record 43, Nr. 3 (Juli 2007): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247407006377.
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Ever since the end of the Second World War men who served on ships, both naval and merchant, which were involved in the transport of war materials to north Russia between 1941 and 1945 have sought recognition for their service with an appropriate campaign medal. They have failed to achieve this through a complicated muddle of government policy, ignorance and cold-heartedness.
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Hutchinson, David, und Samuel D. Bradley. „Memory for images intense enough to draw an administration's attention: Television and the “war on terror”“. Politics and the Life Sciences 28, Nr. 1 (März 2009): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/28_1_31.
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In the recent United States–led “war on terror,” including ongoing engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan, news organizations have been accused of showing a negative view of developments on the ground. In particular, news depictions of casualties have brought accusations of anti-Americanism and aiding and abetting the terrorists' cause. In this study, video footage of war from television news stories was manipulated to investigate the effects of negative compelling images on cognitive resource allocation, physiological arousal, and recognition memory. Results of a within-subjects experiment indicate that negatively valenced depictions of casualties and destruction elicit greater attention and physiological arousal than positive and low-intensity images. Recognition memory for visual information in the graphic negative news condition was highest, whereas audio recognition for this condition was lowest. The results suggest that negative, high-intensity video imagery diverts cognitive resources away from the encoding of verbal information in the newscast, positioning visual images and not the spoken narrative as a primary channel of viewer learning.
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Keynan, Irit, und Jackob Keynan. „War Trauma, Politics of Recognition and Purple Heart: PTSD or PTSI?“ Social Sciences 5, Nr. 4 (27.09.2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci5040057.
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., Jacob, Uche Henry und Nwobi Isaac Obiora. „War-time diplomacy and the politics of biafran recognition, 1967-1970“. International Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Studies 2, Nr. 1 (01.01.2020): 05–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26648652.2020.v2.i1a.15.
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Wiegink, Nikkie, Ralph Sprenkels und Birgette Refslund Sørensen. „Introduction“. Conflict and Society 5, Nr. 1 (01.06.2019): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2019.050105.
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War veterans oft en constitute a specific category of citizens as they inspire and bring forward particular claims on recognition and resources of the state. The authors featured in this special section each explore processes of the construction of categories of war veterans in different contemporary contexts. Drawing on ethnographic data, the contributions explore the interactions between (those identified) as war veterans and the state, and the processes concerned with granting value to participation in war. This involves (the denial of) rights and privileges as well as a process of identity construction. Th e construction of war veterans as a specific kind of citizens is a political phenomenon, subject to negotiation and contestation, involving both the external categorizations of war veterans as well as the self-making and identity politics from former fighters “from below.”
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Mitima-Verloop, Huibertha B., Trudy T. M. Mooren und Paul A. Boelen. „Kindled emotions: Commemoration and the importance of meaning making, support and recognition“. PLOS ONE 18, Nr. 4 (24.04.2023): e0284763. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0284763.
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Commemorative events, organized in the aftermath of war or large-scale violence, can have an emotional impact on those who are attending. We examined several characteristics that might influence this impact. In a quasi-experimental pretest-posttest study, participants (n = 307) watched footage of the broadcast of the Dutch National Commemoration, in which World War II is remembered. A control group of 48 participants watched the commemoration broadcast live on Remembrance Day. They were matched for age, gender, war experience and migration background with 48 participants from the study group who watched the footage, to conduct a comparability check. We found some evidence that watching the footage was comparable to watching the commemoration live on Remembrance Day in terms of emotional response and experience of psychosocial factors. Participants in the footage sample (n = 307) responded with an increase of negative and decrease of positive emotions. Individual characteristics were limitedly related to the emotional response; posttraumatic stress symptom severity predicted increased negative emotions. Experiencing meaning making, support and, to a lesser extent, recognition through commemorating was related to experiencing more positive emotions. The findings indicate these psychosocial factors may buffer the emotional distress elicited by commemoration and contribute to important cognitive and social benefits. Practical implications are discussed.
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Sampson, Ben. „Mosquito's Renaissance“. Aerospace Testing International 2018, Nr. 3 (September 2018): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/s1478-2774(23)50139-3.
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Kosiuk, Ekaterina. „Could a De Facto State Survive without External Help? The Case of Abkhazia“. Acta Humana 11, Nr. 1 (31.03.2023): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32566/ah.2023.1.1.
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After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Georgian–Abkhazian war, Abkhazia proclaimed its independence; however, at that time none of the other states recognised its independence. Following the so-called Russo– Georgian war, Abkhazia was recognised by Russia and soon after by some other states. How did Abkhazians live during the period when the territory was not recognised internationally and how did life change after gaining some recognition? The aim of this article is to answer these questions, to trace changes after international recognition of Abkhazia and to consider future prospects for wider global recognition. The article also analyses Russian–Georgian relations that had a direct impact on Abkhazia. The article consists of six parts, which analyse the reasoning behind Abkhazian justifications for independence, the right to self-determination, analyse in detail the period of time when Abkhazia existed as an unrecognised and isolated state, and also consider the changes that occurred after Abkhazia was recognised by several countries. This paper analyses the legal and geopolitical aspects behind recognition of internationally disputed territories. The significant role of international organisations in supporting peace in the region is discussed, as well as humanitarian aid to Abkhazia during its isolation.