Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „War of recognition“

This thesis comprises an organisational history of the War Widow' Guild Australia WA Inc., and an essay about the research and writing process I undertook to construct such a history. The history outlines the development, struggles and achievements of the War Widows’ Guild in Western Australia from 1946 to 1975. While many were celebrating the end of the war in 1945, thousands of war widows faced an uncertain future without their husbands. Although Prime Minister John Curtin addressed the issue of war widows' pensions as part of his Post War Reconstruction initiatives, the pension was well below the basic wage. Many war widows, especially those with small children to support, now lived in near poverty. It was under these circumstances, that Mrs Jessie Mary Vasey, the widow of Major-General George Alan Vasey, established the War Widows' Craft Guild, first in Victoria in November 1945, and then in other states. In Western Australia, the Guild held its first meeting on 29 November 1946. During the early years, members undertook training in weaving and various crafts to supplement their meagre pensions. The Guild also opened tearooms on the Esplanade in Perth, as a form of income and as a central meeting place. For many war widows it was in meeting together that they found support from others who understood their own experiences of grief and loss. At a state and national level, the Guild became a powerful lobby group on behalf of all war widows influencing the government on issues such as accrued recreation leave, pensions, educational benefits and health care. Many of the pensions and benefits war widows receive today are largely due to the work of the early members of this organisation. These women fought for public recognition and expression of their loss. They fought to have war widows' pensions seen as compensation for their husband's lives rather a government handout. They persevered when the organisation faced hurdles, and fought for their rights at a time when men had the louder voices and determined the rules. The essay outlines the research and writing journey that has produced the history. It outlines the wide-ranging research I undertook for each narrative thread. This includes the writing of organisational histories; experiential research in the form of a trip to Gallipoli; archival sources such as newsletters, minutes, correspondence and photographs; contextual history such as war literature, Western Australian history and post-war history; and oral history. I describe some of the difficulties I encountered when searching for particular kinds of information. I also discuss some of the decisions underpinning the selection and shaping of information, particularly in relation to the war widows' stories and embedding an historical context, and some of the tensions at play in that process.

The thesis examines the position of nurses during the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899 – 1902) and considers how their work helped to raise the profile of nursing. The experience of the war demonstrated the superiority of the work undertaken by trained nurses as compared with that of ‘amateurs’. At the commencement of war a small cohort of army nurses worked alongside large numbers of trained male orderlies, however these numbers proved insufficient during the period of the war and additional, entirely untrained orderlies (often convalescent soldiers) were relied upon to deliver nursing care. Against a backdrop of long term antipathy toward nurses at the seat of war, the work of both army and civilian nurses in military hospitals suggested that the clinical proficiency of trained nurses had a significant impact on military effectiveness. The thesis will develop arguments based on the personal testimonies of nurses who served during the Anglo-Boer War, relating to clinical nursing and nurses perceptions of professionalism during the period. Personal testimony will be used primarily to examine the working lives and experiences of serving nurses, as many historians simply state that the excellent work of the nurses forced changes, yet make no allusion to what this specifically entailed. Faced with the exigencies of war, including limited medical supplies and military bureaucracy (termed by nurses and doctors alike as ‘red tape’) that hindered nurses’ abilities to provide high levels of care, nurses demonstrated their developing clinical confidence. Despite accusations that nurses were ‘frivolling’ in South Africa, raising concerns over the control and organisation of nurses in future military campaigns, the social exploits of nurses on active service was not entirely detrimental to contemporary views of their professional status. Nurses were able to demonstrate their abilities to survive the hardships of war, including nursing close to the ‘front lines’ of war and the arduous conditions inherent in living under canvas on the South African veldt. Not only were nurses proving their abilities to endure hardship normally associated with masculine work, but they were also establishing their clinical capabilities. This was especially so during the serious typhoid epidemics when nurses were able to draw upon their expert knowledge to provide careful nursing care based on extensive experience. Nurses, who had undergone recognised training in Britain, demonstrated their professional competence and proved that nursing was a learned skill, not merely an innate womanly trait. The war also represented an opportunity to evidence their fitness for citizenship by using their skilled training for the benefit of the Empire. The subsequent reform of the Army Nursing Service, resulting in the establishment of the Queen Alexandra’s Imperial Military Nursing Service in 1902, suggests permanent recognition of the essential role of nurses in times of both war and peace.

This research focuses on the evolution of Basque nationalism in exile during the period 1956- 1977. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent establishment of Franco dictatorship, forced the Basque Government and the Basque nationalists to flee in exile. The exile becomes refuge and framework for the conservation and development of Basque nationalism, the influence of the exile conditions the international relations, the recognition of the Basque cause and ideological constraints. Through Manuel Irujo, member of the Basque Nationalist Party and the main ideologue of nationalism in exile during the period studied, we see how exile transforms, conditions and protects the political nation imagined.<br>Aquesta investigació està centrada en l’evolució del nacionalisme basc a l’exili durant el període 1956-1977. L’esclat de la Guerra Civil espanyola i el posterior establiment de la dictadura franquista, van obligar el Govern basc i els nacionalistes bascos a fugir a l’exili, que es convertirà en refugi alhora que marc per a la conservació i desenvolupament del nacionalisme basc. La influència de l’exili condicionarà les relacions internacionals, l’homologació de la causa basca i els referents ideològics. A través de la figura de Manuel Irujo, membre del Partit Nacionalista basc i principal ideòleg del nacionalisme a l’exili durant l’etapa estudiada, comprovarem com l’exili transforma, condiciona i protegeix la construcció de la nació política imaginada.

The phenomenon of terrorism occupies an important place in contemporary political reality. Accordingly, all states are committed to fight against terrorism and protect their citizens from terroristic attacks. In this thesis, I aim at framing a normative account of how democracies should fight terrorism beyond military means. I engage with the literature on just war theory, transitional justice and recognition theory to conceptualize justice after terrorism. In light of the vibrant discussions in the aforementioned strands of literature, this study contemplates ending warfighting in terrorism, the aftermath of terrorism and the longer transitional post-terrorism period in order to provide justified grounds for the arguments to pursue peace and justice in societies with endured terroristic past. My discussion focuses on the moral and political arguments to decide when and how the military warfighting against terrorists should be ended; how the wrongdoing which terrorists inflict on their victims should be vindicated; and how the post-terrorism reconciliation should be conceptualized. Throughout my argumentation, justice after terrorism appears as a recognition-theoretical transitional justice account that envisages the re-recognition of the victims as the backward-looking remedy and just societal transformation as the forward-looking measure.

Trente cinq ans ont passé depuis la fin de la Guerre du Viêt Nam, mais pour les femmes ex-volontaires le combat continue. Combat pour une vie décente. À leur retour, pour s’intégrer à une vie normale, il leur a fallu dépasser toutes sortes de difficultés: d’abord celles liées à leur état de santé, puis les difficultés économiques, sociales et familiales. Bien que l’État vietnamien ait enfin adopté des mesures en leur faveur, celles-ci se sont révélées impuissantes à améliorer leur niveau de vie et à compenser leurs souffrances. Elles ont donc le sentiment de ne pas avoir été reconnues. Les résultats scientifiques de cette thèse ont montré que le choix altruiste de leur engagement pendant la guerre s’était fait sur une base « rationnelle ». Malgré certains cas d’engagements « forcés », la majorité d’entre elles se sont déterminées à partir d’un intérêt privé: venger la mort d’un proche, obéir à l’esprit révolutionnaire familial, ou goût de l’uniforme, peur du « qu’en-dira-t-on », désir d’indépendance, fuir la pauvreté familiale, laisser un garçon à la maison pour s’occuper des ancêtres et s’engager à sa place. Intérêt d’ordre personnel, familial, économique ou révolutionnaire. Rarement purement patriotique. Sur les champs de bataille, elles ont non seulement aidé les combattants en assumant les transports de munitions, de vivres, de blessés ou les travaux reconstruction des routes, mais elles ont aussi combattu aux côtés des hommes, armes à la main. Nous avons vu l’importance des éléments extérieurs, « exogènes », ayant contribué à leur souffrance, comme l’environnement géographique (montagnes, jungle et présence d’animaux dangereux ou porteurs de maladies); le climat (alternance de pluies ou de sécheresses intenses); les circonstances de guerre (bombardements, produits chimiques, blessures, exposition à la mort) et les circonstances dues aux déplacements (faim, soif, fatigue, épuisement du corps). À leur retour, ces femmes n’ont pas été reconnues. Les traces laissées sur leur corps par la guerre ont gravement perturbé leur intégration: solitude, mariage difficile, santé maladive. Leur faible niveau d’éducation ne leur permettant pas de trouver un emploi correct, c’est donc sur tous les fronts qu’elles ont dû se battre: personnel, familial et professionnel. La société, à ce jour, les distingue en six catégories: mariées, divorcées, séparées, célibataires, sans enfant et sans-abri. C’est ainsi, avec l’ensemble des ex-jeunes volontaires qui réclamaient une identité et des droits particuliers, qu’ils ont d’abord « lutté pour la reconnaissance ». Puis ont participé à la création du Comité de liaison des ex-jeunes volontaires, auquel a succédé l’Association des ex-jeunes volontaires. Cette association a constitué LA nouvelle force motrice. Elle a joué pleinement son rôle d'un témoignage historique, exigeant du Parti et des autorités locales la mise en œuvre de politiques sociales appropriées. Mais ces politiques n’ont répondu que partiellement aux attentes. « Le don et le contre-don » ne sont donc pas équitables, car cette aide demeure très insuffisante et ne touche qu’un nombre restreint de femmes, celles ayant pu conserver durant toutes ces années les fameux papiers justifiant leur engagement, et justifiant leurs blessures<br>Thirty five years have passed since the end of the Vietnam War, however, for the women who volunteered, the combat continues. A combat for a decent life. Upon their return, in order to integrate into a normal life, they had to go through many trials: firstly those related to their health conditions, then financial, social and family difficulties. Even though the Vietnamese State adopted measures in their favour, they turned out to be insufficient in improving their lives and compensating their suffering. They thus feel as though they have gone unrecognized. Scientific results of this Thesis have shown their altruist choice of committal to the war was made upon a "rational" basis. Despite certain cases of "forced" involvement, the majority of them were determined to leave out of personal interest: such as the vengeance of loved ones, to obey to the revolutionary family, the taste for a uniform role, fear of being outcast for not participating, a desire for independence, an escape from poverty, wanting to leave one man at home to take care of the ancestors and enrolling in his place, an interest for personnel, family, economic or revolutionary order. Rarely was their enrollment in the army pure patriotism. On the battle field, they not only helped the troops by transporting ammunition, people both well and wounded, they reconstructed the roads and fought beside the men weapons in hand. We have seen the importance of outside elements "exogenous", having contributed to their suffering, such as geographical placement, (mountainous and jungle regions and their contact with animals carrying decease; the climate change and intensified rain and dry seasons; the circumstances of war (chilling, chemical sprays, wounds, regular exposure to death) and the circumstances due to unstable living conditions such as constant movement (hunger, thirst, fatigue, physical exhaustion). Upon their return, these women went unrecognized. The traces left on their bodies by the war had seriously interfered with their reintegration into the society that they left. They returned disease-ridden to solitude, marriage problems and poor health. Their low level of education held them back from employment opportunities, leaving them to continue a new fight, one of a more personal level. The society, to this day, distinguishes them by six categories: those married, divorced, separated, and single, without children and those that are homeless. Thus it is the entire group of ex-volunteers that are seeking an identity along with certain rights as they have justly "fought for recognition" then participated in the creation of the Liaison Committee of ex-volunteers, which led to the succession of the Association ex-volunteers. This association constituted THE new motor force. It has played the role of a historic witness, forcing the Party and local authority's to value more appropriate social politics. However these politics haven't responded to any particular expectations. « The gift and return gift” are not equal, because this help has been largely insufficient and only reaches out to a restricted number of women, those who had kept their paperwork during the risky years of their engagement and those able to justify their wounds