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Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

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1

Franz, Wolfgang, und Viktor Steiner. „Wages in the East German Transition Process: Facts and Explanations“. German Economic Review 1, Nr. 3 (01.08.2000): 241–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00013.

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Abstract We analyze wage developments in the East German transition process both at the macro- and at the microeconomic level. At the macroeconomic level, we draw special attention to the important distinction between product and consumption wages, describe the development of various wage measures, labor productivity and unit labor costs in East Germany in relation to West Germany, and relate these developments to the system of collective wage bargaining. At the microeconomic level, we describe changes in the distribution of hourly wages between 1990 and 1997 and analyze the economic factors determining these changes by way of empirical wage functions estimated on the basis of the Socio- Economic Panel for East Germany. The paper also draws some conclusions on the likely future course of the East-West German wage convergence process.

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2

Bruns, Benjamin. „Changes in Workplace Heterogeneity and How They Widen the Gender Wage Gap“. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 11, Nr. 2 (01.04.2019): 74–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20160664.

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Using linked employer-employee data for West Germany, I investigate the role of growing wage differentials between firms in the slowdown of gender wage convergence since the 1990s. The results show that two factors are at play: first, high-wage firms experience higher wage growth and employ disproportionately more men, and second, male firm premiums grow faster than female premiums in the same firms. These developments were catalyzed by a decline of union coverage, coupled with more firm-specific wage setting in collective bargaining agreements. Taken together, these conditions prevented the gender gap from narrowing by approximately 15 percent between the 1990s and 2000s. (JEL J16, J51, J31, J71)

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3

Siebert, Horst. „Labor Market Rigidities: At the Root of Unemployment in Europe“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 11, Nr. 3 (01.08.1997): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.11.3.37.

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This paper studies the major institutional changes at the root of the increase in the west European unemployment trade in the last quarter century from below 3 percent to 11 percent. The institutional characteristics of wage bargaining and the legal rules hamper the self-equilibrating function of the labor market. The reservation wage, raised by the welfare state's rise, has affected the bargaining process, the wage level and the wage structure. Econometric evidence is presented. Since the mid-1980s, differences emerge, and the Scandinavian, the French-Mediterranean, the German, and the British-Dutch approach to the labor market can be distinguished.

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4

Upchurch, Martin. „Institutional Transference and Changing Workplace Relations in Post Unification East Germany: A Case Study of Secondary Education Teachers“. Work, Employment and Society 12, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017098122001.

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German Unification in 1990 was processed by the imposition of the `western' institutional framework on the former east. Legal, administrative and fiscal systems were transferred as part of the Unification Treaty together with the West German industrial relations machinery of co-determination in collective bargaining and participation at the level of the workplace. However the fact that the two Germanies had grown in different economic, social and ideological environments over the previous 40 years raises questions about the viability of such institutional transference. Feelings of `colonisation' and frustrated expectations have been identified as western dominance of officialdom and disappointment at the product of Unification has emerged in the east. Within the public sector these problems have been accompanied with ideological purges of public servants in social policy and education after investigation of past involvement with the former GDR secret police network. This article examines institutional transference with reference to the case of secondary education teachers. Disputes over wage equalisation, job cuts and non-recognition of former GDR teaching qualifications are examined together with attitudes of classroom teachers to the changing nature of their work, their status as teachers and their involvement as trade union participants in the German participatory system of industrial relations.

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5

Dølvik, Jon Erik, und Paul Marginson. „Cross-sectoral coordination and regulation of wage determination in northern Europe: Divergent responses to multiple external pressures“. European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, Nr. 4 (21.08.2018): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118790820.

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We examine changes in collective wage regulation in five northern European countries since 2000, with a focus on coordination across sectors, articulation between levels and determination of wage floors. Earlier change in the functioning of wage bargaining arrangements in Germany placed pressure on other northern countries. In Finland, employers recently instigated a shift from tripartite incomes policy to manufacturing-led pattern bargaining, with increased scope for decentralized negotiations. This made Finnish arrangements more similar to their Nordic counterparts, which have been marked by modest adaptations. Divergence continues in wage floor regulation. Increased statutory generalization of collectively agreed minimum wages has moved Germany and Norway closer to Finland, while Denmark and Sweden still rely solely on collective bargaining. The multi-faceted employer and state approaches to wage regulation are not consistent with recent claims of a neoliberal transformation across the northern coordinated economies.

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6

PONTUSSON, JONAS, und PETER SWENSON. „Labor Markets, Production Strategies, and Wage Bargaining Institutions“. Comparative Political Studies 29, Nr. 2 (April 1996): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029002004.

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Transformed patterns of labor market governance occupy a central place in the study of contemporary West European political economies. Here, detailed analysis of the dramatic decentralization of wage bargaining in Sweden identifies organized employers, especially engineering employers, as the decisive agents of institutional change. We argue that the employer offensive should be understood as a response to a shift in power within old wage-bargaining institutions, introducing invasive regulation of firm-level pay practices and, at the same time, as a consequence of new flexibility-centered production strategies, giving rise to demands for more firm-level autonomy in wage bargaining. The exceptional features of the old Swedish bargaining and the particular needs of different sectors come into play as we seek to explain the mixed pattern of wage-bargaining changes across Western Europe.

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7

Arnholtz, Jens, Guglielmo Meardi und Johannes Oldervoll. „Collective wage bargaining under strain in northern European construction: Resisting institutional drift?“ European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, Nr. 4 (03.08.2018): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118790816.

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Internationalization, trade union decline, enforcement problems and rising self-employment all strain the effectiveness of collective wage bargaining arrangements in northern European construction. We examine Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and the UK, and show that these strains have pushed trade unions to seek assistance from the state to stabilize wage regulation, but with results that vary according to employer strategies and the power balances between the actors. While Denmark and the UK have barely introduced any state support, Norway has followed the Netherlands and Germany in introducing legal mechanisms for extension of collectively agreed minimum wage terms. The country studies suggest that state assistance alleviates some of the strain, but does not reverse the trends, and the comparison indicates that both institutional innovation and reorganization may be required if wage bargaining is not to drift into different functions.

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8

Dwenger, Nadja, Viktor Steiner und Pia Rattenhuber. „Sharing the Burden? Empirical Evidence on Corporate Tax Incidence“. German Economic Review 20, Nr. 4 (01.12.2019): e107-e140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12157.

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Abstract This study investigates the direct incidence of the corporate income tax (CIT) through wage bargaining, using an industry-region level panel dataset on all corporations in Germany over the period 1998-2006. For the first time we account for employment effects which result from tax-induced wage changes. Workers share in reductions of the CIT burden; yet, the net effect of wage bargaining on the corporate wage bill, after an exogenous €1 decrease in the CIT burden, is as little as 19-28 cents. This is about half of the effect obtained in prior literature focussing on wages alone.

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9

Riphahn, Regina T., und Daniel D. Schnitzlein. „Wage mobility in East and West Germany“. Labour Economics 39 (April 2016): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.labeco.2016.01.003.

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10

Thelen, Kathleen. „West European Labor in Transition: Sweden and Germany Compared“. World Politics 46, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1993): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950665.

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This article analyzes conflicts in the 1980s over the decentralization of bargaining between labor and capital in Sweden and Germany. The analysis highlights the role of institutional arrangements, some of them previously “dormant” politically, that mediated common pressures to enhance plant-level flexibility. Whereas the drive for plant flexibility in Sweden contributed to the demise of traditional bargaining arrangements, similar pressures in Germany were more successfully accommodated within its “dual” system. In both cases, institutional links among different levels and arenas of bargaining shaped the strategic interactions of labor and capital in ways that either complicated (Sweden) or facilitated (Germany) the search for compromise within traditional bargaining institutions. While confirming the central role of institutions in explaining cross-national variation in outcomes, the analysis also adds a dynamic element to institutional analysis, highlighting how changing substantive interests of political actors interact with preexisting institutions to produce distinctive patterns of stability and change.

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Ochel, Wolfgang. „Decentralizing Wage Bargaining in Germany - A Way to Increase Employment?“ Labour 19, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.2005.00291.x.

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12

Raess, Damian. „Export Dependence and Institutional Change in Wage Bargaining in Germany“. International Studies Quarterly 58, Nr. 2 (30.07.2013): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12096.

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13

Müller, Torsten, Jon Erik Dølvik, Christian Ibsen und Thorsten Schulten. „The manufacturing sector: Still an anchor for pattern bargaining within and across countries?“ European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, Nr. 4 (19.08.2018): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118790817.

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This article investigates the development of collective wage bargaining systems in manufacturing in five countries: Denmark, Finland, Germany, Norway and Sweden. We illustrate the responses of collective actors to two key challenges: first, increased cross-country competition between Northern European companies operating within the same high-value/high-cost segment of the market; second, the competitive pressures resulting from increased east-north integration. Our analytical framework sets out different forms and outcomes of institutional change, with a focus on how the responses of collective actors to these two challenges shaped the development of wage bargaining systems.

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14

Tijdens, Kea, Maarten van Klaveren, Reinhard Bispinck, Heiner Dribbusch und Fikret Öz. „Loonsverlaging of reductie van het personeelsbestand in de economische crisis? Rapportage van Duitse en Nederlandse werknemers“. Mens en maatschappij 89, Nr. 4 (01.11.2014): 419–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/mem2014.4.tijd.

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Wage or workforce adjustments in the crisis?1How do organisations respond if the crisis affects their business? Do they adjust wages or workforce? Using data from a continuous employee web-survey firm-level responses to the economic crisis in Germany and the Netherlands are investigated. Workforce adjustments were a continuous strategy. No evidence was found of wage concessions traded-off for job protection. Collective bargaining ensured robust wage-setting rather than employment protection. Basic wage reductions were reported more often for low-educated and low-wage employees thereby increasing wage inequality. Labour hoarding was reported predominantly by young, male employees with a permanent, full-time contract.

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15

Funk, Lothar. „Evolution von Lohnverhandlungssystemen – Macht oder ökonomisches Gesetz?“: Warum ein Rückblick auch 25 Jahre nach Erscheinen noch lohnt“. Tarifautonomie und Flächentarifvertrag – Totgesagte leben länger 70, Nr. 12 (01.12.2021): 675–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/sfo.70.12.675.

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Zusammenfassung Der viel beachtete Beitrag von Berthold/Fehn (1996) zur „Evolution von Lohnverhandlungssystemen“ sagte für hochentwickelte Volkswirtschaften wie Deutschland eine Dezentralisierung der nationalen Lohnsysteme voraus, die Verfasser aufgrund des Strukturwandels auch für effizient hielten. Inspiriert wurden die Autoren offensichtlich von Böhm-Bawerks berühmten Ausführungen zu „Macht oder ökonomisches Gesetz?“ aus dem Jahr 1914. Der Pionier der österreichischen Grenznutzenschule zeigte dort unter anderem am Beispiel der Lohnhöhe, dass dieser Bereich für die Ausübung von (ökonomischer) Macht zwar kurzfristig recht beträchtlich ist, aber langfristig eindeutig von ökonomischer Sachlogik bestimmt wird. Der vorliegende Beitrag analysiert die marktdominante Position Berthold/Fehns kritisch mit Hilfe des „institutionenökonomischen Liberalismus“. Abstract: “Evolution of Wage Bargaining Systems – Power or Economic Laws?” Why It’s Still Worth Looking Back 25 Years After It Was Published The much-debated article by Berthold/Fehn (1996) regarding the future developments of rather centralized wage bargaining systems as in Germany was inspired by Böhm-Bawerk’s classic 1914-treatise “Power or economic laws?”. This article states that the effects of power is considerable in the short run only. In the long run “economic laws/logic” clearly dominates. Berthold/Fehn predict fundamental organizational changes in firms with far-reaching consequences for the appropriateness of different national wage-bargaining systems. There will be a future of decentralized bargaining only in highly industrialized countries including Germany as they regard it as most efficient. The article critically examines this proposition based on the “liberal approach of new institutional economics” and criticizes this prediction partly as too undifferentiated.

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16

Bonaccolto-Töpfer, Marina, und Claus Schnabel. „Is There a Union Wage Premium in Germany and Which Workers Benefit Most?“ Economies 11, Nr. 2 (03.02.2023): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies11020050.

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Using representative data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), this paper finds a statistically significant union wage premium in Germany of almost three percent, which is not simply a collective bargaining premium. Given that the union membership fee is typically about one percent of workers’ gross wages, this finding suggests that it pays off to be a union member. Our results show that the wage premium differs substantially between various occupations and educational groups, but not between men and women. We do not find that union wage premia are higher for those occupations and workers which constitute the core of union membership. Rather, unions seem to care about disadvantaged workers and pursue a wider social agenda.

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17

Wallerstein, Michael, Miriam Golden und Peter Lange. „Unions, Employers' Associations, and Wage-Setting Institutions in Northern and Central Europe, 1950–1992“. ILR Review 50, Nr. 3 (April 1997): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399705000301.

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The eight countries examined in this study—Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden—have long been viewed as exemplifying “corporatist” industrial relations systems, in which union coverage is high, unions are influential and commonly have strong ties to political parties, and collective bargaining is institutionalized and relatively centralized. Many observers have recently argued that such corporatist bargaining institutions are everywhere being undermined by changes in the global economy. The authors, using data from a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, test whether changes in patterns of wage-setting in the private sector are consistent with that claim. Although they find some signs that corporatist wage-setting institutions are in decline, they also find offsetting signs of the resiliency of such institutions. Overall, the evidence does not indicate that wage-setting in the private sector is undergoing a general process of decentralization in these eight countries.

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18

Zwinger, Verena, und Elisabeth Brameshuber. „Collectively Agreed (Minimum) Labour Conditions as Protection Boosters“. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 34, Issue 1 (01.03.2018): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2018004.

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The steady fall in unionization rates has led to the evident weakening of collective bargaining powers, resulting in a decline in collective bargaining coverage in many Member States of the European Union (EU) in recent years. In Germany, one of the responses of the legislator to this development was the introduction of a statutory national minimum wage. However, there are still national systems, such as Austria and the Scandinavian countries, where collective bargaining plays a major role in setting employment standards. The first two parts of this article examine the different standard-setting mechanisms in place, taking a closer look at minimum wage legislation and collectively bargained wages in particular. The article also considers the fact that non-standard employment relationships, in particular in the so-called gig economy, seem to fall between two stools: in the majority of EU Member States non-standard workers fall under the scope neither of statutory minimum standards, nor of collective bargaining agreements. This article argues that collective bargaining could be a key factor in efforts to ensure fair and just working conditions, while protecting non-standard workers from other risks historically covered by social security.

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Bomba, Katarzyna. „Minimum Wage Fixing Mechanisms in the EU Member States: A Comparative Overview in the Light of the Draft Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages“. Journal of the University of Latvia. Law 15 (16.11.2022): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/jull.15.09.

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This paper focuses on a comparative legal overview of the minimum wage in Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania and Spain. The author uses this context to discuss the significance of constitutions, statutes and collective bargaining agreements. Attention is drawn to the amount of detail in relevant constitutional provisions, the reasons for the discrepancies, as well as to the correlation between the way in which the minimum wage is regulated in the constitution and the way it is regulated by way of statute or collective bargaining agreement. The influence of international and European legal acts on the norms adopted in particular states is also assessed. Next, the structure of various national minimum wage fixing mechanisms is analysed in an attempt to indicate regularities in their formation. The paper refers to the draft Directive on adequate minimum wages in the European Union and provides an assessment of its potential impact on domestic legal systems. Further, the article evaluates national minimum wage fixing mechanisms from the perspective of their compatibility with the requirements introduced by the draft Directive.

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20

Collischon, Matthias. „Is There a Glass Ceiling over Germany?“ German Economic Review 20, Nr. 4 (01.12.2019): e329-e359. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12168.

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Abstract This paper analyzes the gender wage gap across the wage distribution using 2010 data from the German Statistical Agency. I investigate East and West Germany and the public sector separately to account for potential heterogeneities in wage gaps. I apply unconditional and conditional quantile regression methods to investigate the differences between highly paid men and women in distributions conditional and unconditional on covariates. The results indicate increasing gender wage gaps in all estimations, suggesting that there is indeed a glass ceiling over Germany even after controlling for a large set of observable characteristics (including occupation and industry). This finding is even more pronounced when also taking bonus payments into account.

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21

Hu, Qiuyin. „An incomplete breakthrough“. European Labour Law Journal 9, Nr. 1 (12.01.2018): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2031952517752168.

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This article reflects on how appropriately the German Minimum Wage Act— the latest national minimum wage legislation within the EU— has been constructed so as to remedy the fading role of collective bargaining in wage setting and curb the increasing in-work poverty across the country. Based on identifying four fundamental parts of a minimum wage regime, it examines successively the corresponding provisions in the German law, with frequent comparisons with the legislation of several other Member States. It is found that Germany has refrained from learning the positive legislative experiences of its EU counterparts, and has developed a minimum wage regime that is distinct in more than one aspect. Such a wage floor, however, loses efficiency and momentum before serving the original purposes of its own introduction.

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Ohlert, Clemens. „Establishment heterogeneity, rent sharing and the rise of wage inequality in Germany“. International Journal of Manpower 37, Nr. 2 (03.05.2016): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-01-2015-0005.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the role wage dispersion across establishments has played in recent increases in total wage inequality in Germany and compares it to inequality changes at the individual level. It is queried whether the contribution of establishment heterogeneity to the rise of wage inequality stems from changes of institutional settings or from structures such as establishment size and the composition of the workforce. Design/methodology/approach – Applying regression-based decompositions of variance to German linked employer-employee panel data for the years 2000-2010 it is analysed to what extent changes associated to firm structures contribute to the rise of total wage inequality. Findings – Results show that the rise in wage inequality in Germany to a great extent is associated to rising wage variance across establishments, implying that establishment specific wage premiums have grown. By further decomposing across firm components of wage inequality, it is found that changes in across establishment wage inequality related to collective bargaining, worker co-determination and internal labour markets together account for about 3 per cent of the rise in total inequality. Inequality changes related to establishments’ skill and occupational composition account for about 11 per cent and establishment size alone accounts for about 18 per cent of the rise in total inequality. Originality/value – The main contribution is to quantify the relation of specific establishment characteristics to the rise in total wage inequality over time. Conclusions are drawn about the importance of mechanisms of rent sharing at the firm level in comparison to the determination of wages by individual qualification.

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Hirsch, Boris, und Steffen Mueller. „Firm Wage Premia, Industrial Relations, and Rent Sharing in Germany“. ILR Review 73, Nr. 5 (27.04.2020): 1119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793920917105.

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The authors use three distinct methods to investigate the influence of industrial relations on firm wage premia in Germany. First, ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions for the firm effects from a two-way fixed-effects decomposition of workers’ wages reveal that average premia are larger in firms bound by collective agreements and in firms with a works council, holding constant firm performance. Next, recentered influence function (RIF) regressions show that premia are less dispersed among covered firms but more dispersed among firms with a works council. Finally, in an Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition, the authors find that decreasing bargaining coverage is the only factor they consider that contributes to the marked rise in premia dispersion over time.

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Fitzenberger, Bernd, und Gaby Wunderlich. „Gender Wage Differences in West Germany: A Cohort Analysis“. German Economic Review 3, Nr. 4 (01.12.2002): 379–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00065.

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25

Günther, Wolfgang. „Defending institutional power? Unions’ positions towards the extension of collective agreements in Finland, Germany, and the Netherlands“. Zeitschrift für Sozialreform 67, Nr. 4 (01.12.2021): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zsr-2021-0012.

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Abstract Statutory bargaining extensions of collective agreements are an effective instrument to stabilise multi-employer bargaining. For unions, this means tensions between the logic of influence and membership. On the one hand, the extension constitutes a central institutional power resource. On the other hand, it might impede collective action if workers are covered without contributing. This article analyses unions’ preferences for extensions in Germany, the Netherlands and Finland, three countries that differ in union power and the trajectories of their bargaining institutions. The article has two findings. First, unions value extensions as a power resource because they prevent wage dumping. Second, union-supporting institutions counteract free-riding. Given new legislative efforts at the EU level, statutory extensions could become more important in the future.

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Friedrich, Martin. „Using Occupations to Evaluate the Employment Effects of the German Minimum Wage“. Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik 240, Nr. 2-3 (25.02.2020): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbnst-2018-0085.

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AbstractThis paper evaluates the short to medium run employment effects of the 2015 introduction of a statutory minimum wage in Germany. The effect of the policy is recovered from variation in the bite of the minimum wage across occupations using a difference-in-differences estimator. The analysis reveals that the reform only had a small impact on employment and highlights the importance of regional effect heterogeneity. In East Germany, marginal employment decreased by about 18,000 jobs in the short run and 52,000 jobs in the medium run, respectively, due to the minimum wage. In West Germany, no negative employment effects are detectable, but regular employment increased temporarily because of the reform. The medium run estimates include the impact of the first marginal increase of the wage floor from €8.50 to €8.84 in 2017.

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Heine, Michael, und Hansjörg Herr. „Die Europäische Währungsunion im Treibsand“. PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, Nr. 144 (01.09.2006): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.546.

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In the European Monetary Union (EMU) development of unit-labour costs and inflation rates differs substantially among regions. This shows that the different wage determination models in the EMU did not converge to create a EMU-wide coherent wage bargaining system. The result are huge regional imbalances. Germany the biggest economy and the country with the lowest increase in unit-labour costs in EMU already realises big and increasing current account surpluses against other EMU countries. Spain, Italy or Portugal suffer from big current account deficits. The financial power of the European centre is too limited to prevent increasing regional problems. What is needed in Europe is a deeper institutional and political integration to combine functional monetary, fiscal, wage and regional policies.

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Gerlach, Knut. „A Note on Male-Female Wage Differences in West Germany“. Journal of Human Resources 22, Nr. 4 (1987): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/145701.

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Paqué, Karl-Heinz. „Was ist am ostdeutschen Arbeitsmarkt anders?“ Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 2, Nr. 4 (November 2001): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00064.

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Abstract This paper presents and evaluates two interpretations of the eastern German labour market. These interpretations are called `wage gap’ and `innovation gap’. The former follows standard neoclassical thinking and regards high eastern German unemployment as the consequence of too high a wage level. The latter follows endogenous growth theory and regards a lack of product innovations as the main constraint on output and employment growth in the eastern German economy. The paper argues that the `innovation gap’ explains the facts much better than the `wage gap’. From this, the paper draws conclusions for economic policy: given the high interregional mobility of the workforce and the erosion of collective bargaining in eastern Germany, the wage level is not an appropriate policy instrument anymore. Instead, policy should aim at strengthening the innovative power of the eastern German economy by supporting research and development in the region.

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Himmelreicher, Ralf, und Clemens Ohlert. „Sonderzahlungen: Wer bekommt sie in welchem Umfang?“ Wirtschaftsdienst 103, Nr. 11 (01.11.2023): 770–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/wd-2023-0211.

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Abstract The receipt of special payments and their amount varies greatly with individual and company characteristics as well as with the level of the hourly wage. There are large di~erences between women and men, between East and West Germany, and de-pending on company size and sector. Special payments are rare in the low-wage sector and among marginal employees and, those that exist are very low. Looking at the 10% of employees with the highest hourly wages, special payments are wide-spread and by far the highest, especially among West German men.

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Suedekum, Jens. „Selective migration, union wage setting and unemployment disparities in West Germany“. International Economic Journal 18, Nr. 1 (März 2004): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1351161042000180629.

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Kühhirt, Michael, und Volker Ludwig. „Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood in West Germany“. Journal of Marriage and Family 74, Nr. 1 (11.01.2012): 186–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2011.00886.x.

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DUSTMANN, CHRISTIAN, und ARTHUR SOEST. „Wage Structures in the Private and Public Sectors in West Germany“. Fiscal Studies 18, Nr. 3 (August 1997): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.1997.tb00262.x.

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34

Witte, Nils. „Have Changes in Gender Segregation and Occupational Closure Contributed to Increasing Wage Inequality in Germany, 1992–2012?“ European Sociological Review 36, Nr. 2 (25.10.2019): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz055.

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Abstract Wage inequality continued to increase through the 1990s and 2000s in post-industrial economies. This article contributes to the debate on occupations and inequality by assessing the role of occupational segregation and occupational closure for understanding the increase in inequality. Using employee data for West Germany in 1992 and 2012 and based on decompositions of unconditional quantile regressions the article investigates the contribution of changes in both occupational characteristics to changes in the wage structure. Our findings suggest that both the employment increase in more closed occupations and increased rewards in these occupations have contributed to wage increases across the distribution, especially in the lower half of the wage distribution. Our results further suggest disproportional wage increases in female-dominated occupations at the bottom of the distribution and disproportional wage decreases in male-dominated occupations at the top. If these occupational characteristics had remained at 1992 levels, then 90/10 wage inequality would have been 25 per cent higher in 2012. Thus, changes in occupational characteristics have contributed to wage compression in the observation period.

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Sun, Xiaohan. „China Collective Negotiation in COVID-19: What We learn from a Comparative Analysis of China, the United States and Germany“. American Journal of Trade and Policy 7, Nr. 2 (20.09.2020): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v7i2.486.

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Labor conflicts can be solved by an efficient collective bargaining system with consensus-based. Since the economic uncertainty caused by COVID-19, employers have been shut down or have had to reduce operations drastically and many employers want to furlough or dismiss employees under certain circumstances in China. Meanwhile, many workers have lost income. Since workers have gone back to the worksite in March 2020, labor unrest has spread out in order to ask for wage arrears in the manufactory, construction, and service sectors in terms of strikes map from China Labor Bulletin. The paper targets on three different countries with top economies, and examines its bargaining models to keep industrial peace. The paper argues that China bargaining model under state-control strongly depends on government intention for intervention where there is labor unrest, and the system less focuses on self-governance which may result in a hard time to maintain industrial resources, even though the state issued the related policies to highly encouraged companies to hold a negotiation before the lay off workers, reduce wages or work time in order to be employed. While fewer polices and China traditional command-and-control regulation models could not provide an efficient approach to relief labor unrest in the pandemic, Germany's bargaining model is more flexible to provide an example for new governance and co-determination. Also, the bargaining model with sector-level reforms could do more for the United States private sectors in order to the corporation instead of adversarialism. From a comparison among three collective bargaining models, the paper concludes the approaches to protect workers’ rights from global perspectives.

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Ganßmann, Heiner, und Grover McArthur. „Arbeitslosigkeit und Einkommensverteilung.“ PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, Nr. 99 (01.06.1995): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i99.959.

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The development of the wage-profit-distribution in post-war Germany is analyzed, applying the»cost-of-job-loss«-concept which has been elaborated in the social-structure-of-accumulation framework by radical US-economists. Statistical estimates show that the costs of job loss (as adeterminant of work and conflict behavior of workers) exercise a significant influence on the development of income distribution in (West) Germany.

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Jacoby, Wade, und Martin Behrens. „Experimentalism as a Tool of Economic Innovation in Germany“. German Politics and Society 19, Nr. 3 (01.09.2001): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503001782486362.

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Our purpose in this article is to analyze changes in the German wagebargaining system, a system that has attracted enormous attentionfrom scholars of comparative political economy and comparativeindustrial relations. We argue that the wage bargaining portion ofthe German model is neither frozen in place, headed for deregulation,nor merely “muddling through.” Rather, we see the institutionalcapacities of the key actors—especially the unions and employerassociations—making possible a process we term “experimentalism.”In briefest form, experimentalism allows organizations that combinedecentralized information-gathering abilities with centralized decision-making capacity to probe for new possibilities, which, oncefound, can be quickly diffused throughout the organization. We willshow that the capacity for such experimentalism varies across actorsand sectors. And, to make things even tougher, neither major Germansocial actor can sustain innovation in the longer term withoutbringing along the other “social partner.”

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Katz, Harry C. „The Decentralization of Collective Bargaining: A Literature Review and Comparative Analysis“. ILR Review 47, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1993): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304700101.

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The author reviews evidence that the bargaining structure is becoming more decentralized in Sweden, Australia, the former West Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States, although in somewhat different degrees and ways from country to country. He then examines the various hypotheses that have been offered to explain this significant trend. Shifts in bargaining power, as well as the diversification of corporate and worker interests, have played a part in this change, he concludes, but work reorganization has been more influential still. He also explores how the roles of central unions and corporate industrial relations staffs are challenged by bargaining structure decentralization, and discusses the research gaps on this subject that need to be filled.

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Atesoglu, H. Sonmez. „A rational expectations model of price and wage inflation for West Germany“. Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv 124, Nr. 3 (September 1988): 480–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02708661.

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Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing und Lowell Turner. „The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany“. ILR Review 46, Nr. 2 (Januar 1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.

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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and centralized, regional-level collective bargaining) is giving unions and works councils increased possibilities for leverage.

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Georgellis, Yannis, und Thomas Lange. „The Effect of Further Training on Wage Growth in West Germany, 1984-1992“. Scottish Journal of Political Economy 44, Nr. 2 (Mai 1997): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9485.00051.

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42

Schubert, Claudia, und Laura Schmitt. „Collective working conditions for everyone?! – Collective provisions with erga omnes effect and statutory extension of collective agreements from a German law perspective“. European Labour Law Journal 11, Nr. 2 (09.12.2019): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2031952519891179.

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Not only in Germany but in many European states the level of coverage by collective agreements is declining. Since collective bargaining autonomy is based on the principle of voluntary membership, one of its weaknesses lies in the declining degree of organisation on both the employers’ and the employees’ side. In the long term, weak unions cannot ensure fair working conditions. As a result, collective bargaining agreements lose their inherent warranty of correctness. In the legal policy discussion, this has led to calls for the legislator. In response, in 2014 the German legislature passed the ‘Act to Strengthen the Autonomy of Collective Bargaining’ ( Tarifautonomiestärkungsgesetz) to lower the requirements for the extension of collective agreements and to introduce a national minimum wage. As this has not led to significant improvements, there are further-reaching proposals for the statutory extension of collective agreements. The extension of collective bargaining agreements to non-members does not strengthen the social partnership on the employee side. However, it is a legitimate means to avoid a race to the bottom in competing for the lowest social standard; extensions help in creating common labour standards as long as a sufficient margin is maintained for the social partners to negotiate sector-specific regulations and to shape working conditions. A legal system, which is based on rights of freedom and does not consider the freedom of association to be a solely goal-orientated right, offers limited options to strengthen the social partners through legislation. Extensions become increasingly difficult to justify, the higher the existing level of legal protection. Especially in countries with minimum wage legislation and a large amount of employee protection legislation the justification requirements increase. However, at least in Germany, to date the judiciary has not sufficiently considered these aspects. Even though international laws leave substantial freedoms to the states, all legal systems that are based on a strong and vital social partnership should be interested in obtaining and protecting the plurality of collective bargaining agreements. They should only lay down limits, where there are tendencies of eroding solidarity among workforces due to the parallel existence of several collective bargaining agreements. The associations themselves possess limited resources for extending their member base. Still, the more the individual can gain from association membership, the more likely employees and employers are to join their respective associations. Therefore, the state should demonstrate restraint regarding the regulation of labour conditions. However, such restraint will prove difficult for welfare states. Their governments will most likely opt to eliminate deficiencies through legislation, even at the price of further weakening collective bargaining autonomy. Compared to extensions, legal provisions have the disadvantage of being too general and less flexible because of the much slower adaptation process. Therefore, the main argument in favour of extensions is that they facilitate the differentiation of mandatory working conditions. To ensure their legitimation, a number of design options can be considered. Regarding this, neither European nor international law impose high requirements but existing differences between national legal systems demand custom-fit solutions.

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Sack, Detlef, und EK Sarter. „Collective bargaining, minimum wages and public procurement in Germany: Regulatory adjustments to the neoliberal drift of a coordinated market economy“. Journal of Industrial Relations 60, Nr. 5 (08.10.2018): 669–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185618795706.

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This article analyses different types of labour clauses in public procurement regulation that have been enacted in Germany, a coordinated market economy that has experienced a ‘neoliberal drift’ including the decline of the traditional governance of labour and contracting out. Based on an analysis of relevant regulations adopted by the 16 Germany federal states, the article corroborates insights into the prominent role of left parties advocating for labour clauses in public procurement on a much broader empirical foundation than previous research. It adds to scholarly knowledge by revealing that the relative comparative advantage of regions with lower wage levels inhibits labour clauses in federal political systems. It finds that centre-right parties are willing to stipulate certain labour clauses in order to protect small-and medium-sized enterprises, which are core parts of their electoral support base.

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Miller, Jennifer. „Her Fight is Your Fight: “Guest Worker” Labor Activism in the Early 1970s West Germany“. International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791300029x.

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AbstractWhen the postwar economic boom came to a crashing halt in early 1970s West Germany, foreign “guest workers,” often the first to be laid off, bore the brunt of high inflation, rising prices, declining growth rates, widespread unemployment, and social discontent. Following the economic downturn and the ensuing crisis of stagflation, workers' uprisings became increasingly common in West Germany. The summer of 1973 saw a sharp increase in workers' activism broadly, including a wave of “women's strikes.” However, historical attention to the role of foreign workers, especially of foreign female workers, within these strikes has been limited. This article presents a case study of wildcat strikes spearheaded by foreign, female workers in the early 1970s, focusing specifically on the strikes at the Pierburg Autoparts Factory in Neuss, West Germany. For these foreign women, activism in the early 1970s had a larger significance than just securing better working conditions. Indeed, striking foreign workers were no longer negotiating temporary problems; they were signaling that they were there to stay. Foreign workers' sustained and successful activism challenged the imposed category of “guest worker,” switching the emphasis from guest to worker. Ultimately, the Pierburg strikes' outcomes benefited all workers—foreign and German, male and female—and had grave implications for wage discrimination across West Germany as well.

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Funke, Michael, und Holger Strulik. „Growth and Convergence in a Two-Region Model of Unified Germany“. German Economic Review 1, Nr. 3 (01.08.2000): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00018.

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Abstract The paper sets up a two-region endogenous growth model to discuss growth and regional convergence of unified Germany. It emphasizes the role of private and public capital accumulation during the developing process. The theoretical part derives fiscal policy rules which establish convergence of regional output per capita and convergence of regional human wealth. To assess the speed of convergence the model is calibrated with German data. Given a fiscal policy rule that is consistent with the data on government spending in East and West Germany after unification the model suggests that East Germany will reach 80 per cent of West Germany's income per capita between 20 and 30 years after unification and that actual transfers are approximately sufficient to equalize regional human wealth. The results are compared with an extension of the model that includes wage-setting behaviour and unemployment in the eastern region.

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Fels, Joachim, und Erich Gundlach. „More evidence on the puzzle of interindustry wage differentials: The case of West Germany“. Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv 126, Nr. 3 (September 1990): 544–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02709036.

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47

Mückenberger, Ulrich. „The Regulation of Strike Law in Times of New Technologies and Deregulation: The Case of West Germany“. Articles 45, Nr. 1 (12.04.2005): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050564ar.

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Although the West German law of strike has remained relatively unchanged in the last decade, various specifie legislative amendments, notably with respect to the payment of unemployment Insurance benefits during a labour conflict, to the domain of collective bargaining and to employee representation in the undertaking, could well alter the strike practice. The cumulative effect of these changes is examined in the perspective of a labour market evolving under technological change.

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Black, B. „Wage protection systems, segregation and gender pay inequalities: West Germany, the Netherlands and Great Britain“. Cambridge Journal of Economics 23, Nr. 4 (01.07.1999): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/23.4.449.

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Hyclak, Thomas, und Geraint Johnes. „REAL WAGE RIGIDITY IN REGIONAL LABOR MARKETS IN THE U.K., THE U.S., AND WEST GERMANY*“. Journal of Regional Science 29, Nr. 3 (August 1989): 423–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9787.1989.tb01387.x.

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Afonso, Alexandre, Samir Negash und Emily Wolff. „Closure, equality or organisation: Trade union responses to EU labour migration“. Journal of European Social Policy 30, Nr. 5 (November 2020): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720950607.

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This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a large membership to pursue an equalisation strategy and expected to be able to ‘afford’ openness. German unions with low membership but access to the political system pushed for a mix of closure and equality drawing on political intervention (e.g. minimum wages). British unions, unable to pursue either, focused their efforts on organisation.

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