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1
Markwick, Roger D. „Violence to Velvet: Revolutions—1917 to 2017“. Slavic Review 76, Nr. 3 (2017): 600–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.167.
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From their inception, the 1917 Russian Revolutions, specifically the October Revolution, have been synonymous with Bolshevik violence. In the course of the last century, almost all observers have believed that violence was inherent in the Russian revolutions and revolutions generally. Such views have obscured what a revolution actually is. Closer examination of the October Revolution confirms violence was not its defining feature. Further, the Bolsheviks conceived October as the opening salvo of international, socialist revolution; expectations largely crushed by overwhelming counter-revolutionary violence. The discrediting of war and political violence since World War II has seen the conception of revolution as a “velvet” process of political transformation emerge, particularly in Latin America, the US, Britain, and Europe. While such movements rarely look back to the Russian Revolutions, they echo the democratic, egalitarian, and emancipatory impulses bequeathed by 1917, and raise the possibility of near non-violent socialist revolutions.
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Zaynutdinov, D. R. „Prosocial legal thought in the age of revolution and civil war in Russia (1917—1918)“. Lex Russica, Nr. 3 (05.04.2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.159-171.
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The paper deals with the formation and development of right-socialist legal thought during the revolutionary period of 1917 and the Civil war of 1918. During the analysis, special attention is given to the legal views and ideas of the largest theorists of the right-socialist school, such as G.V. Plekhanov, V.M. Chernov, P.B. Akselrod, M.V. Vishnyak. The paper is divided into four interrelated parts. The first part reveals the fact of the lack prosocial groups of projects of legal development of the Russian state to establish a social democratic regime that caused their appeal to the legal concepts of the cadets. Also the reasons of registration by right-socialist groups of the concept of “the third way” and its realization in anti-Bolshevist statehood of the period of 1918 are revealed. In the second part of the work the understanding of the essence of law in socialism is studied, the comparison of the ideological approach to “law” on the part of the lawyers of the left-socialist and right-socialist camp is made. Special attention is given to the place of law in the teachings of socialism and the relationship of law with the economy. In the third part of the work the image of A.I. Gukovskiy as a jurist of the right socialist camp is investigated. His characteristic given to him by the right Socialists Revolutionarists (SRs) is generalized. The image of A.I. Gukovskiy reveals common features inherent in all legal scholars of the right socialist camp. The fourth part of the paper draws attention to the idea of human and civil rights and freedoms in the teachings of social democracy. For the jurists of social democracy, the development of the idea of human and civil rights and freedoms is nothing more than the materialization of the spirit of the revolution, and therefore the problems of the legal status of the individual in the works of right socialist thinkers received a special place. In conclusion, the author draws conclusions about the contribution of Russian lawyers of the right socialist group to the world fund of legal science.
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Ivanov, A. A. „Bishop Andrey (Ukhtomsky): Church Comprehension and Criticism of Ideology and Practice of Socialism“. Nauchnyi dialog, Nr. 8 (24.08.2021): 323–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-323-340.
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The question of the attitude of the famous church publicist Bishop Andrey (Ukhtomsky) to the theory and practice of socialism in Russia and the USSR is considered. For the first time, the views of the bishop on the similarities and differences between socialist ideology and the Orthodox faith, starting with the events of the First Russian Revolution and ending with the Soviet period, are reconstructed and analyzed. Particular attention is paid to Andrey (Ukhtomsky)’s criticism of socialism, professed by left political forces and attempts to oppose it with a different socialism, which the church publicist called Christian and ecclesiastical. The legitimacy of classifying the bishop as a supporter of Christian socialism is questioned and a view is proposed according to which Bishop Andrey’s opposition to political socialism was forced and was intended to deprive the socialists of the monopoly on knowledge about the just reorganization of society, as well as to conduct polemics with the adherents of socialism in a way they understand language. It is argued that changing political views and attitudes towards various forms of state power throughout his life, Andrey (Ukhtomsky) remained consistent in upholding his views, both on the nature of socialism and on the ways to overcome it.
4
Bouchet, Thomas. „Socialist vicissitudes on the right to work in France, 1848–1851“. French History 33, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2019): 572–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz093.
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Abstract This article examines the different meanings given to the ‘right to work’ during the French Second Republic (1848–51). Although liberals painted all demands for this right with the same ‘socialist’ brush, denouncing them as vague and dangerously utopian, calls for this right were neither vague nor exclusively socialist. Those espousing the right to work held concrete, if differing, views about what duties it entailed and what its relation was to private property, political rights and the role of the state. This essay examines the views of socialists, non-socialist and labour associations on the right to work, examining how they changed in the course of the Revolution of 1848. As faith waned in the state’s willingness and ability to secure it, so, too, did preoccupations with the right to work, which gave way increasingly to associationalism. The right would not become constitutional until the Fourth Republic.
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Scovil, Jonathan. „Pojęcie „socjalizmu” w myśli politycznej Alexisa de Tocqueville’a“. Świat Idei i Polityki 16, Nr. 1 (31.12.2017): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201702.
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The article presents an analysis of an original conception of socialism outlined in the works of Alexis de Tocqueville. The author begins with a brief presentation of historical context in which the views of French thinker were shaped, referring to his experiences from the period of the July Revolution of 1830 and the February Revolution of 1848. The author goes on to detailed analysis of his definition of socialism, making an indispensable reference to his republican conception of freedom and the role of a citizen in democracy. Finally, the author looks at Tocquevillian vision of genesis of socialist ideas, associated by him with anxiety, which democratic system inevitably generates.
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Vladimir V., Kalinovsky. „“By the Action of Love to Overcome the Agitation of Their Hatred”: The Taurida Clergy Against Socialism (based on the materials of the theological, journalistic and memoir heritage of bishops and priests)“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30.10.2022): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-62-74.
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The article examines and analyzes the views of the clergy of the Taurida Diocese on socialist ideology. It is noted that local bishops and clergymen were consistent critics of socialism. This is evidenced by numerous materials of the official publications of the Taurida Diocese — the “Taurida Diocesan News” and the “Taurida Church and Public Bulletin”. The main motives of the rejection of socialism by the Orthodox clergy are shown. The emphasis is placed on the activities of Bishop Alexiy (Molchanov), who headed the Taurida diocese during the revolutionary events of 1905–1907 and tried to protect his flock from socialist propaganda. The negative attitude of the Orthodox clergy towards socialism can be considered as one of the reasons for the subsequent persecution of it during the revolution and the Civil War.
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Rumyantseva, Tatyana, Daniela Steila und Lucia Pasini. „Aleksandr Bogdanov’s Concept of Revolution and the Organisation of State“. RUDN Journal of Philosophy 27, Nr. 1 (30.03.2023): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2023-27-1-62-78.
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The article is devoted to the controversy of Alexander Alexandrovich Bogdanov, the so-called “another Bolshevik”, with Lenin and his associates on the question of the revolution and the ways of building a socialist society and state. It is shown that Bogdanov expressed a critical attitude towards the revolution and its socialist nature, the ability of the proletariat to play a decisive role in it, and wrote about Russia’s unpreparedness for an anti-capitalist coup, thereby expressing a distinctly marked anti-Leninist position. Based on the analysis of a large corpus of Bogdanov’s works, the authors focused their attention on the following aspects of his work relating to the theme of revolution: the contradictions between Bogdanov and Lenin in its interpretation even before October 1917; Bogdanov’s views on the revolution and real socialism after its completion; his interpretation and evaluation of “war communism”; the program for building socialism in the USSR and the search for ways to form fundamentally new social structures developed in the context of the science of tectology, created by him; Bogdanov’s project “Proletkult” and his utopian novels, in which he foresaw how “socialism in one country” would be built and how the transition from the old exploitative to new forms of human coexistence would be carried out, as well as the danger of the degeneration of democracy into a dictatorship.
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Ivešić, Tomaž. „Words Instruct, Illustrations Lead: The National Question after the October Revolution“. Monitor ISH 20, Nr. 1 (13.06.2018): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.20.1.33-49(2018).
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The paper focuses on the development of Marxist-Leninist views on the phenomenon of nationalism and on the evolution of nations. The germs of the idea of a socialist nationality can be found already before WWI. After the October Revolution, the Stalinist practice of solving the national question was marked by the process of Korenizatsiya: the Bolsheviks emphasised the nationalities in the Soviet Union, hoping that this would accelerate the transition to socialism. This policy was likewise adopted in Yugoslavia during and immediately after WWII.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. „Marx, the “Asiatic Mode of Production,” and “Oriental Despotism” as “True” Socialism“. Comparative Sociology 18, Nr. 4 (09.10.2019): 489–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341505.
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Abstract Marx believed that socialist revolution, i.e., the end of the private ownership of the “means of production”, would make the state weak in the long run: the state would “wither away”. He also believed that the despotic state is related to Oriental despotism, marked by general ossification. Here Marx followed the views of his contemporaries. The socialist revolutions in Russia and China demonstrate that Marx was wrong: the end of private ownership of the “means of production” creates a state similar to Oriental despotism, but it is a quite dynamic and economically viable regime. The USSR’s collapse was due to Gorbachev alone; at the same time, totalitarian socialist China would become an economic and geopolitical global force in the future.
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Noordegraaf, Herman. „Nu daagt het in het Oosten : De Bond van Christen-Socialisten en de Russische revolutie (1917-1921)“. DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 43, Nr. 93 (01.12.2020): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2020.93.003.noor.
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Abstract The Russian Revolution of 1917 evoked a lot of enthusiasm within revolutionary groups in the Netherlands. Here they saw for the first time in history the building up of a real socialist society. One of these was the League of Christian-Socialists (Bond van Christen-Socialisten), that was founded in 1907. Though the League welcomed the Russian Revolution there was also discussion, especially about the use of violence by the Bolsheviks. Three different groups came into being: those who rejected the use of violence (main representatives Truus Kruyt-Hogerzeil and Bart de Ligt), those who judged the use of violence in this situation acceptable (Anke van der Vlies), and the group that considered itself as Christian Bolsheviks (John William Kruyt). Their views are described and also the close connection between Kruyt as Member of Parliament (1918-1922) and the Communist Party. The different views were a main factor in the disintegration of the League that was dissolved in 1921.
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Fayzullin, A. R. „Situation and Activity of Tatar Muslim Community in Kazan Province after the 1917 February Revolution (February — October 1917)“. Islam in the modern world 15, Nr. 3 (29.10.2019): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2019-15-3-137-150.
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The article deals with events related to the situation and activities of the Muslim Tatars of Russia after the February 1917 revolution. The revolution divided the Muslim Tatars of Russia of all strata and views into the opposing groups and movements that actively pursued their policies. Socio-political organizations and institutions were created, some of which supported the Provisional Government, while the others supported the Bolshevik Party. Initially, the Muslim clergy, headed by Mufti of Orenburg Spiritual assembly Muhammad-Safa Bayazitov, did not support the February revolution, that is why the assembly was dissolved by leaders of the Tatar bourgeoisie and nobility of Ufa. In May 1917, the First all-Russian Muslim Congress took place in Moscow, at which a number of important decisions were made, including the recognizing of equality of women and the land commodification. In contrast to the Kazan Muslim Committee supporting the Provisional Government, the Kazan Bolshevik Party in early April 1917 organized the Muslim Socialist Committee, headed by the revolutionary Bolshevik Mullanur Vakhitov, led his work among the working Muslims of the Tatars. The Kazan Muslim Committee relied on the intellectuals, the wealthy peasants, the clergy, the Tatar-Muslim bourgeoisie, and the Muslim Socialist Committee did more stakes on the Tatar workers. The October Revolution led to the victory of the Bolsheviks, who were supported by Muslim left socialists.
12
Gromova, Ludmila P., und Kseniya A. Kulko. „Publicism of F.M.Dostoevsky and A.I. Solzhenitsyn: From socialism to the “Russian idea”“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Language and Literature 20, Nr. 2 (2023): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu09.2023.202.
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The purpose of the article is to describe the socio-political and philosophical views of Dostoevsky and Solzhenitsyn on socialism and the “Russian idea”. The empirical basis of the study is publications from Dostoevsky’s “Diary of the Writer”, as well as articles, interviews, speeches at press conferences by Solzhenitsyn. The study is divided into several parts: 1) analysis of thе views of Dostoevsky and Solzhenitsyn’s youth; 2) socialism as the antithesis of Christianity; 3) transformation of socialist ideas; 4) understanding of the “Russian idea”. Dostoevsky’s “Diary of the Writer presented not a rejection of socialist ideas, but a critique of the European version of socialism and an understanding of “Russian socialism”. This becomes the basis for the formulation of the “Russian idea”, associated for Dostoevsky with the conviction that the Russian nation must bring true Orthodoxy to other nations. The novelty of research is that it presents a comparative analysis of Dostoevsky’s and Solzhenitsyn’s ideas about socialism, messianism, the “Russian idea”, and the fate of Russian people. These ideas are reflected in the authors’ publicism related to the issues of Russian pochvennichesvo. Solzhenitsyn argues about the fate of the people and its task. However, the “Russian idea” becomes “the preservation of people” and the rejection of global objectives. At the same time, these calls and Christian ideals are paradoxically combined in the work of Solzhenitsyn with a love for the revolution and the demand to fight communism in the USSR.
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Tymofiyko, Serhii. „The national question at the Geneva Conference of the Socialist Parties of Russia (april 2-8, 1905): discussions and decisions“. Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (29.12.2021): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.103-112.
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The purpose of the study is to shed light on the SRs’ consideration of projects to resolve the national issue in the Russian Empire at the Geneva Conference of Socialist Parties and to evaluate the proposed ideas for Russia’s restructuring. In the context of reviewing the discussions, special attention was paid to the future of tsarist-enslaved peoples, who were represented at the meetings by delegates from the National Socialist parties and demanded autonomous status, and sometimes national independence and secession from Russia, as in the case of Poland and Finland. The research methodology is based on the principles of concrete-historical approach or historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness and integrity, systematics, as well as the use of the methods – analysis and synthesis, historical-comparative, historical-typological and problem-chronological. The scientifi c novelty is that in the course of the study for the fi rst time there’s been an attempt made to analyze the consideration of the national question in the Russian Empire at the Geneva Conference and to fi nd out the attitude of the delegates from the National Socialist Parties to the SR projects. A complex topic is considered, which is practically not disclosed in historical studies of this period. Conclusions. Th e Geneva Conference was an important stage in the development of the Russian Revolution, when the leading socialist forces of Russia, as well as the national socialist parties and organizations, sought to understand each other in order to defeat the common enemy, tsarism. It demonstrated common views on the federalization of the Russian state in the postrevolutionary era and the granting of broad autonomy to enslaved nations. A separate point of the agreement was the support for perestroika mechanisms, which stated that the aim of the revolution would be to convene a Constituent Assembly, not only in Russia but also in Poland and Finland, which stated the abolition of tsarism and building a democratic republic. However, the events of the revolution made their adjustments to the plans of the Socialists, so the agreements in Geneva were never implemented in practice.
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Timofey A., Balyko. „The Path from the Idea Of Social Truth to Compromise with the Bolsheviks in the Publications of the Ideologist of the Renovationist Split, Prof. B.V. Titlinov“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30.10.2022): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-159-165.
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The article discusses the development of the idea of the “social truth of the Gospel” in the works of Professor of the St. Petersburg Theological Academy B.V. Titlinov, who, after the February Revolution of 1917, became one of the active supporters of the new liberal government, and in 1922 veered into the Renovationist schism in the Russian Orthodox Church, became a key figure in Renovationism, one of the ideologists of the Renovationist schism. The author of the study, based on the texts of Titlinov from different years, proposes to identify the point that made it possible to establish a certain compromise between the renovation movement and the Bolshevik authorities of socialist Russia. A feature of this historical moment was the situation in which what for B.V. Titlinov and other Renovationists was an attempt to reconcile Christianity and revolutionary socialism, for the Bolsheviks themselves it was exclusively a tool for the defeat of Christianity in Russia. The antagonism of these two views — Christianity and Bolshevism — was manifested even at the time of the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907, although the desire for social truth was also expressed by church liberal democrats of these years, to which Titlinov can be attributed, and the leader of the Bolshevik socialists V.I. Lenin.
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ROGAN, TIM. „KARL POLANYI AT THE MARGINS OF ENGLISH SOCIALISM, 1934–1947“. Modern Intellectual History 10, Nr. 2 (11.07.2013): 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000036.
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Growing interest among historians and social scientists in the work of Karl Polanyi has yet to produce detailed historical studies of how Polanyi's work was received by his contemporaries. This article reconstructs the frustration of Polanyi's attempts to make a name for himself among English socialists between his arrival from Vienna in 1934 and his departure for New York in 1947. The most obvious explanation for Polanyi's failure to find a following was the socialist historians’ rejection of his unorthodox narrative of the rise of capitalism and the Industrial Revolution inThe Great Transformation(1944). But this disappointment was anticipated in earlier exchanges revealing that Polanyi's social theory, specifically his conception of the self and its social relations, differed markedly from the views prevailing among socialists of R. H. Tawney and G. D. H. Cole's generation. As well as casting new light on the intellectual history of English socialism and variegating our understanding of the contexts in which conceptions of the human person were invoked in the interwar period, this article seeks to illuminate by example the importance of deep-seated, often tacit, commitments to particular conceptions of the self and its social relations in structuring mid-century intellectual life.
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Kiselev, Mikhail A. „Marxism and the Development of Theoretical and Methodological Views of Law Historian Boris Ivanovich Syromiatnikov“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, Nr. 3 (2020): 921–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.313.
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The article is devoted to the rethinking of theoretical and methodological foundations of the scholarly activities of B.I. Syromiatnikov, who was one of the leading Russian pre-revolutionary law historians. In historiography he has been described as a representative of critical positivism and a supporter of a factor approach to history. On the basis of information about his social activities and academic interests at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the article demonstrates that he took a considerable interest in social problems and illegal socialist literature as well as in modern sociological thought, including Marxism. His European study trip from 1903 to 1905 only strengthened the interest in the works of Karl Marx. The examination of the journalistic articles by Syromiatnikov, published in the years of the First Russian Revolution, shows that by 1906 he had used ideas and analytical categories (socio-economic formation, class struggle) of K.Marx and his followers (A.Bebebel, K.Kautsky). In addition, he sympathized with right-wing socialists such as E.Bernstein and E.Vandervelde. Following the approaches of such thinkers, Syromiatnikov defined the contemporary political events in Russia as a liberal revolution, and considered that the socialist agenda was premature for Russia. Based on Marxist ideas and on the comparative historical method, the historian created in 1905 an original concept of the changes in forms of political organization of society in Russia from veche democracy to an absolutist state. Due to the fact that this scheme was developed with the use of Marxist ideas, Syromiatnikov was able to reproduce it in the framework of Soviet historical science.
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Favretto, Ilaria. „1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’“. Modern Italy 5, Nr. 1 (Mai 2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.
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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms elaborated during the same period by other European Socialist parties such as the German SPD or British Labour. The second main argument is that ‘structural reformism’, the new strategy adopted by the PSI after 1956, was not, as it has often been described, an expression of ‘duplicity’ owing to the party's incapacity to behave like a genuinely reformist party - a phenomenon that has allegedly long characterized parties of the Left. Instead, the strategy was reflected in the changes to European socialism during the early 1960s. In particular, this period marked a contrast to the previous years which were characterized by the dominance of ideas of ‘redistributive’ socialism, à la Anthony Crosland. This period marked also a shift among Socialist parties towards the acceptance of greater state controls over the economy by way of public planning and ownership.
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Frastikova, Simona, und Miroslava Najslova. „Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism“. XLinguae 14, Nr. 2 (April 2021): 320–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2021.14.02.23.
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Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.
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Mbiatem, Albert Poliquen. „Leadership Emergence and Style: Fidel Castro of Cuba“. Leadership and Developing Societies 1, Nr. 1 (23.09.2016): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lds.3434701.
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This study examines Fidel Castro’s leadership emergence and style in Cuba with reference to the situation, goals sought, leadership process and the outcomes. The emergence of Fidel Castro was underpinned by the qualities he exhibited and significant popular support he enjoyed from different strata of the society. Transforming a pre-revolutionary corrupt, oppressive and discriminatory system by creating equal opportunities for everyone was the main objective of Fidel Castro’s led revolution in Cuba. Despite some efforts toward societal transformation, Cubans were divided over the achievements of the revolution. While some expressed positive views about Fidel Castro’s initiated socialism, others described it as a source of frustration. Findings reveal that the level of leadership effectiveness under Fidel Castro was largely attained through a variety of styles used to address different situations. The resilient abilities Fidel Castro shared with followers could enable socialist Cuba survive the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. „The Many Faces of Chilean Socialism: Julio César Jobet.“ Latin-American Historical Almanac 39, Nr. 1 (30.08.2023): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-39-1-7-38.
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The Chilean socialist movement, the Socialist Party, was very different from the parties of the same name both in Europe and in Latin Ameri-ca, being a party of revolutionary Marxism, standing on the positions of anti-imperialism, Latin Americanism, anti-reformism. This party was distinguished by internal ideological pluralism, when right-wing, social-democratic tendencies and extreme left, guided by the experience of the Cuban revolution, as well as Trotskyists and Maoists, coexisted within one party. This party consisted of an outstanding intellectual, historian, publicist Julio Cesar Jobet, who was a kind of theoretician of the party. This article is devoted to the analysis of his views and politi-cal positions. He was a popularizer and disseminator of Marxist thought in Chile. His Marxism was distinguished by a special reading. At the center of his thought were the problems associated with socialist humanism. His activity contributed to the adoption of many of the provisions of his theory by such leading politicians of the Socialist Party as Salvador Allende or Eugenio González. The purpose of the article is to show the influence of Jobet's position on such issues as humanism, democracy, freedom, criticism of Soviet totalitarianism, revolutionism as opposed to the reformism of the Communist Party of Chile on the formation of the policy of the "Chilean path to socialism" during the period of the Government of Popular Unity (1970-1973).
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Claeys, Gregory. „The Lion and the Unicorn, Patriotism, and Orwell's Politics“. Review of Politics 47, Nr. 2 (April 1985): 186–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003669x.
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The Lion and the Unicornhas remained the most obscure of Orwell's major works, condemned both as a propagandistic attempt to enlist the British left in the war effort and for its erroneous prediction that the war could not been won without a socialist revolution in Britain. Yet it can also be read as Orwell's greatest single attempt to define the values of the democratic socialism to which he adhered from 1936 until his death.Patriotismrepresented for Orwell not the temporary need to fight for one's country, but the essential decency and democratic bias of British customs and institutions, which he believed could be wedded to socialism without producing totalitarianism. The preservation of these qualities he identified in particular with the working classes, which illuminates his views of them in his later works and demonstrates the continuity of Orwell's thought on this important political issue.
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Junger, Mykhailo. „“Process of Philosophers” in 1973 as an Attempt to Stop the Development of the Dissent in Hungary“. Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, Nr. 26 (27.11.2017): 290–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.290.
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The aim of the article is to examine the little-known in the Ukrainian historiography moments of the Hungarian-Soviet relations, which have been linked with a critical perception of the economic reform in Hungary in 1968 by the Soviet Union Communist Party. Following the crackdown on the Prague Spring, Hungary remained the only one among member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, which continued to reform the economy for higher living standards in 1969–1972. It evokes a negative reaction of the SUCP leadership, which J. Kádár could not ignore. One of the indirect consequences of the Kremlin demands to stop the economic reform was the “philosophers’s process” 1973. The paper considers the Hungarian Socialist Worker’s Party’s response to ideological criticism of the Hungarian scientists conserning philosophical foundations of socialism in general and the political consequences of its implementation in particular. It provides the evaluation of HSWP analysts on key provisions of leading representatives of the Budapest school of philosophy: G. Márkus, A. Heller, M. Vajda, sociologist A. Hegedüs. In these papers argued that don’t exist authentic marxism, socialist revolution is not led to radical changes in the forms of social life, so there were no revolutions, revolutionary nature of the working class and the labor movement in socialist countries were questionable, socialism is not built, however modernization was implemented. This article demonstrates the nature of the personal position of J. Kádár, whish consists of balance between the demands of the Kremlin and the needs of Hungarian social development. It was found that the future leaders of the urban opposition group J. Kis and G. Bence were among philosophers, who were expelled from the HSWP or subjected to administrative pressure. It was their first conflict with the state power, which promoted awareness of the need of conversion into opposition activity. Article first time in Ukrainian historiography gives a complete picture of the conditions under which formed critical views of the scientific community in Hungary to socialism. The Hungarian archival materials unknown by this time were used.
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Kislitsyn, Sergey A., und Inna G. Kislitsyna. „F. D. Kryukov - Teacher, Public Figure, Writer. Evolution of Political Views“. IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, Nr. 1 (209) (30.03.2021): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-1-65-71.
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The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I. Lenin. During the First world war, Kryukov acted as a supporter of “war to the bitter endˮ and became a supporter of conservative political views. After February, he re-entered political life. In April 1917, he was a delegate to the Military Congress in Novocherkassk and a candidate for the Constituent Assembly from the Don Army. Kryukov did not accept the October revolution and the idea of social equality and categorically condemned it. He became a Deputy and Secretary of the Military Circle and editor of the newspaper “Don Statementsˮ, where he published more than 30 articles and essays about the White Movement and the Cossacks. His journalism of the period demonstrated the ultra-pedigree position of the representative of the vendean part of the Cossacks. Kryukov became a counterrevolutionary, abandoning the people's socialist ideals. This transformation of worldview values was logical, since it was based on the Cossack self-consciousness and self-perception laid down from childhood and youth. At every stage of evolution as a politician, Kryukov was a prominent figure in public life, which makes him one of the most prominent figures of the Don land.
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Luu Thi Thu, Ha. „Application of Ho Chi Minh’s thought in political education for youth of Hanoi National University of Education“. Journal of Science Educational Science 66, Nr. 4D (Oktober 2021): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1075.2021-0149.
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Ho Chi Minh’s thought is a comprehensive and profound system of views on basic issues of the Vietnamese revolution, from the national and democratic revolution to the socialist revolution; is the result of the application and development of Marxism-Leninism to the specific conditions of VietNam. It is the crystallization of the national quintessence and the wisdom of the times to liberate the nation, liberate the class and liberate the people. Ho Chi Minh's thought has profound practical value and has been applied in many areas of society. The article focuses on clarifying the necessity of applying Ho Chi Minh's thought and the way to apply Ho Chi Minh's thought in political and ideological education for youth in the Hanoi National University of Education
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Yordanov, Radoslav. „Bittersweet solidarity: Cuba, Sugar and the Soviet bloc“. Revista de Historia de América, Nr. 161 (12.07.2021): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35424/rha.161.2021.855.
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This paper traces the complex sugar trade between Cuba and the East European Socialist states (the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Hungary) from the Cuban revolution in 1959 until the dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in 1991. To Cuba, selling its sugar to the Socialist states at above-world market prices was an expression of East European states’socialist solidarity. To the bloc states, it was a form of economic aid to Cuba. This formulation not only went against the preferred form of exchange within the CMEA, namely cooperation based on mutual interest but also incensed the Cubans who felt the revolution was entitled to the support of all Socialist states from Berlin to Moscow. Amid this complicated relationship, the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev posed a serious challenge to Cuba, which was unprepared to face the free market. The result was a loss of foreign markets and a severe domestic crisis known as the Special Period.
This work seeks to provide a new reading of the ebb and flow between Cuba and its Socialist trading partners, relying on the views expressed in the candid reports of the East European diplomats and experts, who were involved in the day-to-day managing of their respective states’ economic relations with the Caribbean nation. It is based on original research in foreign ministry, party, and security services archives of the East European states. It also utilizes primary material originating from the Cuban foreign ministry.
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Nga, Master Pham Thuy Quynh. „Educational points the control of wrong points and environments on social networks for students“. International journal of linguistics, literature and culture 8, Nr. 1 (06.12.2021): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/ijllc.v8n1.1969.
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The educational practice and training of students' sense of political struggle must be associated with the development trend of the nation and the success or failure of the revolution, which is essentially educating socialist ideals to and creating high noble personality for human-being. Therefore, there is an urgent need to research and evaluate fully and objectively, with the focus on proposing viewpoints to improve the quality of education, with a sense of struggle against wrong views. , hostile on social networks for students.
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Benz, Andreas. „The greening of the revolution: Changing state views on nature and development in Cuba’s transforming socialism“. GAIA - Ecological Perspectives for Science and Society 29, Nr. 4 (16.12.2020): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/gaia.29.4.9.
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In the early 1990s, in the midst of the deepest economic crisis in its recent history, President Fidel Castro proclaimed sustainable development as the new guiding principle for Cuba. This would prove to be a wise move in the context of crisis management.This article explores the shift in Cuba’s state visions of nature and development, which occurred in the wake of the deep crisis unfolding after the breakdown of the Eastern Bloc, on which Cuba heavily depended. This vital threat to the country’s socialist system necessitated far-reaching economic and social policy adjustments, resulting in painful consequences for its citizens. The measures taken in the so-called Special Period demanded a new development vision for their legitimation. The Castro government developed a reformed socialist development model, shifting away from the ideal of Soviet model catch-up modernisation and its instrumental view on nature, towards the paradigm of sustainable development. Based on the analysis of 55 speeches made by Fidel Castro between 1959 and 1996, this radical change in views on nature and development is analysed. This paradigm shift served several political purposes and helped the Cuban leadership navigate through the crisis of the 1990s.
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Dubrovskaya, Elena. „Political Views and Positions of the Russian Servicemen in Finland at the Final Stage of the First World War (Spring – Summer 1917)“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 1 (Februar 2022): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.2.
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Introduction. In the spring and summer of 1917 changes in the former autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland determined the history of relations between Russia and Finland for decades to come. The purpose of the article is to show changes in the political views and positions of the Baltic sailors and the army servicemen, who were elected to democratic organizations of the Russian military at the final stage of the First World War. Methods and materials. The article is based on the results of long standing study of issues, dealing with the stay of the Russian armed forces in the Grand Duchy of Finland, and follows the theoretical developments of V.D. Zimina, B.I. Kolonitsky, E. Mawdsley, A. Wildman on the problems of the Russian revolution of 1917. It uses a historical and anthropological approach to the research of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland in the 20th Century. Analysis. Reviewed archival documents and published sources indicate that immediately after the February Revolution active party organizations in the units were either a rare exception or experienced a stage of formation, which affected the actions of the primary personnel of the Soviets, as well as soldier’s and sailor’s committees. During the spring months voters’ political sympathies were closely associated with the Socialist Revolutionaries as the most popular party in Russia. However, by the summer of 1917 the readiness of the socialist leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks to continue the war increasingly contradicted the interests of ordinary servicemen. The question of how the activities of the Soviets and committees of this period fit into the rope of events that became the “prologue” of the Civil War in Russia has been investigated. It is pointed out, that such measures include the abolition of the old apparatus of power, the refusal to comply with the orders of the military authorities, not agreed with soldier and sailor organizations, assistance in the deployment and strengthening of the political union of the Bolsheviks and left-wing groups of socialist parties, support provided to the radical wing of the Finnish social-democracy. Results. The study of socio-political transformations that took place in the Russian military community during the period under review and predetermined changes in the views and positions of the Russian servicemen in Finland allows us to conclude the following. In the spring and summer of 1917 leaders of the Soviets and committees still managed to accumulate a certain experience of “inter-party” interaction. It was first noted that that in the course of the revolution development representative organizations of sailors and the army men just during these months were prepared for an independent line of behavior and sometimes outpaced the protest actions of military personnel in the Russian capital. Key words: Russian revolution of 1917, Finland, servicemen, Soviets, committees, political views and positions, socio-political transformations.
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Puzhayev, Vladimir V. „LEGAL SOCIALISM IN THE HISTORY OF FRENCH POLITICAL AND LEGAL THOUGHT OF THE 19TH–20TH CENTURIES“. Vestnik of Kostroma State University, Nr. 2 (2020): 254–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-2-254-264.
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The article investigates the characteristic features of legal socialism as one of the popular directions of French political and legal thought during the period of existence of the French Third Republic (1870–1940). For the fi rst time in the Russian science the similarities and differences of French legal socialism with the related political and ideological systems (Marxism, solidarism) and also with some foreign legal doctrines (legal socialism of Anton Menger von Wolfensgrün, Ferdinand Lassalle) are highlighted. The article focuses on the political and legal views of Emmanuel Levy, a prominent French jurist and socialist, who, according to many contemporaries, was the founder of legal socialism in France. On the basis of the analysis of literary sources of the epoch as well as modern publications, the author of the article evaluates Emmanuel Lévy’s contribution to the substantiation of socialism in legal categories (legal description of the logic of socialism). To achieve this goal, the author of the article considers Lévy’s ideas about the relative nature of law, about class antagonism as a factor of social life, about the absorption of individual law by collective law, about the triumph of collective law as the fi nal chord of the historical epoch of industrialisation, about the understanding of law as a social function and about the expansion of the boundaries of legal responsibility. Lévy’s ideas about the parameters of a peaceful and non-violent social revolution, the realization of which was linked to the growing infl uence of socialistically thinking judges in the French judicial hierarchy, were also studied. Responding to the social markings of the epoch and the demands of public opinion, these judges were to promote the establishment of a socialist legal order in the state by means of free interpretation of bourgeois laws (in the interests of poor classes).
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Kirillov, Victor. „Elements of the ideology of the Sixtiers — members of the Russian revolutionary community of the 1860s“. St. Tikhons' University Review 107 (31.08.2022): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022107.25-47.
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The article analyzes the ideology of the Sixties – members of the Russian revolutionary community of the late 1850s – 1860s. A revolutionary community means a set of ideologically close personalities and associations with revolutionary views; it makes possible to examine members of the revolutionary underground and people sympathizing with revolutionary views as one community. Due to the fact that definitions of the Sixties as revolutionary democrats, Narodniks, nihilists, etc. are common in historiography, the article proposes to look at their ideology as a non-hierarchical, eclectic combination of different views, concepts and ideas, among which there were no main ideas. The author of the article identifies six main elements of the ideology of the Sixties: the denial of the old regime (which presupposed anti-conservative views, as well as the prevalence of the nihilism subculture), socialist orientation (from the strict theory of “Russian socialism” to abstract sympathies for the very idea of socialism), “craving for the people” (which foreshadowed the ideology of revolutionary Narodnichestvo of the 1870s), democratic ideals (which mainly assumed egalitarianism, the idea of equality of all members of society, which resulted in interest and support for the women’s movement, the creation of communes for living together and everyday life), enlightenment (expressed in the cult of science and knowledge, educational work among the intelligentsia), faith in the proximity of the revolution (a specific feature of the Sixties, which manifested itself in anticipation of an imminent mass popular uprising). The research is based on a complex of various sources (memoirs, journalism, investigative testimony), according to which it is possible to identify the views of both well-known publicists of democratic magazines and the emigrant press, as well as members of underground revolutionary circles.
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Zidar, Andraž. „Russian Revolution and the International Legal System“. Monitor ISH 20, Nr. 1 (13.06.2018): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.20.1.69-80(2018).
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Two potent ideologies came to loggerheads after WWI: communism, which rose to the fore after the Russian revolution, and the so far dominant liberalism. At first glance the two ideologies share surprisingly similar views on the fundamental questions of the international legal system. But a more thorough look at the development of the Soviet doctrine of international law reveals some fundamental differences. The goal of the Russian revolution was to set up a worldwide socialist society, with the working class given a dominant role. This goal dissolved after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, it is possible to identify in the international legal system a positive and still valid legacy of the Russian revolution, such as the principle of the self-determination of nations, the concept of economic, social and cultural rights, the principle of public conclusion of treaties, the prohibition of aggressive war, as well as a polycentric view of the world structure.
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Shachin, Sviatoslav V., und László G. Szücs. „Rudi Dutschke and György Lukács on the Problems of the Bolshevik Type Socialism“. RUDN Journal of Philosophy 28, Nr. 1 (15.03.2024): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2024-28-1-181-198.
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The study examines the original work An Attempt to Get Lenin Back on His Feet (Berlin, 1974) by Rudi Dutschke, the well-known German political philosopher and leader of the youth movement in 1968, as well as the influence of the famous Hungarian philosopher György Lukács on the ideas of Dutschke. Dutschke revealed the reasons for the impossibility of socialist ideals being feasible in the 20th century, despite the heroic attempts of the Bolsheviks and Western radical socialists to realize them. The revolution occurred in a country of semi-Asian stagnating capitalism and was not supported by the European anti-capitalist revolution. As a result, after the victory of the Bolsheviks in Russia, the social system was revived with the dominance of the state bureaucracy (the fused party-state apparatus) over society. There were no universal forms of social movement (Verkehr), which led to the fact that socialism became local, up to the danger of its abolition. At the same time, according to Dutschke, it is precisely an equal alliance between the progressive intelligentsia and the working masses that can open up new ways for the transition from a society of necessity to a society of freedom, provided that the intelligentsia renounces leaderism (which was the mistake the Bolsheviks fell into). Therefore, the figure of György Lukács is most important for Dutschke since studying his creative path makes it possible to realize the basic principles of such an equal union. The study shows that the creative path of Lukács before he entered the Comintern as one of the leaders of the section of the Hungarian Communists is characterized by the desire to find a way to solve the fundamental dilemma of the revolutionary, as he believed: either, like the Bolsheviks, strive for an uncompromising victory and the implementation of their program at the cost of violence; or to make compromises with the social democratic and even bourgeois parties, at the same time being in danger of defeat and the impossibility of implementing their ideas, primarily because the socialist intellectuals fail to establish strong ties with the working masses, and the latter may not be thoroughly imbued with anti-capitalist consciousness. Thus, Lukács can survey a spokesperson for the views of the intelligentsia, and through the criticism of these views, it will be possible to comprehend how educated people can better understand the actual needs and interests of the working people in order to pursue policies that would be more in line with them and learn how to lead the masses indeed.
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ThiNguyen, NhiLien. „Ho Chi Minh’s Ideology on the Rule of the Law State and the Meaning of That Ideology in Building the Rule of the Law State in Vietnam Today“. Global Academic Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, Nr. 03 (10.06.2024): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/gajhss.2024.v06i03.003.
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The idea of the rule of law is always associated with the idea of democratic development that has been established since ancient times. This ideology exists and develops to this day and has become a symbol of democracy. Ho Chi Minh’s Ideology on the rule of law is the inheritance of cultural traditions and the experience of building and managing the state of many generations of Vietnamese people, and is the result of experience, research, and survey of many world democratic ideological systems, many revolutions, and many typical states in the world; at the same time, the penetration and creative application of the Marxism-Leninism’s perspective on a new style state to the specific conditions of Vietnam. This study has shown that with the nature of the people’s democratic revolution, stemming from the reality of a semi-feudal colonial country like Vietnam, the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and President Ho Chi Minh has chosen the path of building a socialist rule of law state in Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh’s comprehensive and profound views on the rule of law are extremely great and valuable “spiritual assets”, laying the ideological and theoretical foundation for the policy of “continuing to build and perfecting the socialist rule of law state in Vietnam” of CPV today.
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Loth, Wilfried. „The East—West Conflict in Historical Perspective — An Attempt at a Balanced View“. Contemporary European History 3, Nr. 2 (Juli 1994): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000076x.
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The conflict between East and West had its origins in diverging views of how society should be organised which emerged in the course of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century industrialisation: the contrast between the pluralism of ‘Western’ civilisation, which in principle permitted a multiplicity of ways of life and patterns of power, and the centralised all-powerful state with its ‘Asiatic’ imprint; the contrast between capitalist means of production and socialist planning; the contrast between a parliamentary state under the rule of law and a totalitarian state. Such contrasting attitudes appeared to be irreconcilable, but they were indissolubly linked, at the latest, from the time of the Bolshevik victory in the October Revolution of 1917. Furthermore, the Bolshevik's seizure of power in Russia turned these conflicting views into an international political problem. By claiming to be the vanguard of an historically necessary world revolutionary movement the leadership of the Soviet Union tied a particular combination of socialist and anti-Western attitudes to the advancement of Soviet national interests, thus introducing into the international system a specific conflict between ‘Western’ industrialised nations and the Soviet state.
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Omarov, S., S. Edilbayeva und A. Bukhayev. „The Problem of “Personality and Historical Process” in the Ideology of the Socialist-Revolutionaries“. Adam alemi 97, Nr. 3 (15.09.2023): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2023.3/1999-5849.03.
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One of the “white spots” in the theoretical legacy of the past is the constructive coverage of the philosophical views of the ideologists of the party of “Socialist Revolutionaries”, one of the largest and most influential parties of pre-revolutionary Russia, which had its organizational branches in all regions of the Russian empire, including Turkestan. Having a closer look at the history of relations between political parties in Russia before and after the October Revolution, an analysis of their political programs and philosophical views helps to better understand the atmosphere of that time in all its complexity and inconsistency, and it also contributes to enriching our political thinking. The article considers the problem of “Personality and Historical Process” in the theoretical and philosophical legacy of the ideologists of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, in the context of their understanding of the role of the individual in history, which also motivated their terrorist activities. In this respect, the specifics of the Socialist Revolutionary ideologists’ interpretationare, according to the authors, associated with their analysis of the essence of man. As shown in the article, the Socialist Revolutionaries were characterized by a naturalistic interpretation of personality, based on a biopsychical understanding of the person. According to the authors, the Socialist Revolutionaries adhered to the positivist attitude. They interpreted the desire to explore the objective laws of social development as an unscientific attempt, since their truth cannot, in their view, be verified by empirical means. Sociological laws, according to the Social Revolutionaries, are inevitably refracted trough human psychology, and find their true expression in it. Socialist Revolutionaries proceeded from the principles of the subjective method in sociology, developed by P.L. Lavrov and N.K. Mihailovsky, complementing them with ideas taken from Western European subjective-idealistic movements. In rationalizing terror, Socialist Revolutionaries proceeded from a biopsychical understanding of personality, trying to influence the psyche of the individual by means of terror, considering terror as an exciting and revolutionizing factor. The absolutization of biological and psychological moments in man contributed to the incorrect analysis of the political situation in the country, which made, to some extent, the political program of the Socialist Revolutionaries itself utopian.
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Yarmolitska, Nataliia, und Maryna Moskalchuk. „SOCIALISTIC HUMANISM AND REALISTIC TRENDS IN THE ART IN THE SCIENTIFIC HERITAGE VOLODYMYR ANTONENKO“. Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 15, Nr. 1 (2020): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2020.15.12.
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In the article is considered the ideas of ukrainian philosophy of soviet period V. Antonenko, and so the influence of the ideology of that time on the formation of the scientific worldview of the scientist is analyzed. Theoretical reconstruction of V. Antonenko's views on socialist humanism is carried out, principles of which he shows as the highest form of humanism, contrasting the anti-humanist essence of Christian preaching "love of neighbor" and depicts socialist reality as a practical embodiment of true humanistic ideas. Analyzed of views V. Antonenko on art the socialistic realism, which is presented as the highest stage in the development of progressive world art. The scientist traces the origin of art, explains how it was brought to life, what contribution religion has made to its best achievements. V. Antonenko explores the anti-religious and anti-church orientation of the works of many representatives of fine arts. He is analyzing the views of idealist aesthetics and theologians on art. V. Antonenko thoroughly researches the stages of development of humanism, traces its social and cultural movement, which arose in the XIV century. in Italy; studies the humanistic ideas of the leading figures of the Renaissance, who found their further development in the works of the ideological predecessors of the French Revolution of the XVIII century; explores the humanistic ideas of the utopian socialists of the nineteenth century; studies the period of development of Ukrainian and Russian art in the period of radical destruction of old traditions and the influence of religious ideology on their formation; considers a whole galaxy of outstanding artists of the second half of the nineteenth century, who glorified culture and began to speak a new about art as a higher product of human genius, about the principles of realism in art. V. Antonenko's research on the relationship between art and other forms of social consciousness, which are related to the problems of forming norms and principles of communist morality, is analyzed.
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Do Thi Ngoc Quy, Vu Kim Diem,. „Ho Chi Minh’s thought about cultural diplomacy“. Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, Nr. 6 (05.04.2021): 2538–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i6.5700.
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Ho Chi Minh’s thought is a comprehensive and profound system of views on the fundamental issues of the Vietnamese Revolution, the result of the creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism in specific conditions of Vietnam in each stage of the revolution to ensure the victory of the resistance war and successful national construction. Today, domestic and world conditions have changed deeply, but Ho Chi Minh’s ideology in general and Ho Chi Minh’s ideology in particular still have great significance. The diplomatic culture was formed and developed with the process of forming his thoughts on the path of national liberation and socialist nation-building in Vietnam. This study provides a general overview of Ho Chi Minh’s thoughts on diplomatic culture and assesses the current status of the process of applying those perspectives to Vietnam's current diplomatic culture.
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Gjuričová, Adéla. „Coming to (a Short) Life: The Czechoslovak Parliament 1989-1992“. Contributions to Contemporary History 55, Nr. 3 (14.12.2015): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.3.01.
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The Czechoslovak federal parliament was designed in 1968 to replace the National Assembly of a unitary state and thus formally express equality between Czechs and Slovaks in the newly established federation. After the crash of the Prague Spring reforms, the socialist parliament lost most of its sovereignty, while preserving its federal character and formal procedures, thus providing a sort of “backup” legislature. The Velvet Revolution of 1989, with its proclaimed respect to peace and legality, logically found the ancient régime’s parliament in the centre of new politics. In the revolutionary parliament of 1989-1990, the concept of socialist parliamentarianism began to clash with new motives, such as the national unity, a break with the Communist past, liberal democracy, or subsidiarity. Various blends of socialist, revolutionary and liberal democratic views of the parliament consequently came to life, while each of these concepts as well as every practical policy was perceived and accepted in conflicting manners by the Czech and Slovak publics as well as political representations. Some of these differences turned out to be irreconcilable and the federal parliament eventually played a key role in administering the break-up of Czechoslovak federation in 1992.
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Kasperski, Tatiana, und Paul Josephson. „Women, Reactors, and Nuclear Weapons: From Revolutionary Liberation to the "Miss Atom" Pageant in (Post-)Soviet Russia“. Technology and Culture 64, Nr. 3 (Juli 2023): 791–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2023.a903973.
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abstract: This article considers the Soviet Union's successful efforts to employ more women specialists in nuclear science and technology, from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the Soviet atomic bomb project to the Cold War and the present. Despite their contributions to building a Cold War military machine, women rarely reached the pinnacle of the scientific enterprise due to persistent views about their lesser capabilities as specialists. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in a vastly changed social, political, and cultural climate, the claimed socialist equality of women gave way to more traditional views of their status in Russian society. For the nuclear enterprise, this change emerged in activities that had disappeared under communism such as the annual "Miss Atom" beauty pageant, a striking departure from Soviet attempts to involve women equally in science and technology.
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Gergilev, D. N., und A. V. Leopa. „QUESTIONS OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL ADMINISTRATION OF SIBERIA IN THE PROGRAMS OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE CADETS AND SOCIALIST-REVOLUTIONARIES OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY AND AN ATTEMPT TO IMPLEMENT THEM IN THE 1917 REVOLUTION“. Northern Archives and Expeditions 6, Nr. 1 (30.03.2022): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31806/2542-1158-2022-6-1-46-53.
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The purpose of the study is to study the process of development of the problem of the administrative-territorial structure of Siberia in the program documents of the parties of the Cadets and the Social Revolutionaries and the results of their implementation in the revolutionary year of 1917. Research objectives: 1. To analyze the program settings of the party of the Cadets and the Socialist-Revolutionaries on the issues of the administrative-territorial structure of the regions of Russia. 2. Conduct a comparative analysis of the vision of the future administrative-territorial structure of Siberia by the Siberian branches of the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. 3. To investigate the political activities of the Siberian branches of the parties of the Cadets and the Social Revolutionaries in the implementation of program guidelines on the issue of the administrative-territorial administration of Siberia in 1917. The object of the study is the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. The subject of the research is the activities of the parties of the Cadets and Socialist-Revolutionaries in developing the problem of administrative-territorial administration of Siberia and attempts to implement them in the conditions of the revolution of 1917. The article reveals the content of the program provisions of the parties of the Cadets and Socialist-Revolutionaries on the problem of administrative-territorial administration of the regions of Russia, including Siberia. The dynamics of the development of the views of the Siberian cadets is analyzed from the creation of a single all-Siberian regional Duma with legislative powers to the idea of autonomy for Siberia and, finally, for secession from Bolshevik Russia. The features of the program settings of the Siberian Social Revolutionaries on the issue of the autonomy of Siberia are revealed. Shows the activities of the party of socialist revolutionaries in the creation of anti-Soviet authorities in Siberia in the face of the Provisional Siberian Regional Council and the Siberian Regional Duma. Thus, the Siberian Cadets advocated the creation of a territorial autonomy for Siberia under the slogan "United and indivisible Russia". In contrast to them, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party did not have clear positions on the issue of the future administrative-territorial structure of Siberia, but proceeded from the specific situation that was developing in Russia during a particular period of revolution and civil war.
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Svetlov, Roman V., und Alexander A. Fedorov. „The evolution of the Russian state in the context of formational views on the structure of the world history“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 39, Nr. 1 (2023): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2023.105.
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The approach to history in general and the history of Russia in particular, which points to the presence of the necessary historical stages, is primarily associated with various trends in Marxism. In the case of the last centuries of Russian history, the most important point is the question of the nature of the 1917 Revolution. More generally, it is a question of the extent to which Marxist theory is able to substantiate the possibility of a “jump” through historical steps. We have chosen two Marxists from different periods as an example the attitude to the topic. The first example is G.V.Plekhanov, an outstanding Russian theorist and polemist. His reaction to the revolutionary events was twofold. The February Revolution of 1917 fully met his aspirations both in the medium term (the overthrow of “tsarism” and the continuation of the struggle against Germany) and in the long term (creation in Russia of prerequisites for economic development, and, therefore, a socialist revolution). On the contrary, the October Revolution was regarded by him as a tragic mistake. Another position on the October Revolution was expressed by a modern proponent of the formational approach, the Japanese philosopher Kajio Karatani. He significantly changed the understanding of how the social development of mankind takes place. The most important reason for historical change is the relationship of the three modes of economic exchange, which dictate those types of state system that are relevant in different historical eras. Karatani believes that the Russian Revolution was the reaction of an imperial-type state to pressure from national states. The idea of class reorganization, on which the teachings of the Bolsheviks were based, allowed the imperial, supranational structure of Russia to survive. After the Civil War it received the supranational name of the Soviet Union.
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Osmukhina, O. Yu, und E. P. Ovsyannikova. „Specifics of Bildungsroman Structure in Protocanon Phase of Socialist Realism“. Nauchnyi dialog 13, Nr. 2 (23.03.2024): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2024-13-2-321-344.
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The article examines the Soviet novels of the mid-1920s — early 1930s, gravitating towards the genre tradition of the Bildungsroman (D. Furmanov’s “Chapaev”, A. Fadeev’s “Razgrom”, N. Ognev’s “Diary of Kostya Ryabtsev”, A. Gaidar’s “School”, A. Bondin’s “Matvey Korenistov”, B. Yasensky’s “A Man Changes Skin” and A. Avdeenko's “I Love”), which “prepared” the universal model of the socialist realist novel of the hero’s personality formation, largely determining its structure in the following decades. It is established that, first, the unifying feature of socialist realist novels about the formation of personality is an accentuated plot about the protagonist’s difficult childhood (the hero grows up in an incomplete family, the family does not participate in his upbringing), his escape from home and his discovery of a friend, who for the first time informs the hero of revolutionary sentiments; his functional role is a mediator on the border of two worlds — “old” and “new”. Secondly, one of the obligatory events in which the hero takes part is the rally (strike) as a place where the hero’s ideological allegiance is tested or where his views are formed. Third, the boundary event that separates the hero’s life in the narrative of the socialist realist novel is the October Revolution, participation in which allows the protagonist to find a “big family”. Finally, the narrative of the socialist realist Bildungsroman and re-education is an alternation of stable motifs: loneliness, recognizing mistakes, getting a second chance, and sacrificing oneself.
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TOMBS, ROBERT. „‘LESSER BREEDS WITHOUT THE LAW’: THE BRITISH ESTABLISHMENT AND THE DREYFUS AFFAIR, 1894–1899“. Historical Journal 41, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 495–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007833.
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Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.
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Maxim V., Medovarov. „Feudal and Christian Socialism in British Public Thought in the Second Half of the 19 — Early 20 Centuries and Its Perception in Russia“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30.10.2022): 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-169-182.
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The article is devoted to further stages in the development of British feudal and/or Christian socialism in the second half of the 19th century. The socio-economic teaching and practical achievements of J. Ruskin and the evaluation of his activities in European and Russian / Soviet historiography are considered in detail. An assessment is made of the views and activities of W. Morris. A brief description of the British feudal socialists of the 20th century is presented. The personal and ideological connections of Carlyle, Ruskin, Morris with Russian conservatives are considered. Attention is paid to the reception of English Christian socialism by both right-wing and left-wing Russian thinkers in the era of the industrial revolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. The significance of S. Bulgakov’s lectures and research on the British feudal socialists for the history of Russian social thought is considered in detail.
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Foley, Barbara. „The Enduring Socialist Content of the Chinese Revolution: A Skeptical View“. Science & Society 85, Nr. 3 (Juli 2021): 391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2021.85.3.391.
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Aziz, Mahir A., und Saleem P. Elias. „A Sociological Comparative Study to Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci's views on the State“. Journal of University of Raparin 6, Nr. 1 (28.06.2019): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(6).no(1).paper2.
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This theoretical study tries to illustrate, evaluate and compare Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci’s views on the state. In doing so the study will try to answer this vital question: to what extent Gramsci’s ideas were dependent upon those of Lenin and more specifically, to what extent is Gramsci’s analysis of the capitalist state ultimately no more powerful than that of Lenin? It should be emphasised that this study has been done according to a comparative methodology of the history of theory applied in the fields of sociology in general and political sociology in particular. Basically, this study has been done according to an explanatory approach applied in both fields of politics and political sociology. This study divided into eight sections. The first section devoted to the introduction. The second section deals with Lenin’s view on the revolution, power and the socialist state. The third section explains Gramsci’s view on the hegemony of the party and the state. Section four treats Gramsci’s view on hegemony and the civil society. Section five, however, is explaining Gramsci’s view on the proletariat, the leadership and the passive revolution. Section six will be dealing with Gramsci’s view on Western countries and his conception of civil society. Section seven evaluates and reviews both Lenin and Gramsci’s theories of the state. The last section presents the conclusion of the study.
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Vashkau, Nina, Arcady German, Tatiana Ivanova, Evgeniy Krinko und Sergey Sidorov. „Discussion About the Book by Krausz Tamás “The Fate of Ideas During the USSR History and After...”“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 5 (November 2021): 272–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.22.
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N.E. Vashkau in the essay “On the way to the dialogue of national historiographies” notes the importance of historical memory, interaction within the framework of the intercultural dialogue of historiographies. A.A. German, in solidarity with some of T. Kraus’ views on the historical memory of the Second World War, starts a polemic with him on a number of problems related to the theory, history and practice of the creation, development and fall of Soviet state socialism. T.B. Ivanova (section “Historical memory forecasting the future”) focuses on self-government as an instrument of social emancipation as a direction to develop the social structure, which T. Kraus pays special attention to in theory and political activity. The author pays attention to the wide information and evidence base offered by T. Kraus to prove the value of this idea every time for the next social reconstruction. E.F. Krinko in the section “Soviet history in a Marxist reading: Tamas Kraus on revolution, socialism, war and other issues” notes that the publication of the book provides us with a deep understanding about the Hungarian historian views basing on the denial of capitalism with its ideals of individualism and private property and commitment to the socialist idea. He emphasizes that T. Kraus rejects both the application of the theory of totalitarianism to Soviet history due to its limited research potential, and the apologetics of Soviet man and state socialism. S.G. Sidorov focused on the second section of T. Kraus’ book “War and Genocide. Historical facts and the politics of memory”, in which the author gives answers to important questions: who is responsible for the war; whether it is possible to compare the Nazi Germany with the USSR as well as GULAG and Auschwitz; who is guilty of civilians genocide and others. Sidorov has come to the conclusion that the application of “his methodological conviction – the third way” actually led the author to estimates that are close to many ones given by modern Russian historians, and allowed him to reasonably and fairly criticize the views on World War II, the Soviet period of Russian history prevailing today in Hungary and in the West.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. „The jewish question in the concept of socialist zionism by Moses Hess“. History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, Nr. 57 (30.06.2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2023.57.150-158.
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The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state.The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time.The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.
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Osipova, N. G. „Ideological impact on social behavior: theoretical and methodological aspects (Continuation)“. Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 29, Nr. 1 (16.02.2023): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2023-29-1-7-35.
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In this article, the author attempts to analyze the key components of radical ideological constructs that directly or indirectly justify ways to solve social problems in a radical and, as a rule, illegitimate way. Among such ideologies, researchers include anarchism and socialism, which are discussed in detail in this article.The English political philosopher W. Godwin is considered the pioneer of anarchism, and the first researcher who called himself an “anarchist” and introduced the term “anarchism” into circulation was the French socialist P.-J. Proudhon. Each country in Europe, North or South America and Asia has its own publicists, writers, public figures who defend anarchist views, anarchism has a long history in Russia, where the classics of anarchism grew up – M.A. Bakunin and P.A. Kropotkin.The author analyzes the theoretical core of anarchism, which is formed by a number of radical political constructions – anti-statism, natural order, anti-clericalism and a free economy. At the same time, it is noted that all anarchists categorically assert that both power and private property are the cause of all human misfortunes, and, as a rule, they identify themselves with the “poor and oppressed”. They call for a revolution on behalf of the “exploited masses”, as a result of which both capitalism and the state will be wiped off the face of the earth, actively promote “ anarchy and anarchist tactics”. By anarchist tactics is meant such a merciless violent struggle that will sweep away in its path all the institutions of slavery of the old system and all their representatives and defenders in order to create a new, free system, for the spirit of destruction is at the same time a creative spirit.The article also examines in detail the origins, essence and fundamental components of the socialist ideology, the radical varieties of which include Marxism and communism.The author substantiates the position that, in general, the ideology of socialism is close to the ideology of communism. However, the communist ideal is more radical: the communists advocate the complete socialization of production, the complete rejection of private property (in all forms) and the centralized distribution of benefits, which takes place within the framework of a specially organized form of government – the commune. Under communism, absolute equality of people must be established, a kind of ideal society must be established, where everyone will work to the best of their abilities and receive everything they need from society. It is this aspect of communism that is the pipe dream of its supporters, leaving it a social utopia, while the ideology of socialism put forward more specific and achievable goals.The fundamental economic, social and political reasons are analyzed, due to which the practical implementation of the ideology of socialism – the “socialist experiment” of the 20th century ended in complete failure. It is shown that it is the socialist ideology that significantly simplifies the transition to a totalitarian political system.
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Kuldkepp, Mart. „Revolutsiooni sidemehed: Eesti enamlikud emigrandid Kopenhaagenis 1918–1921 [Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921]“. Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, Nr. 1 (18.11.2018): 27–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.1.02.
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Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921
The history of the early twentieth-century Estonian left-wing radicalism has remained a relatively neglected field in the post-1991 period; not least due to its previous institutional role as the most favoured, but also the most highly politicised subject of historical research in Soviet Estonia. This state of affairs resulted in voluminous scholarship in “party history” produced over the decades following World War II, but its findings and conclusions are almost entirely untrustworthy and thoroughly biased in favour of Soviet-style Communism.
In the last five years, however, the history of the Estonian left has attracted new attention on part of both younger scholars and senior academics – a highly positive development in light of the major role that left-wing ideas and movements have played in Estonian history from the 1905 Russian revolution onwards. Nevertheless, this newer research has the somewhat thankless task of having to re-examine the fundamentals without being able to rely on previous scholarship, which perhaps understandably limits its ability to generalise or to draw overarching conclusions.
The present article is a contribution to this burgeoning field in Estonian historical research, engaging with the little-studied history of Estonian left-wing radicalism in Western Europe (rather than in Estonia or in Soviet Russia). I am particularly focusing on four individuals among émigré Estonians in Copenhagen, Denmark: August Lossmann (1890–?), Oskar Lenk (1890–1919), Johannes Rumessen (1888–?) and Harald Triikman (1892–1964). The primary period of study is 1918–22, although reference will be made to both earlier and later years where appropriate. The study makes use of both Estonian and foreign archival materials, contemporary newspapers and, occasionally, published scholarship.
While my focus is on tracing and contextualising the activities and involvement of these four young men in both Danish and Estonian radical leftist circles, I will also propose some preliminary hypotheses relating to the radicalisation process of left-wing Estonian émigrés more generally, which in the future can hopefully be tested on a broader range of comparable subjects.
Firstly, I would suggest that the Bolshevik Russian revolution (the October Revolution) was likely a pivotal moment in the development of their views: having been the supporters of Socialist Russian revolution, the Estonian émigrés tended to distance themselves from the more sceptical Social Democratic parties of their countries of residence in its aftermath, instead moving closer to Left Socialist or Communist parties that fully embraced the new revolution. Furthermore, their distance from and relative ignorance of Estonian affairs probably left them more open to contemporary Bolshevik propaganda, which among other things depicted the Estonian War of Independence (1918–19) as a struggle between an alliance of foreign capital and the Estonian bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the Estonian proletariat on the other.
In the case of Lossmann, Lenk, Rumessen and Triikman, they were all connected to one Estonian Socialist (or Bolshevik) Group, established in 1918 and affiliated with the Danish Socialist Labour Party – the first openly Bolshevik party in Denmark. This Estonian group was headed by the remarkably well-respected Socialist Oskar Lenk, who in early 1919 was expulsed from Denmark due to his involvement in Bolshevik activities (among other things, working from the Copenhagen bureau of ROSTA, the Soviet Russian news propaganda agency). Later, he was active in Russia as a fairly prominent activist of the Estonian Communist Party, before being killed in a battle against the Whites in the autumn of the same year.
Lenk’s influence in 1918 was likely of formative importance for his comrades in Copenhagen, at least one of whom (Johannes Rumessen) also became involved in the underground transport and intelligence network of the Estonian Communist Party in 1919–20.