Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Vietnam. Annam“

Every time the Journey-to-the-East Movement (known as the Đông Du Movement in Vietnamese) is mentioned, people quickly think of Phan Bi Châu and his comrades from Northern Vietnam/Tonkin and a part of Middle Vietnam/Annam called Thanh Ngh . Actually, the movement attracted many more patriotic scholars from Southern Vietnam/Cochinchina than those from Northern/Tonkin and Middle Vietnam/Annam. Many of them had suffered prison and exile or even died in prison or in remote countries. Scholars such as Trn Chánh Chiu, Nguyn Thn Hin, Trương Duy Ton, and Nguyn Háo Vĩnh were not only famous writers in the Southern Vietnamese/Cochinchinese literary and press world but also leading patriotic scholars in the Journey-to-the-East Movement. This paper will try to find out, amongst the patriotic scholars coming to Japan in the Journey-to-the-East Movement, who were from Southern Vietnam/Cochinchina, and what they did before, during, and after their visit to Japan. This finding will help to clarify a historical issue that has not been mentioned yet.

In this paper, we looked at “Tran Ich Tac(陳益稷)”, who surrendered to Yuan during the war with Yuan(元) during the Tran(Trần, 陳) Dynasty in Vietnam in the 13th and 14th centuries, as “King of Annam(安南國王)”. At that time, the Southern Song(南宋) conquest was carried out by Yuan and the conquest of Vietnam began, and discussions were being held on the side of the Tran Dynasty. Yuan made a strong demand for “Six Duties(六事)” against Vietnam at the time, of which it was strongly demanding “audience of the emperor(親朝)”. However, when the Tran Dynasty refused to do so, Khubilai appointed Tran Di Ai(陳遺愛), who had been dispatched as a Vietnamese envoy, to “King of Annam”. And this Yuan's move later affected Tran Ich Tac(陳益稷), and surrendered during the war between the two countries and was censured as “King of Annam”. Some argue that the reason for the surrender of Tran Ich Tac is to understand Yuan's internal situation. He also said that the reason for the surrender to Khubilai at the time was to protect the territory of the Tran Dynasty and the position of Jong-myo Shrine, but this was only a justification to unify the surrender of Tran Ich Tac and to satisfy the ambition he had brought before. However, it is noteworthy that the punishment for Tran Ich Tac was different from others in the process of punishing the surrender after the war and rationalized his surrender with the birth story, showing his influence within the Tran Dynasty, so inside Vietnam, Tran Ich Tac would not publicly inform him of the fact that he was accused of “king of Annam.”

The article focuses on clarifying role of Chau Van Liem (1902-1930), that as the highest leader of the Annam Communist Party organization in Cochinchina, has many urgent and responsible activities, making an important contribution to preparing the necessary facilities. necessary to accelerate the process towards the establishment of the only communist organization in Vietnam. At the same time, presented his contribution as one of the official delegates to the Conference to establish the Communist Party of Vietnam in 1930.

The modern history of Vietnam indicates that the country has always had more than one legal system, whether the country was unified or divided. These systems have changed and been influenced by indigenous customs, by Chinese, French, American, and socialist laws, and by other political or violent events. For example, starting from the period when Vietnam was under French domination, the country had three separate sets of laws for its three geographical regions: 1) Tonkin in the North; 2) Annam in the Center; and 3) Cochin China in the South.

This article explores the place of the first Vietnamese Catholic bishops in the politics and society of late colonial Vietnam. It places the rise of these influential figures in the broader contexts of the decline of missionary Catholicism, the Vatican's push to form national Churches in Asia, and institutional and cultural changes in Vietnamese Catholicism during the interwar years. By doing so, the article explores the links between faith and politics in colonial Vietnam, showing how changes in Vietnamese Catholicism reflect a growing contestation of colonial rule and greater ties to global Catholicism that help explain the Church's place in Vietnamese society after independence.

A new species of semiterrestrial freshwater crab, Tiwaripotamon nganima n. sp. is described from northern Vietnam. The gonopods of the new species most closely resemble T. annamense (Balss, 1914) originally collected from Phuc-Son in Annam, central Vietnam, but can easily be distinguished as it has the median lobe on the posterior margin of the epistome being more projecting, the male pleon is proportionately more quadrate and less wide, the basal part of the male first gonopod has the median part of the subterminal segment more strongly curved, and the outer surface of the basal part of the terminal segment of the male first gonopod is prominently swollen. The taxonomy of two species described from southern China, T. pingguoense Dai & Naiyanetr, 1994, and T. xiurenense Dai & Naiyanetr, 1994, is also clarified after re-examination of type specimens and photographs of the original material; both species are redescribed and refigured.

Megophrys Kuhl and Van Hasselt are an Asian radiation of terrestrial frogs which are usually associated with montane forest (Mahony et al. 2017). The Annam horned frog (Megophrys intermedia) is reported from montane evergreen forest in Vietnam and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Stuart 2005; Hendrix et al. 2008; Nguyen et al. 2009; Tran 2013; Orlov et al. 2015; IUCN 2017; Mahony et al. 2017). The IUCN Red List assessment for the species reports an elevational range of 782–1500 m asl (IUCN 2017) although the type locality was reported to be above 1500 m asl (Smith 1921), and Tran (2013) collected a specimen at 1515 m asl. Megophrys intermedia is assessed as Least Concern (IUCN 2017) and little is known about the reproductive behaviour and life history of the species. In Lam Dong Province (Vietnam), male M. intermedia call in March (Tran 2013); on the Langbian Plateau (Vietnam), male specimens are reported to call by day and by night from March to May and specimens called from within deep crevices between boulders in streams (Smith 1921); in Xe Kong Province (Laos), males call or guard egg clutches that are laid in water in July (Stuart 2005).

Laos constituted one of the five territorial entities making up French Indochina—comprising in addition the colony of Cochinchina and the protectorates of Annam, Tonkin and Cambodia. It was never, however, one among equals. Even before the annexation of Lao territories east of the Mekong river in 1893, Laos was perceived as little more than an extension of Vietnam west towards Siam (Thailand), a much more significant potential prize. The addition of minor extensions west of the Mekong demarcated by treaty in 1904 and 1907 still gave France no more than half the former Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang. Any possibility of reconstituting a greater Lao state was thereafter lost.

Two new species of Glyptothorax are described from the rivers draining the Annam Cordilleras in central Vietnam. Glyptothorax filicatus n. sp. is distinguished from congeners in Indochina in having a diverging pattern of striae running along the edges of the central depression in the thoracic adhesive apparatus, and a combination of the following characters: dorsal spine length 13.7–15.1% SL, pectoral fin length 21.5–21.9% SL, length of adipose-fin base 13.3–15.0% SL, depth of caudal peduncle 8.4–8.8% SL, body depth at anus 15.1–16.0% SL, snout length 48.0–52.9% HL, eye diameter 8.9– 9.9% HL, anterior nuchal plate strongly demarcated in beige and caudal peduncle with a pale vertical band. Glyptothorax strabonis n. sp. is distinguished from congeners in Indochina in having a very small eye (6.2–6.5% HL), and a combination of the following characters: length of caudal peduncle 20.5–21.2% SL, depth of caudal peduncle 7.5–9.2% SL, body depth at anus 13.7–20.9% SL, head width 17.9–18.8% SL, presence of 14–16 serrae on posterior margin of pectoral spine, and coloration consisting of a dark-brown body with indistinct pale mid-lateral and mid-dorsal stripes.

Abstract This paper reveals synoptic-scale atmospheric conditions over the South China Sea (SCS) that cause heavy rainfall in central Vietnam through case study and composite analyses. The heavy rainfall event discussed in this study occurred on 2–3 November 1999. Precipitation in Hue city (central Vietnam) was more than 1800 mm for these 2 days. Two atmospheric disturbances played key roles in this heavy rainfall. First, a cold surge (CS) northerly wind anomaly in the lower troposphere, originating in northern China near 40°N, propagated southward to reach the northern SCS and then lingered there for a couple of days, resulting in stronger-than-usual northeasterly winds continuously blowing into the Indochina Peninsula against the Annam Range. Second, a southerly wind anomaly over the central SCS, associated with a tropical depression–type disturbance (TDD) in southern Vietnam, seemed to prevent the CS from propagating farther southward. Over the northern SCS, the southerly wind anomaly formed a strong low-level convergence in conjunction with the CS northeasterly wind anomaly, and supplied warm and humid tropical air. These conditions induced by the CS and TDD are favorable for the occurrence of the heavy orographic rainfall in central Vietnam. The TDD can be regarded as a result of a Rossby wave response to a large-scale convective anomaly over the Maritime Continent associated with equatorial intraseasonal variability. Using a 24-yr (1979–2002) reanalysis and surface precipitation datasets, the authors confirm that the coexistence of the CS and TDD is important for the occurrence of heavy precipitation in central Vietnam. In addition, it is observed that CSs without a TDD do not lead to much precipitation.

Abstract The tradition of the Vietnamese reception of classical literature has not yet been examined, and this article is the first to venture into this intersection between Classics and Vietnamese studies. In this article, I focus on Phạm Duy Khiêm (1908–74) and his use of Classics to translate and mediate his Vietnamese heritage to his French audience. Phạm lived during a particularly turbulent time in Vietnamese history: he experienced Vietnam as a French protectorate called Annam, he witnessed his compatriots defy French rule and win independence for Vietnam, and he saw the civil war that challenged that new independence. Throughout these changing political contexts, Phạm navigated the politics of polarity that separated the colonizer from the colonized as he struggled to make sense of these supposedly irreconcilable differences between the two, which contested his own intercultural identity. In this article, I argue that Phạm used his classical education and its cultural capital not only to explain Vietnamese culture to his French audience, but also to elevate it as equal, and perhaps even superior, to that of the French and their supposed classical inheritance.

AbstractThis paper discusses the year 1905 as an educational watershed in colonial Vietnam. It focuses on the development of student mobility that transcended colonial and imperial boundaries and gave new momentum to educational training on a transnational scale. In the mid-1900s, the anti-colonial mandarin Phan Bội Châu launched a new nationalist movement called Đông Du, meaning ‘Going East.’ It centred on sending young men to Japan via Hong Kong to train them as effective anti-French activists. These students came from Tonkin, Annam, and Cochinchina and enrolled in a variety of curricula. Although this initiative collapsed in the late 1900s, it remained a watershed. Regional mobility did not disappear afterwards but mostly redirected itself towards China. This paper brings a great diversity of material face-to-face, including governmental archives and biographies, and challenges the colonial-based vision of Vietnamese education by highlighting its regional dimension, from the early twentieth century to the outset of the Second World War.

The genus Airapus Stebnicka & Howden, 1996 currently comprises 26 extant species distributed in the Australian and Oriental zoogeographical regions (Stebnicka & Howden 1996; Stebnicka 1998, 2009; Rakovič et al. 2019; Král et al. 2019; Minkina 2020) and one fossil species from the Eocene Baltic amber (Tamutis et al. 2017). Of the continental Southeast Asia, only three species have been known so far: Airapus cechovskyi Král, Mencl & Rakovič, 2019 (mainland Malaysia: Kelantan), A. tyri Král, Mencl & Rakovič, 2019 (Central Thailand: Phetchaburi Province) and A. sicardi ( Paulian, 1945) (Laos: “Cochinchine: Long Xuyen” and South Vietnam: “Annam: Tanh Hoa”) (Paulian 1945; Balthasar 1964; Král et al. 2019). Examination of the material housed in the collections of the Institute of Zoology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing, China, revealed Airapus material belonging to an undescribed species. Its formal description is presented in this paper. This new species is another, fourth species occurring in mainland Southeast Asia. It is also the first country record from China. The geographical distribution of the genus is now known to the north as far as Fujian Province.

This paper examines how political discourses have changed as scholars seek answers regarding the origins of the Vietnamese people. The origin(s) of the Vietnamese people has long been a subject of debate. Confucian scholars from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries claimed themself to be descendants of Han people, the successors of the Han civilization. The colonial scholars (from 1860 to 1945), when using the theory of race, anthropology, and social evolution theory, thought that the Annam people were a hybrid breed, still in the process of evolution, and needed to be enlightened civilized. Indigenous scholars combined the Han ideology of Confucianism and the ideology of the French to claim that the Vietnamese were the descendants of the Hùng Vương. This ideological transformation was aimed at calling for patriotism, fighting against the French, and defending the nation from colonial domination. The results reveal that the process of changing paradigms in Confucian thought through colonialism led to the formation of fictive kinship and the spread of nationalism in Vietnam.

Abstract As Vietnam and Laos share extensive and contiguous borders, there is a long history of Vietnamese migrations into Laos. From 1893 to 1945, the French colonial administration of Indochina brought many Vietnamese people to Laos, who later formed a large Vietnamese community there. Given Laos's small population, the French colonial government had to rely on the Vietnamese labor force to build a new colonial regime and infrastructure and exploit its natural resources. Most of these immigrants came from the more populated areas in Tonkin and Annam. They worked in various roles such as civil servants, soldiers, workers, or coolies depending on the needs of the French colonial government and business. While qualified civil servants, including interpreters, secretaries, teachers, nurses, and soldiers, earned better salaries and welfare, free workers and coolies were subject to low social status and hard working conditions. This article describes how the colonial system of wages and occupations contributed to social stratification and diversity within the Vietnamese migrant community and shaped migrants’ diverse responses to French colonial rule.

Purpose. This article is dedicated to the collection of stone tools obtained as a result of excavations of the Somchai cave (North Vietnam) in 1980–1981. Somchai cave was discovered as a cultural object in 1980 and was investigated by various Vietnamese archaeologists in 1980–1981. The Somchai stone industry was attributed by Vietnamese researchers to the cultural and chronological stages of Hoabin II (Mezolithic) and Hoabin III (Early Neolithic). At the same time, the stratigraphic sequence of the lithological divisions of the site raises questions, due not only to the fragmentation of information in published sources, but also the influence of the modern anthropological factor. The description of archaeological material was selectively compiled, and subsequent publications were devoted to general reviews and paleobotany. Results. Somchai Cave belongs to the Karst region of the Kimboy massif of the northern part of the Annam Highlands (Chyongshonbak). The object is located at an altitude of 85 m above u.m. in the limestone remains in the Muongwang Valley of the Buoy River. It was discovered as a cultural site in 1980 and was investigated by various Vietnamese archaeologists in 1980–1981, 1982 and 1986. The stone industry of the Somchai site contains 845 artifacts. Among tools, the multiple group is represented by sumatralita, further on the frequency of occurrence the adzes, polished axes, choppers stand out, scraped, scrapers and other single products. Conclusion. By relying on a technical and typological analysis of a collection of stone artifacts obtained during research in 1980–1981, the Somchai cave industry can be defined as pebble and flake. It demonstrates the already developed features of stone technologies and tools, which are more distinctive for later cultures, such as Bakshon and Dabut, but at the same time the splitting traditions characteristic of the Paleolithic of Vietnam, which, like the Paleolithic of all Southeast Asia, continued the pebble-cleaved tradition, are preserved.

Groundnut is the top exported commodity among the major oilseeds. India’s groundnut exports during 2021-22 stood at US$ 629.28 million. India’s major export destinations for groundnuts are Indonesia, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Russia, Bangladesh, Nepal, Singapore, Iran, etc. An attempt was made through the present study to examine the growth, instability and comparative advantage in exports of groundnut from India. The results revealed that Groundnut exports to world registered highly significant growth rate of 16.09 % with high degree of instability of 36.11% per annum. Among the major destination highest growth were reported by Vietnam at the rate of 71.17 % followed by Thailand 55.18%, Russia 43.32%, Philippines 19.06%, Indonesia 13.51% etc. The instability in groundnut export was also shows high during the period. The study also calculated the comparative advantage among the major exporter of groundnut and revealed that India has highest comparative advantage among the major competitors. Because the value of revealed comparative advantage (RCA) and revealed symmetric comparative advantage (RSCA) was high in groundnut export by India among the major competitors. Highlights : India’s major export destinations for groundnuts are Indonesia, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Russia, Bangladesh, Nepal, Singapore, Iran, etc., India has highest comparative advantage among the major competitors.

Thirteen species of chewing lice (Insecta: Phthiraptera) were found on 46 wild passerines of 10 species in Cuc PhuongNational Park in northern Vietnam. Three new species of the genera Myrsidea and Brueelia are described; they and theirtype hosts are: Myrsidea annae ex Schoeniparus rufogularis (Mandelli, 1873), Brueelia hrabali ex Macronous gularis(Horsfield, 1822) and Brueelia neodaumae ex Zoothera dauma (Latham, 1790). First records of chewing lice from Seril-ophus lunatus (Gould, 1834), Stachyris nigriceps Blyth, 1844, Niltava davidi La Touche, 1907 and Alcippe morrisonia Swinhoe, 1863, and a new host record for Menacanthus nogoma Uchida, 1926 are also included.

Indonesia as an emerging country needs investment's role to increase economic growth, especially after economic crisis in 1998, because government's financing capacity is very limited, so do private sectors. During 1990-2009, value of investment in Indonesia reached a significant growth, DDl grew 24.17% and FDI grew 30.39% per annum. Indeed, these numbers were great numbers. However, role ofDDI and FDI to Indonesian economic were small if we look at ratios of DDl and FDI to GDP that were around 0.65% and 2.29% per annum.Actually, Indonesia has a potential source to attract investors, especially foreign investors to invest in Indonesia. However, Indonesia has a lower competiveness of investment than neighbor countries. There are some reasons that support this statement. First of all, Indonesia has a higher risk of investment. For example, Indonesian political risk score in medium and long term is 5 (high risk), while Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand have score 1, 2, and 3 respectively. Secondly, based on GC1, Indonesia is in 54th position, whereas Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand are in 3rd, 24th and 36th position respectively. Lastly, Indonesian tax rate (28%) is still higher than Singapore (18%), Vietnam (25%) and Malaysia (25%). Regarding tax rate thoeritically tax rate is a main reason of investors to invest in particularly country. However World Economic Forum (2009) reported that tax rate is not a main problem if an entity will do business in Indonesia. Tax rate in Indonesia was just a 13rd factor of consideration for taking investment decision.The main problems are bureacracy, infrastructure, policy instability, and corruption. In conclusion, Indonesiaan competitiveness for investment is under neighbor countries especially Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietname.

A tanulmány törekszik Vietnám és a Fülöp-szigetek esettanulmányain keresztül bemutatni, hogy a nemzetközi rendszer kisebbnek számító államai hogyan próbálnak a nagyhatalmi befolyással szemben védekezni. Az írás célja megvizsgálni a két állam által folytatott külpolitikai stratégiát, annak diplomáciai, gazdasági és biztonságpolitikai metszetein keresztül. Ehhez elméleti segítséget a hedging (bebiztosítás) szolgáltat, amely stratégia a potyautasság és az ellensúlyozás között helyezhető el. A tanulmány kvalitatív módszertant használva jut arra a következtetésre, hogy a kisebb országok a bebiztosítás stratégiájával válaszolnak arra a nemzetközi rendszerben érzékelhető bizonytalanságra, amelyet a nemzetközi rendszer átrendeződése jelent.

Lomanius annae sp. nov. is described from southern Vietnam. The species is characterized by the greatly developed dorso-basal process on cheliceral hand of males and by the partial effacement of all mesotergal grooves. The genus Lomanius contains four generic synonyms and currently comprises eight valid species distributed in China, Java, peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines, and Taiwan. The new species displays a general morphology similar to the former genus Paralomanius, with a combination of sexually dimorphic interocular mound (which is very large and strongly leaned back in males) and pedipalpus (which is extremely elongate in males). This morphological suite of features is herein called facies reclinobunoides. The replacement name Metibalonius triceratops nom. nov. is proposed for Trispinibunus abnormis Roewer, 1915, which is a junior secondary homonym of Ibalonius abnormis Strand, 1911. Finally, numerous morphological structures found in Podoctidae are recognized and named: (1) the cheliceral comb, present on cheliceral fingers, (2) the chained tubercular ridges, present on dorsal scutum and (3) several others related to the ocular region. The distribution of these two structures among podoctid species is not fully known, but both are absent in the former Ibaloniinae. We suggest that both structures may be useful to define supra-generic groups in the clade composed of the former Podoctinae and Erecananinae.

The natural sciences are receiving increasing attention in the Global South. This timely development may help mitigate global change and quicken an envisioned food system transformation. Yet in order to resolve complex issues such as agrochemical pollution, science ideally proceeds along suitable trajectories within appropriate institutional contexts. Here, we employ a systematic literature review to map the nature of inquiry and institutional context of pest management science in 65 low- and middle-income countries published from 2010 to 2020. Despite large inter-country variability, any given country generates an average of 5.9 publications per annum (range 0–45.9) and individual nations such as Brazil, Kenya, Benin, Vietnam, and Turkey engage extensively in regional cooperation. International development partners are prominent scientific actors in West Africa but are commonly outpaced by national institutions and foreign academia in other regions. Transnational institutions such as the CGIAR represent a 1.4-fold higher share of studies on host plant resistance but lag in public interest science disciplines such as biological control. Despite high levels of scientific abstraction, research conducted jointly with development partners shows real yet marginal improvements in incorporating the multiple (social–ecological) layers of the farming system. Added emphasis on integrative system-level approaches and agroecological or biodiversity-driven measures can extend the reach of science to unlock transformative change.

The coffee husk waste has not been utilized optimally by farmers. Coffee skin waste, which has been considered as a leftover material from the production of ground coffee, turns out to have many benefits and uses in life. Based on the results of research by experts, coffee husk waste is useful in agriculture, animal husbandry and fisheries, namely as compost, protein nutrition and additional fiber in animal feed. This solid waste of coffee rind has high levels of organic matter and nutrients that can improve soil structure. One of the efforts that can be done to handle the increasing amount of coffee husk waste is by processing coffee skin waste into compost. The by-products in the form of coffee skins range from 50-60 percent of the harvest. If the yield is 1000 kg of fresh coffee, then about 400-500 kg of coffee beans will be produced and the rest is a by-product in the form of coffee husks. The advantage of this coffee skin compost is that its nitrogen content is quite high, around 6% so that it can substitute for fertilizers containing nitrogen. The problem is that the C/N ratio is high enough that it takes a long time to decompose or the solution is to add nitrogen sources and a decomposer to speed up decomposition. This community service activity was carried out in collaboration with the community in the Bondowoso district, namely the KAPAS Community in Sumbergading Village, Sumberwringin District and the TSS community in Sukosari Lor Village, Sukosari District. In the Bondowoso area, there are many youth communities with various activities aimed at advancing people's lives and improving the socio-economic status of the area. Coffee husk waste is very common in the area, so far, coffee skin waste has not been used optimally, so its benefits cannot be obtained. The solutions offered in this community service activity include: Provide an understanding of the importance of utilizing existing coffee husk waste for communities and communities in the Bondowoso area, Provide training on making fertilizer from coffee husk waste as an innovation in making fertilizer to increase agricultural yields in the Bondowoso area, Exploring and empowering the natural potential that exists in the community environment so that it can be put to good use, Initiate the business of making fertilizer from coffee husk waste as an innovation in making fertilizer for cost efficiency in agriculture Keywords : waste, coffee husk, innovation, fertilizer, health DAFTAR PUSTAKA Dzung NA., Dzung TT.,Khanh VTP.,2013. Evaluation of Coffe Husk Compost for Improving Soil Fertility and Sustainable Coffee Production in Rural Central Highland of Vietnam. Resources and Environment, 3(4), 77-82 Abdoellah, S dan A.Wardani. 1993. Impact of Cocoa Development on Marginal Land to Farmers Income: A Case in Gunung Kidul Regency, Indonesia. Pelita Perkebunan, 9(3), 97 – 104 Bressani, R.1979. The by-products of coffee berries.dalam coffee pulp: composition, technology, and utilization. Editor J. E. Braham and R. Bressani. Ottawa: Institute of Nutrition of Central America and Panama. Berlian, Z., Syarifah, dan Sari DS., 2015. Pengaruh Pemberian Limbah Kulit Kopi (Coffea robusta L.) terhadap Pertumbuhan Cabai Keriting (Capsicum annum L.). Jurnal Biota, 1(1), 22-32. Sahputra, A., Barus A., dan Sipayung R., 2013. Pertumbuhan dan produksi bawang merah (Allium ascalonicum L.) terhadap pemberian kompos kulit kopi dan pupuk organik cair. Jurnal Online Agroekoteknologi, 2(1), 26-35. Maruli, A. 2010. Limbah kopi antar mahasiswa ke jerman. http://www.antaranews.com/berita/2 27334/limbah-kopi-antarmahasiswake jerman/2017.07.18. Afrizon, 2015. Potensi Kopi Sebagai bahan Baku Pupuk Kompos Di Propinsi Bengkulu. AGRITEPA, 2(1). 1, 21-32 Novita E., Fathurrohman A., Pradana HA.,2018. Pemanfaatan Kompos Blok Limbah Kulit Kopi sebagai Media Tanam. Jurnal Agrotek, 2(2), 61- 72 Muryanto, 2004 Muryanto. (2004). Potensi Limbah Kulit Kopi Sebagai Pakan Ternak. Jurnal Lokakarya, 1, 112-114. Triawan DA., Banon C., Adfa M., 2020. Biokonversi Kulit Kopi Menjadi Pupuk Kompos Pada Kelompok Tani Pangestu Rakyat Kabupaten Rejang Lebong. Jurnal Pengabdian Al-Ikhlas, 5(2), 159-165

After signing the Treaty of Patenôtre with the Hue court in 1884, France established a nation-wide colonial regime in Vietnam, allowing France diplomatically represent Vietnam in international relations and ensure sovereignty and territorial integrity of Vietnam as a protectorate. The paper aims to to clarify the activities of the French colonial government affirming, exercising and protecting sovereignty over the Paracel Islands before the Japanese coup d'etat (from 1884 to 1945). The study of this paper bases on fruitful sources to examine the hypothesis that during the colonial administration of Vietnam, the French never denounced the claims of sovereignty of Annam over the Paracel Islands. Although in the early stages, the local colonial administration did not fully understand the problems of Annam and for the sake of France, the administration were not really active in protecting sovereignty in the Paracels. However, after China and Japan took unreasonable actions to claim sovereignty over a number of islands in the Paracels, the French strongly protested and intensified their activities in the fields of politics, economics, science - technology, military, diplomatic and frequently consolidated management role over the archipelago. The activities of the French colonial government in the Paracels continuously and systematically. Overall, those activities were aimed to protect France's interests as much as possible; However, objectively, it has contributed significantly to maintaining, developing and organizing the enforcement of Vietnam's sovereignty over the sea and islands.

In the early twentieth century, Dong Du Movement was initiated and led by Phan Boi Chau, leading to a new trend in the national liberation movement in Vietnam. Nord-Annam was one of the areas where Duy Tan Association operated; Dong Du Movement in this area also developed strongly, drastically and distinctively. However, previous studies have not yet simulated and analyzed in details of the Dong Du activity in Nord-Annam in the early twentieth century. This article summarizes the unpublished sources of the French Government and reconstructs the movement in Nord-Annam on the following facets: the participant of the movement; funding; the number of young people who studied overseas; the scale of the movement… The article is intended to enrich the local history in the early twentieth century in particular and to study Dong Du Movement in the history of Viet Nam in general.

The Buddhist revival movement in the first half of the twentieth century took place in all 3 regions in the territory of Vietnam today. The Buddhist revival movement in each region has the same purpose, even though it has some different features. The Buddhist revival movement in Southern Vietnam was characterized by divergence, otherwise, it in Central and Northern Vietnam was characterized by convergence. In this article, we choose to compare the typical associations of the three regions are The Cochinchina Buddhist Association, The Annam Buddhist Association, The Tonkin Buddhist Association. Despite establishing in the same period of time, these three associations have many fundamental differences besides some similarities. Based on the exploitation of Buddhist archives and press materials during the period of revival, this article will research the similarities and differences between associations. Comparing the three associations not only shows us the unique characteristics of each other and explains the performance of the societies, the depth of the revival activity but also helps us to understand some of the Vietnamese society in the French period. Because this is a big problem, within a small article we cannot present all the characteristics. So in this article, we only focus on analyzing the typical characteristics, these characteristics will govern the performance of the associations. Besides, the article also limited the time to research from 1930 to 1945, when Vietnam gained independence.

After the Party was established from 1930 to 10935, the revolutionary press of different levels of the Central Party Committee flourished, which made important contributions to expanding the Party’s influence, organizing and encouraging workers and peasants to fight against the imperialism and feudalism in the direction of proletariat revolution; and to promoting the revolutionary movement in Central Vietnam, the greatest movement was the Nghe-Tinh Soviets.

Osmanlıların Vietnam hakkındaki en eski bilgileri, XVII. yüzyılda evrensel kozmografi üzerine yazılmış coğrafi kayıtlardan gelmektedir. “Cihannümâ”, “Levâmi’u’n-Nûr fî Zulmet-i Atlas Minor” ve “Nusretü’l-İslâm ve’s-sürûr fî tahrîri Atlas Mayor” gibi eserler, bu bilgilere örnek teşkil etmektedir. Bu coğrafi kayıtlarda, Tonkin, Annam, Koşinçin ve Foçin Çina olarak anılan bölgelerle ilgili notlar oldukça kısaydı. Oysa Vietnamlıların Türkiye ve Türkler hakkında sahip oldukları en eski bilgiler, “Tây hành nhật ký” ve “Như Tây ký” adlı eserlerde yer almaktadır. Bu coğrafi kayıtlar, Nguyen Hanedanlığı’nın 1863-1864 yılları arasında Fransa ve İspanya’ya gönderilen diplomatik misyonu tarafından derlenmiştir. Bu kayıtlarda Türkiye, “Tu-du-ky” veya “Tu-du-cô” olarak telaffuz edilmekteydi. Tarihi coğrafyaya yaklaşan ve tarihi kaynaklarla birlikte coğrafi kayıtlardan yararlanan bu makale, XVII. ve XIX. yüzyıllar arasında Osmanlılar ile Vietnamlılar arasında paylaşılan ortak coğrafi bilgileri incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır

Underground coal mining in Vietnam plays an important role tonot only the sustainable coal industry but also the energy and social securityin this country. Although the Vietnam coal industry has produced 35–45million tonnes of raw coal per annum in past ten years, a great volume ofcoal resources remains distributed in complex geo-mining conditions andmostly unmined. This paper presents a brief review of the current andpotential technologies for cutting coal and controlling roof in Vietnamunderground coal mines. From the review, it is concluded that there is anurgent demand on improvement of current technologies as well as oninvestigation for effective application of more advanced mining methodsinto the industry, especially for deep mining at Red River Delta—the largestcoal basin in Vietnam.

Coffee has over the years remained of great importance to the global economy. Although the crop originated from Africa, its production is presently dominated by Brazil and Vietnam, which now respectively account for 34 and 13% of global production. Ethiopia and Uganda which are at the fore-front of production within sub-Saharan Africa account for 62% of the region’s coffee output. Out of the many species of coffee that exist, C. arabica (Arabica coffee) and C. canephora (Robusta coffee) are of outstanding economic importance. While the former does well on high altitudes (1000-2000 m above sea level), average temperature ranges of between 15 and 24°C, and 2000 mm rainfall per annum, the latter, which can thrive under hotter, drier conditions can be grown on altitudes of about 800 m above sea level. Generally speaking, optimal coffee-growing conditions include cool to warm tropical climates, rich soils, and few pests or diseases. Each of the grown species however does well under specific environmental conditions. The constantly increasing environmental temperatures, coupled with accompanying variations in weather conditions, have some direct debilitating effects on coffee production and quality. Pests and pathogens, being able to tolerate a wide range of temperature, have the capabilities to proliferate and negatively influence the crop’s yield, quality and production cost. In view of the the highlighted problems, some mitigation strategies have been developed by researchers to limit the extent of damage caused by global warming on coffee production in the region. Chief among these include genetic improvement/development of resistant cultivars, reforestation (planting under shade), high-density planting/irrigation, integrated pest management, improved access to climate information and reduction of green house gas emissions. These, among others would enhance the quantity and quality of coffee produced and consequently boost the region’s economy.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. 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