Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Vietnam – 1802-1945 (Dynastie des Nguyêñ)“

The South China Sea is one of the largest seas in the world. Vietnam owns up to 30% of the area of this sea. The Nguyen Dynasty unified the country and managed a large territory not only on land but also extending into the South China Sea in the 19th century. Inheriting the previous dynasties’ sea and island organization and management experience, the Nguyen Dynasty not only focused on protecting the national sovereignty of seas and islands but also demonstrated its increasing international responsibility. Having reviewed ancient documents, especially the Imperial Records of the Nguyen Dynasty (Châu bản Triều Nguyễn), and built upon the research achievements of domestic and foreign authors, while simultaneously applying two main historical research methods (historical and logical methods) along with other methods (systematic, analytical, synthetic, and comparative methods), the article focuses on analyzing and objectively evaluating the actions that demonstrate the international responsibility of this dynasty for peace and maritime safety in the South China Sea. In addition, it also shows that the Nguyen Dynasty made significant efforts in addressing maritime security challenges with many countries in the region and the world, as well as the relationship between national interests and international interests at that time.

Following the traditions of the preceding feudal dynasties, efforts were made by the Nguyen Dynasty (Vietnam) to prevent piracy and ensure security and marine safety in the South China Sea during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Nguyen Dynasty directed its energies towards national interests and showed an elevated level of international awareness and responsibility, especially at the beginning of the successful cooperation with Qing Dynasty (China) to resolve this widespread problem. This article examines the attempt of the Nguyen Dynasty to suppress the raiding and looting of pirates in the South China Sea, and its important achievements in this difficult and dangerous work. Addressing this non-traditional security problem also helped confirm the Nguyen Dynasty’s possession of islands within the South China Sea, including the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands.

The Imperial City of Hue, the capital city of the Nguyen Dynasty (1802-1945), was the last dynasty in the feudal era that ruled Vietnam for 143 years. Emperor Gia Long ascended the throne ruling the Kingdom of Vietnam, choosing Hue as the capital city and building the Imperial City of Hue for the Nguyen Dynasty. The construction took 27 years. Emperor Gia Long adopted a system of governance and Confucian concepts to rule Vietnam. The emperor was likened to the Son of Heaven and sent to rule the human world. It was then necessary to create a living space that resembled heaven. The Imperial City of Hue was modeled after the Forbidden City in Beijing, China, to ensure that the royal palaces of the Imperial City of Hue were as marvelous as the Chinese Forbidden City. It also reflects the royal authority of the Vietnamese monarchy following the Chinese monarchy. According to the Cultural Diffusion theory, Vietnam has been culturally influenced by China through the architecture of the Imperial City of Hue, which emphasizes the uniqueness of its important strategic city location; suitable topographic features containing rivers, mountains, and sea as natural defenses against external invasions, and the uniqueness of the Vietnamese capital and the Imperial City of Hue, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam during the Nguyen Dynasty.

The article presents and explains the changing process of relations between Vietnam and Siam in the early 19th century during the rule of the first two kings of the Nguyen Dynasty, Gia Long and Minh Mang. Due to inherited factors from the past and internal problems, Vietnam and Siam always maintained friendly relations during the first two decades of the nineteenth century, even supporting each other against external threats. However, each side had its own goals and was taking steps to strengthen its position in the region. The malevolence in the relations between the Nguyen court and the Chakri dynasty began to grow gradually, culminating in the reigns of King Minh Mang (Vietnam) and King Rama III (Siam).

Southern Vietnam is the central region of the Nguyen Dynasty. It occupies an important position in national defense and foreign affairs. The region has had the huge economic potential and can create a breakthrough for Vietnam's economic development up to now. However, due to the historical conditions and geographical location, political upheaval was tremendously popular during the period of the Nguyen Lords and early Nguyen Dynasty. Besides, the economic factors of international trade and the development of commodity production (specific social foundations) were high above the national standard. As a result, the central government had to use a special method of selecting and using local officials/mandarins. The officials selected must have been good in ``handling the statecraft'', who could understand and have/had a process of living and working in the South. As two eminent political kings, Gia Long and Minh Mang applied flexible measures, not taking the aristocratic nature of candidates very seriously. Both kings completely removed the ``hereditary'' regime, not following the Confucian model as in the North and the Central regions in selecting and using mandarins in the local government apparatus. This policy helped the Nguyen Dynasty build a dedicated, competent service bureau in the region. The policy is an exception in the history of recruiting mandarins under the Confucian perspective in the country/Vietnam, and to a certain extent, it has successfully promoted local socio-economic development. This paper aims to argue that it is difficult to apply a unified but rigid policy in Vietnam on issues related to the locality and that Southern Vietnam always demands more special attention in state policies.

This paper introduces Memorial Tombs in the context of memorial compound tomb types for the aristocrat of the Nguyen Dynasty (1802- 1945) in Southern Vietnam in The Medieval and Post-Medieval Time. This type was of rare tangible and intangible cultural heritage at the time (1.5%). These heritage assets are very valuable because they are associated with historical figures – “state founders, meritorious officials” in country expansion time “The Great South Unification (Dai Nam Nhat thong)”. In addition to the typical complex of mausoleums in Southern Vietnam (Nguyen Huu Canh, 1650-1700; Le Van Duyet, 1763-1832; Le Van Phong, Truong Tan Buu, 1752-1827 or Tran Van Hoc, Phan Tan Huynh, Huynh Van Tu, and "Sir Nhieu Loc"), the authors studied Vo Tanh mausoleum at both Hoang De (emperor) and Gia Dinh (emperor) citadels, and the mausoleum of his warmates related to the last and biggest-scaled sea fight between the Nguyen dynasty’s army and the Tay Son insurgent army on Thi Nai lagoon in 1801 (Vo Di Nguy, 1745-1801; Ngo Tung Chau; Thu Ngoc Hau, etc.). In our opinion, the presence of memorial tomb types of Vo Tanh and his warmates – historic-cultural-artistic heritage sites of national/provincial levels in Southern Vietnam relating the honoring of heroes who “wholeheartedly served the King, defended the country, saved the people” in the history of country expansion “Towards the South” in medieval and post-medieval times. They contribute to the moulding of prominent features of the comtemporary Southerners’ personality. Those historical stories of the Southern heroes are preserved and worshipped by their descendants bearing in mind the Vietnamese way of life “praising the bridge carrying one over” and pay homage to ancestors for their nation-building service.

The text of the “Continuation of the complete collection of the historical notes of Dai Viet” available for us is a fundamental source of the history of ancient and medieval Vietnam covers the events in this country from ancient times to 1675.Meanwhile the canonical text of this chronicle, distributed in the form of xylographsin the late 18 century, brought the description up to 1740.However, as a result of a significant revision of its final part carried out for political reasons under the first emperors of the Nguyen dynasty (1802-1945)the canonical text was drastically reduced, and the description of the last 65 years (1676-1740) was excluded from it altogether. At the same time, not a single complete xylograph of the original text of the chronicle, as it was formed in the 18th century, has reached our time. The article describes the history of the creation of this chronicle, its fundamental differences from Chinese sources, which certainly served as a model for it, primarily by highlighting its didactic function as the main one. As a result, this "unified history textbook" has always been an important part in the training system of Vietnam's medieval bureaucracy, its text was very stable and changed only for political reasons (during the transition to power of a new dynasty), most often due to significant reduction. This article is devoted to the questions of how is itpossible to at least partially restore the original version of the source and his lost text for the period from 1676 to 1740.

This article discusses the cult of the tutelary spirits (thành hoàng) in Vietnam. These are spirits venerated as patrons of villages, rural communities and urban areas in Vietnam are expected to protect area against calamities, disasters, epidemics, wars, etc. These are mythical, historical and pseudo-historical characters who have merits to the area and its inhabitants. The veneration of them is rooted in the traditional culture. It is an integral part of the Vietnamese folk religion (tín ngưỡng dân gian Việt Nam). The spirits of the area are included in the pantheon of numerous deities and spirits (thần) worshipped by the Vietnamese nowadays despite the anti-religious policy of the Communist Party of Vietnam (in the second half of the 20th century). The article describes reconstruction of the history of the cult and a description of its current state. The milestones of its development are considered: the formation of the cult during the Late Lê dynasty (1428–1788), development trends during the Nguyễn dynasty (1802–1945), which included the period of colonization of Vietnam by the French, the decline of the cult in the second half of the 20th century in socialist Vietnam, the revival of the cult and the entire religious system with the beginning of economic reforms and the democratization of public life in the 1980-90s, and finally, the modern flourishing of the cult and the features of its adaptation to modern conditions. The definition of the historical forms of the cult allows to identify the dynamics in its development and describe the inevitable transformations of the cult in the 21st century, which often are not realized by the bearers of culture, who perceive the cult as an ancient unchanging tradition. The cult has not previously been studied by Soviet and Russian orientalists. I propose the first systematic description of the history of the cult and an assessment of its current state.

This study, building upon earlier works published from 2011 to the present, focuses on sixteenth through eighteenth century Cochinchina’s upstream-downstream networked relations and how they contributed to the re-development of the region’s economy and consequently its political and social development, with particular emphasis on its coastal ports and related trade under the Nguyễn. These relations revolve around tightly connected interactions among diverse groups including long-term resident diasporic Fujian merchant communities, newly introduced Chan Buddhist monks, maritime-based Chinese pro-Ming piratical syndicates, local Cham raiding cohorts, and the alien Nguyễn clan who in 1600 claimed political authority over the Vietnamese littoral’s central coastal region (Trung Bộ) and extended central lands (Miền Trung). The partnerships the Nguyễn established with each of these groups (merchants, monks, pirates, upstream and downstream multiethnic communities) enabled the major ports of Đà Năng, and particularly, of Hội An, to thrive and produce the income needed to support both the Nguyễn bureaucracy and its military conquest of the southern third of the littoral. Over the course of the seventeenth and into the eighteenth centuries, the Nguyễn co-opted the cultural, spiritual, and maritime-based power and influence exercised by each of each these groups in an initial effort to fulfill its dynastic ambitions that remained unfulfilled until 1802. This work moves beyond other regional studies by using the approach proposed in Michael Pearson’s writings regarding the Indian Ocean ports-of-trade littoral and extending them eastward, to the further edges of the Indian Ocean borderless world, and applying them to the complex interactions of the Vietnamese littoral populations-coastal urban and hinterland - as they contributed to the development of the central Vietnamese littoral’s ports-of-trade and of Nguyễn authority and power in this era.

Tea is not only good for health as well as the mind, and a spiritual drink that enlightens people, but also contributes to developing culture and art in each country. If the Goryeo Dynasty of Korea favored the culture of "whisked tea" (點茶法), using powdered tea as in the Song Dynasty, then in the Joseon Dynasty of Korea, the culture of "leaf tea" as in the Ming Dynasty ascended. During the Joseon Dynasty, the art of tea drinking declined and disappeared with the policy of “Supressing Buddhism Revering Confucianism” (崇儒抑佛). However, Zen tea masters and late Joseon Confucian scholars still drank tea and wrote poetry about tea, which revived the Joseon art of tea ceremony and helped it be passed to these days. It can be said that the Korean art of tea drinking today is inherited by Zen masters and Confucian scholars of the Joseon period. Compared to the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) - the last feudal dynasty of Korea lasting more than 500 years, Vietnam experienced many dynastic changes in history with the Nguyen Dynasty (1802-1910) as the Vietnam's last feudal dynasty. With the idea of understanding the tea culture in the last feudal dynasties of the two countries, the author focuses on the tea culture of the late Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) of Korea and the Nguyen Dynasty (1802-1945) of Vietnam. The study focuses on analyzing and comparing the similarities and differences between the tea drinking cultures of the two dynasties from a historical perspective. This paper consists of the three main parts (1) an overview of the tea drinking culture of the Joseon period, (2) an overview of the Nguyen dynasty’s tea drinking culture, and (3) a comparison of the tea drinking culture through tea products and tea enjoyment space (tea room) of the two dynasties. This study uses the method of synthesizing and analyzing domestic and international scholars’ papers, the historical-cultural interdisciplinary research method, and the comparative method to clarify the three above- mentioned issues.

Le portrait est une thématique omniprésente dans l'art et la culture visuelle vietnamienne ; pourtant ce sujet n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une étude systématique. Cette étude s'emploie à combler cette lacune en analysant l'évolution des usages, des techniques et de l'iconographie des portraits sous la dynastie Nguyễn (1802 - 1945). Elle débute par la mise en évidence des origines bouđhiques et taoïques des rites et des représentations, avant d'examiner l'absorption de la pratique du portrait par l'éthos confucéen populaire. Les bouleversements socio-politiques qui traversent la période étudiée et exercent une influence décisive sur le portrait sont ainsi explorés tour à tour. La curiosité technologique des Nguyễn mène à l'adoption, certes tardive, de la photographie, rapidement intégrée au culte des ancêtres. Dans le même temps, l'incursion d'une approche occidentale de l'individu mais aussi des beaux-arts, conduit à un renouvellement des modes d'expression utilisés par les auteurs de portraits. Enfin, la conquête coloniale du territoire et l'affaiblissement politique progressif de la cour impériale aboutissent à une multiplication des images de l'empereur, quand jusqu'alors il était interdit de le regarder. Fondée sur l'analyse détaillée d'un corpus de portraits, en tant qu'images et objets, associée à des sources textuelles contemporaines, cette étude s'attache à révéler les différentes fonctions du portrait : cultuel, sentimental, politique. Elle dévoile en particulier le rapport singulier qui unit le portrait à la mort, et comment il exprime et outille une forme de négation de l'absence. Finalement, elle explore la question complexe de la ressemblance, unité plastique des portraits entre eux et attente d'une conformité de l'image au modèle
Portraits are ubiquitous in Vietnamese art and visual culture, yet the subject has never been extensively studied. This study aims at addressing this gap by analysing the evolution of the usage, techniques, and iconography of portraits during the Nguyễn dynasty (1802-1945). It begins by bringing to light the Buddhist and Taoist origins of rites and representations, before examining the absorption of the portrait practice by a popular Confucian ethos. The socio-political upheavals marking the studied period, and decisively influencing portraits, are sequentially explored. The technological curiosity of the Nguyễn dynasty leads to the adoption of photography, quickly included in the ancestral worship system. At the same time, the incursion of a Western approach of the sense of individuality as well as of the fine-arts practice, results in a renewal of the modes of expression used by the authors of portraits. Finally, the colonial conquest of the territory and the progressive weakening of the imperial court culminate with the multiplication of portraits of the emperor, whereas heretofore it was strictly forbidden to look at him. Based upon a detailed analysis of a large portrait corpus, both as image and object, combined with contemporary textual sources, this study seeks to reveal the various functions of portraits: cultual, sentimental, political. Notably, it uncovers the special bond between portraits and death, and how portraits translate and equip a certain negation of the absence. Finally, the study explores the complex question of resemblance; the unity of style between portraits and the expectation of a conformity between the image and the model

Les difficultés avec lesquelles la dynastie des Nguyen s'est débattue depuis le milieu du XIXe siècle se précipitent avec la mort en juillet 1883 de Tu-Duc. Entrainant la dissolution interne de la cohésion sociale de la nation, elles donnent l'explication de la capitulation rapide de la monarchie devant les pressions des français, et de sa résignation à accepter la démolition de son prestige et de son pouvoir, afin d'assurer sa propre survie. Pendant un demi-siècle, du traité du 6 juin 1884 à la convention du 6 nov. 1925, cette dynastie en décadence s'accroche désespérément au nom de la tradition à des principes d'un autre âge, pour résister au renforcement du protectorat que ne cessent d'imposer administrateurs et officiers français. Mais elle ne peut empêcher le démantèlement progressif de l'institution monarchique. Cependant, l'évolution des idées sous l'influence des courants de pensée nouveaux et d'une éducation reformée ne peut que rendre plus évident le divorce de plus en plus profond entre un souverain dépouillé de ses attributions, une cour figée dans son formalisme et le pays, alors que disparait le principal soutien de la monarchie confucéenne, les lettres. L'ébranlement profond que la consolidation du régime colonial fait subir aux structures sociales et politiques traditionnelles amène l’élite dirigeante à réexaminer la raison d'être même de l'ordre ancien, et à se mettre en quête de perspectives nouvelles. L'institution monarchique ne va pas résister a cette mise en question
After Tu-Duc's death in July 1883, the problems which the Nguyen dynasty had to confront with since the middle of the 19th century hastened their pace. Destroying the nation's social cohesion, they explain why the monarchy surrendered so readily before the French pressure, and why it resigned itself to the break-up of its prestige and power, in order to ensure its own survival. During half a century, from the treaty of 6 June 1884 to the agreement of 6 November 1925, this decaying dynasty clang desperately to outmoded principles to resist the strengthening of the protectorate imposed by French administrators and officers. But it could not avoid the progressive dismantling of the monarchical institution. Meanwhile, the evolution of ideas under the influence of new trends of thought and reformed education evidenced the widening gap between a sovereign deprived of his attributions, a court transfixed in its formalism and the country, while the Confucian monarchy's main support, the scholar gentry, was disappearing. The deep shock caused to traditional social and political structures by the consolidation of the colonial regime led this elite to reexamine the very raison d'etre of the old order, and to look for new perspectives. The monarchical institution would not resist being questioned in such a way

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
應用華語文學系
102
The research issue of Chinese people living in Vietnam has been researched by scholars for many years. However，all of the research papers have virtually focused on the Chinese population dwelling in the central and southern regions of the country，yet ignoring those dwelling in the northern region for the following probable reasons: first，the number of Chinese people in the northern region is far less than those living in the central and the southern regions，subsequently leading to a lack of interest among researchers; second，the shortage of research materials and historical monuments cause significant obstacles in the investigation among researchers; third，the Chinese people in the northern region have basically integrated with the regions’ traditional and local culture，subsequently making it difficult for researchers in accurately distinguishing the population from other ethnic groups. In Vietnam，the northeast region provides valuable information for researchers involved in the branches of geo-economics and geo-strategies. The North Bay is among one of the largest bays in Southeast Asia. Given the opportunities of acquiring abundant economic resources，the North Bay area was soon to be opened and developed in a way the ancient trading port of Van Don during the reign of King Ly Anh Tong in 1149. Situated close to the South China Sea，the Chinese people had migrated and traded with other merchants in the northeast coast since a very early period. It can be said that the Chinese people have actively contributed to the formation and development of the harbor system in the northern region. Nineteenth century was the century that witnessed important historical events in Vietnam and China. After the North-South separation and subsequent resolution of the civil war，unified Vietnam faced many challenges，especially in terms of economics. Although the northeastern coastal port system during this period was not as developed as was during previous centuries，this marked a critical period in Vietnam’s maritime economy. From the late eighteenth century onward after the weakening of the East India Company，the economic status of Chinese people started to drastically recover. During this time，the relationship between China and other Southeast Asian countries not only improved in terms of trade，but also eventually led to the region becoming China’s luxury goods market. After the end of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries，China faced the challenge of accommodating an increasing population，subsequently leading Chinese nationals from provinces such as Guangdong，Zhejiang，and Fujian looking for new opportunities to start a new life elsewhere. Many of these migrants were small business owners，fishermen，farmers，and opponents the then-ruling Qing Dynasty. As the number of migrants continued to grow in Vietnam，a relatively stable community began to form. This research shows that the mainstream contribution towards the economic situation in the northeast region of Vietnam was largely due to overseas Chinese migrants. Recognizing the problem of Chinese citizenship in this region in the first half of the nineteenth century is extremely complicated; hence，I coin the phrase “neighborhood traders” in explaining the relationship between overseas Chinese and the Nguyen Dynasty. Chinese people economic activity in this region can be divided into two kinds of legitimate and illegitimate economic activities. The first part of dissertation focuses on legitimate economic activities of Chinese people under the administration of the Nguyen government in regards to mining，silk，food，flavoring，consumer goods，and luxury goods. The second part focuses on two kinds of illegal economic activities among Chinese pirates and smugglers. An important thing to note is that although the economic activities among Chinese people were either legal or illegal，these activities led to economic security in this region，as well as to the formation and development of port networks.

My thesis focuses on the heritage of Hue, a city of special significance to the Vietnamese. For four centuries, Hue was at the heart of developments that shaped the course of Vietnam. In modern times, commencing with the French occupation of Vietnam in the mid nineteenth century, and lasting until well after the end of the Vietnam wars, Hue's position in the nation's cultural agenda dimmed. However, it regained international attention when UNESCO inscribed its complex of monuments on the World Heritage List in 1993. My thesis engages critically with some of the premises that inform the UNESCO heritage listing and, more broadly with the way Hue has been represented in modern Vietnamese public culture. In political discourse and scholarly literature on Vietnam, Hue features in four broad themes. As the former center of the Nguyen dynasty, Hue has come to represent the stagnation, impotence and obsolescence of the precolonial imperial order that failed to deter the colonisation of Vietnam by the French. When radical movements of opposition to the French were emerging in Vietnam's more dynamic urban centres, Hue was singled out as a bastion of conservatism and so-called feudal values. During the Vietnam War, Hue became a symbol of the destruction and suffering inflicted upon the Vietnamese people by external agents and powerful violent forces. Today it has re-emerged as custodian of Vietnam's imperial heritage materialised in the monumental architecture that features prominently in the heritage listing. I suggest that this rehabilitation of Hue's status, as heritage has taken place without sufficient consideration being given to the contradictory notions of decline, irrelevance and victimhood still pervasively associated with Hue in Vietnamese political discourse, or to the non-material aspects of living heritage that remain potent in Hue to the present. Providing a critical re-appraisal of these themes, my thesis begins with tracing the rise and fall of Hue as the imperial center of Vietnam to demonstrate that this locality has a long and dynamic history of becoming and reinvention. The decline of monarchy rule, in turn, left a legacy that facilitated the radicalization of a generation of Vietnamese leaders. Demonstrating the critical role Hue played in this radicalisation process, my thesis hence reassesses Hue's significance in modern Vietnamese political life. The thesis then covers the radical movement in Hue during the turbulent years of the Vietnam War, and shows how the war's ideological fault-lines found expression in the city. My thesis then returns to the complex of monuments built by the Nguyen kings and studies their spiritual significance to reveal the enduring power of Hue's heritage. The argument of the thesis is that critical re-appraisal of these aspects of Hue's history and cultural legacy is essential in order to achieve a balanced and nuanced understanding of Hue's local significance, and of its status as heritage.