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1
Mamaty, Isabelle. "L'Uruguay round et l'Afrique subsaharienne : les conséquences de l'accord agricole." Paris 10, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA100002.
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Objectif cette these a un double objectif 1. Analyser les impacts economiques des resultats de l'uruguay round sur les pays de l'afrique au sud du sahara en terme d'acces aux marches pour les exportations et les importations (principalement de cereales) 2. Definir les mesures a prendre afin d'y faire face. Methode cette these s'est focalisee essentiellement sur les trois grands marches internationaux que sont la cee, les etats-unis et le japon dans l'analyse des impacts de l'accord agricole en terme d'acces aux marches pour les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Elle est composee de quatre parties. La premiere partie analyse les blocages internes et externes de l'agriculture des pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. La deuxieme partie expose les grandes lignes de l'accord signe a marrakech en 1994 dans le domaine agricole et ses consequences sur les echanges agricoles mondiaux. La troisieme partie, reprend les etudes de la banque mondiale, gatt, f. A. O, cnuced et analyse les effets de cet accord sur les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Enfin, une quatrieme partie essentiellement consacree a des etudes de cas sur les filieres d'exportation (banane, coton, cafe-cacao, tabac, oleagineux (arachide) et d'importation (riz, ble, sucre) est un point de depart dans la definition des strategies a suivre pour repondre a la nouvelle configuration du commerce internationale. Resultats les deux principaux resultats qui ressortent de cet exercice sont que : 1. La liberalisation pese moins sur les secteurs qui ont connu une restructuration << reussie >> suite a la mise en place des politiques d'ajustement 2. Les pays qui ont su diversifier s'en sortent mieux que les autres de maniere generale.
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Howe, Valerie J. (Valerie Josephine) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Canada at the Uruguay Round: regulating the information economy." Ottawa, 1991.
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3
Mancini, Cláudia. "O agronegócio e as negociações comerciais internacionais: uma análise da ação coletiva do setor privado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-03122008-123146/.
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O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores<br>This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups
4
Abdel, Karim Imad. "The impact of the Uruguay round agreement on agriculture on Sudan's agricultural trade /." Aachen : Shaker, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/356661741.pdf.
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Steinberg, David Charles. "Why Hollywood lost the Uruguay Round : the political economy of mass communication revisited." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1568/.
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In this dissertation I examine the reasons why the U.S. film industry lost the GATT-Uruguay Round negotiations on audiovisual services and intellectual property rights (IPRs) related to copyright. I revisit the political economy approach to communication and implement Mosco's (1996) suggestions on the approach's renewal. Mosco notes that political economists of communication thematically view the state as supporting transnational business (1996, p. 94). However, Jarvie's (1992) analysis of the relationship between the U.S. government and film industry between 1920 and 1950 suggests that this 'support' theme does not adequately capture the often antagonistic and unproductive relationship between the two parties. I extend Jarvie's (1992) work by developing themes from his scholarship and applying them to a case study on the Uruguay Round. I review the literature on the media-cultural imperialism thesis and focus on Herbert Schiller's (1969 [1992], 1976, 1989) scholarship. Schiller's thesis implies that outcomes in international relations are dictated by domestic determinants such as the influence of corporate lobbyists. However, I argue that the reasons why Hollywood lost lie not in domestic determinants alone, but in a broader perspective (derived from the discipline of international relations) that focuses on the interaction between domestic trade politics and international relations (Putnam, 1988 [1993]). Putnam characterises international negotiations as an interactive process involving the bargaining between negotiators and the separate discussions each delegation has with constituents in its domestic market on the ratification of the agreement. I assess themes from Jarvie's work and propositions from Schiller's thesis using Putnam's (1988 [1993]) two-level analysis and empirical evidence from primary documents and thirty-five interviews conducted over a three-year period (1994 to 1997) with U.S. and European negotiators and film executives. I argue that U.S. domestic trade politics hampered efforts by U.S. negotiators to reach a bilateral accord on audiovisual services and IPRs related to copyright because of linkages forged by EU Member States between progress in those talks and progress in talks on agriculture, maritime transport services, geographic indications related to wines and anti-dumping. A second obstacle to a bilateral accord was an influential hawkish minority of the Hollywood lobby, who set an aggressive agenda for U.S. negotiators and set off a chain reaction in the final moments of the Round that led to Hollywood's defeat. Finally, I present an alternative scenario to the argument (cf. Waregne, 1994; Dehousse and Havelange, 1994; Joachimowicz and Berenboom, 1994) that the French government dictated the outcome of the audiovisual services and IPRs negotiations. My scenario emphasises the preeminent status of the General Affairs Council, the role of EU Member States other than France, and Commission efforts to forge a bilateral deal. In the end, the hawks dictated the outcome of the audiovisual services talks, while a majority of EU Member States dictated the outcome of the talks on IPRs related to copyright.
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Otradovsky, Miranda. "Liberalizing non-tariff barriers : a comparative study of the 1948-58 intra-European trade liberalization and negotiations in the Uruguay round /." Genève : M. Otradovsky, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35586046b.
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Souza, Lylas Ameyo de. "Les blocs commerciaux regionaux et leurs incidences sur le commerce international." Reims, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999REIMD008.
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La proliferation des blocs commerciaux regionaux constitue aujourd'hui, un des faits majeurs de l'economie internationale. Peut-on dire que ce phenomene conduira a l'eclatement du cadre mondial des echanges commerciaux a moyen ou long terme. Presque trois ans ; apres la conclusion des accords de l'uruguay round, tout dependra de la maniere dont evolueront l'environnement international en general et le systeme multilateral en particulier. Compte-tenu de cette mutation, doit-on voir une opposition entre l'approche multilaterale et les approches regionales, ou doit-on inventer une gestion de commerce entre ces deux systemes.
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Wiener, Jarrod. "Making rules for agriculture in the Uruguay round of the GATT : a study in international leadership." Thesis, University of Kent, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359425.
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Ferchichi, Mehdi. "L'Uruguay Round et le règlement des différends commerciaux interétatiques." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010297.
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La procédure de règlement des différends instaure dans le cadre du GATT 1947 a permis, depuis sa création, de régler plusieurs litiges commerciaux. Toutefois, au fil du temps son application est apparue insuffisamment juridictionnelle pour pouvoir s'imposer aux parties contractantes et plusieurs dysfonctionnements ont permis aux parties en litige de bloquer la procédure a différents stades. Les négociations de l'Uruguay round ont remédier à ces faiblesses de la procédure en établissant dans le mémorandum d'accord sur les règles et les procédures régissant le règlement des différends un système plus légaliste, plus automatique, et plus contraignant qui entend avec la création de l'organe d'appel permanent faire respecter la règle de droit dans les relations commerciales internationales. Ce nouveau système fonctionnera dans une véritable organisation internationale : l'OMC, dont les membres, notamment les plus importants, se sont engagés, du moins officiellement, à respecter les décisions de l'organe de règlement des différends et à favoriser le multilatéralisme dans les échanges commerciaux mondiaux à l'aube du XXIème siècle<br>The disputes settlement system established in the 1947 GATT agreement has permitted, since its creation, to resolve many commercial disputes. However, its application appeared not enough judicial to be binding upon the contracting parties and many deficiencies allowed the parties to the dispute to paralyze the procedure at different levels. Uruguay round's negotiations have remedied to these weaknesses in establishing in the dispute settlement understanding a more legalistic, automatic and binding system, which will with the creation of appellate body bring respect towards the rule of law in commercial international relations. This new system will work in a genuine international organization : the WTO, in which the members, specially the more important ones, officially engaged themselves to respect the dispute settlement body's decisions and to favour multilateralism in world commercial exchange at the beginning of the 21st century
10
Bardouille, Nand Cecil. "Managing technological transformation in the developing countries, lessons from east Asia and challenges from the Uruguay round." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ33835.pdf.
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Ullrich, Heidi Karen. "Impact of policy networks in the GATT Uruguay Round : the case of the US-EC agricultural negotiations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1691/.
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This thesis investigates the membership, activities and policy impact of three distinct groups of policy networks operating within and between the agricultural policy environments of the US and EC as well as at the multilateral level during the preparation for and negotiations of the GATT Uruguay Round between 1980 and 1993. Briefly defined, these three groups are: 1) epistemic communities - networks of professionals who share both specialized knowledge and expertise in a specific issue area; 2) advocacy coalitions - policy actors from various levels of the policy process who share common policy beliefs and work together to turn these policy beliefs into government policy; and 3) elite transnational networks - incorporating political leaders, political appointees and senior government and international institutional officials, these elite level networks are formed through regular contact in either an official or unofficial capacity. The contention of this thesis is that various networks of actors within the distinct policy networks of epistemic communities, advocacy coalitions and elite transnational networks contributed significantly to bringing about the reform of agricultural policy that occurred within the EC and the US between 1980 and 1993 allowing for the establishment of consensus on the liberalization of agricultural trade policy at the multilateral level of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade during the Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this thesis is that these three policy networks varied in their impact according to the specific stage of negotiations due to changing policy needs. I argue that in general: 1) epistemic communities exhibited the most impact during the agenda-setting stage owing in part to their expertise in agricultural trade issues, the existence of a common framework for discussion and their work in creating analytical tools that allowed agricultural liberalization to be politically and economically viable; 2) advocacy coalitions had the most significant role during the second, or policy-making stage, due to their ability to work within the policy environment and shape domestic policy development; and 3) elite transnational networks, due to their ability to provide the necessary political pressure, had the greatest impact in the third, or breakthrough stage.
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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.
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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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Klemet-Nguessan, N. Kouamé. "La propriété intellectuelle et les négociations commerciales de l'Uruguay Round." Nice, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995NICE0025.
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La propriété intellectuelle est depuis le lancement de l'Uruguay Round au nombre des préoccupations des acteurs du commerce international. Le système international de protection s'est en effet révélé inapte à répondre adéquatement aux défis posés par l'apparition des nouvelles technologies ainsi que les différents nés entre états du fait de l'application des règles conventionnelles classiques. Tel est le contexte international qui a favorise la promotion du GATT comme cadre approprié de protection des droits de propriété intellectuelle. L’articulation des droits de propriété intellectuelle au système du GATT soulevait toutefois des difficultés tenant non seulement aux particularismes de ce système, mais aussi au fondement de la compétence du GATT à investir une matière qui a jusque-là relevé du champ de compétence quasi exclusive de l'OMPI. L’accord relatif aux aspects de droits de propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce international, résultat des négociations du cycle d'Uruguay constitue sans conteste une amélioration du système conventionnel traditionnel. Il ne règle cependant pas tous les problèmes. L’organisation mondiale du commerce qui succède au GATT aura à faire face a un certain nombre de défis pour s'affirmer comme l'instance de régulation du commerce mondial.
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Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "O Brasil e as negociações no sistema GATT/OMC: uma análise da Rodada Uruguai e da Rodada Doha." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14032013-121719/.
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A presente Tese de Doutorado tem como objetivo analisar o comportamento do Brasil nas negociações comerciais multilaterais no sistema GATT/OMC, mediante o estudo do processo decisório doméstico que estruturou a atuação do país nas negociações agrícolas na Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) e, na Rodada Doha (2001 2008), com foco no entendimento do processo de formulação das posições apresentadas, no Grupo de Cairns e, no G-20, respectivamente. A partir desses dois estudos de caso e da análise comparada do processo decisório, incorporando parte da literatura de Análise de Política Externa, pretendemos analisar, em dois momentos, no mesmo tema, a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas. O trabalho procura suprir certa lacuna da literatura sobre coalizões no sistema GATT/OMC, pois, a maior parte dos estudos tem dificuldade em incluir aspectos que se localizam, no interior dos sistemas decisórios nacionais, enquanto variáveis relevantes que ajudam a entender o comportamento dos países em coalizões.<br>The objective of this thesis is to analyze Brazilian behavior in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO system, through the study of the domestic decision making process that structured the country positions in the agricultural negotiations during the Uruguay Round (1986 1994) and the Doha Round (2001 2008). Our focus is to understand the domestic decision making process that structured the positions presented by Brazil in the Cairns Group and in the G-20, respectively. From these two case studies, the comparative analysis of the decision making process and incorporating the Foreign Policy Analysis literature, we intend to analyze at two different moments on the same issue, the openness of the Brazilian Foreign Policy to domestic pressure. The work seeks to fill the gap in the literature on coalitions in the GATT/WTO since most studies do not include aspects related to the national decision making process as important variables useful to understand countries behavior in coalitions.
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Modwel, Suman. "Trade in services : an Indian perspective : [thèse soutenue sur un ensemble de travaux]." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993IEPP0004.
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Cette thèse comprend six travaux menés entre 1984 et 1992, sur le sujet des "échanges internationaux". Elle analyse les implications de la décision d'introduire "les services" à l'ordre du jour des négociations multilatérales du commerce au sein du GATT, (accord général sur les tarifs et le commerce)- "Uruguay Round", surtout du point de vue des pays en voie de développement comme l'inde. En conclusion, une discussion de l'ébauche du texte final proposé par le GATT et les réactions que ceci a provoqué en Inde et dans le reste du monde. Les travaux sont présentés en version originale (anglais). Les transitions et le "chapitre final" en français (traduction de l'anglais)<br>This thesis comprises six studies conducted during the period 1984-92 on trade in services. The implications flowing from the decision to introduce services in the agenda of the Uruguay Round of the multilateral trade negociations have been analysed and discussed, specially from the point of view of India, a developing country that played an active role in these GATT talks. The thesis concludes with the "final chapter", which particulary discusses the draft final text proposed by GATT (Dec. 1991), and the reaction it provoked in India and elsewhere
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Etogo, Messomo Mireille. "Les échanges de produits agricoles de la zone tempérée après le cycle d'Uruguay : un test de robustesse de la nouvelle théorie du commerce international." Nice, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000NICE0071.
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Le demi-succès de l'accord agricole de 1993 du GATT a suscité de nombreuses interrogations. Insuffisance des dispositions ? Inadaptation au contexte des échanges ou inefficacité ? L'analyse de telles questions nécessite une bonne connaissance des facteurs qui déterminent la forme du commerce mondial et orientent les choix de politiques commerciale et nationale des pays. Les échanges de produits agricoles sont généralement expliqués par les théories traditionnelles de Ricardo et Hecksher-Ohlin-Samuelson. Ces approches fondent le commerce international sur le principe de l'avantage comparatif issu des différences entre les pays, et sur l'hypothèse de concurrence parfaite avec des rendements constants dans la production. Dans ce contexte, le libre-échange est présenté comme étant la politique optimale, qui garantit des gains à tous les pays prenant part au commerce international, et sert de base aux dispositions du GATT. .<br>The consequences of the agricultural agreement of the Uruguay Round of the GATT which took place between 1986 and 1993 was not a success and induced questions about efficiency, sufficiency or inadequacies of the decisions associated with the trade context. The analysis of such questions needs a deep knowledge of the world trade determinants, and of the orientation of domestic and trade policies of nations. The agricultural products trade is generally explained by Ricardo an Hecksher-Ohlin-Samuelson theories which base the world trade on the comparative advantage principle emerging from the differences between nations, and on the hypothesis of perfect competition with constant economies of scale. In this context, free trade is the optimal policy, providing gains to all the countries partipating to trade, and then orienting GATT s dispositions
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Caldas, Ricardo W. "The evolution of Brazil's position in the Uruguay Round of the GATT, with particular emphasis on the issue of services." Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259452.
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Setser, Bradley W. "Slaying sacred cows : the sources of policy change in US/EU negotiations over agricultural policy and audiovisual services during the GATT Uruguay Round." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285443.
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Houée-Bigot, Magalie. "Modélisation économétrique des effets des instruments de soutien sur les marchés mondiaux des grandes cultures." Paris 9, 2006. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=2006PA090078.
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L'Accord Agricole de l'Uruguay Round (1994) a constitué un tournant dans la libéralisation des échanges agricoles. Les négociations se poursuivent et engendrent de nouvelles réformes de la Politique Agricole Commune et un ajustement des instruments utilisés aux Etats-Unis. Afin de quantifier les effets des instruments de politique agricole, un modèle économétrique mondial représentant les productions, les demandes, et les échanges de produits agricoles est construit. L'originalité de ce projet porte, en particulier, sur la représentation explicite des instruments de politique agricole. La modélisation des fonctions d'exportations et d'importations permet de distinguer les instruments à l’exportation (subventions, crédits, aide alimentaire) et à l’importation (droit de douane, quotas à l’importation). Des simulations de scénarii de politique agricole (libéralisation totale, partielle,…). Sont réalisées<br>The Agricultural Agreement of the Uruguay Round, 1994, was a real change in the liberalization of agricultural trade. Negotiations go on and generate new reform of the Common Agricultural Policy and adaptation of instruments used in the United States. In order to measure impacts of instruments of agricultural policies, a world econometric model which represents production, consumption and trade of agricultural products, is developed. The originality of this project is the explicit representation of instruments of agricultural policies. The modelling of export and import functions allows to distinguish export instruments (subsidy, credit, food aid) and import instruments (tariff, import quota). Simulations of agricultural policies (total or partial liberalization) are implemented
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Meepiarn, Worakamol. "Bargaining strategies for Developing Countries at the WTO : the case of Thailand and the Agreement on Agriculture in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2232/.
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The central research question of the thesis concerns the bargaining and negotiating strategy, as well as the negotiating process, at the GATT and the WTO in relation to developing countries. The key questions this study set out to answer were: considering the vast power disparity developing countries face in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO institution and among a number of available strategies, what is, then, the most effective bargaining strategy, under what conditions? The thesis has sought to make a principal argument corresponding to the research question of this study, based on the findings of the case of Thailand’s participation at the Uruguay Round negotiations. Firstly, the thesis shows that Thailand, along with other developing countries with the same level of economic development and a similar level of experience in multilateral trade negotiations, has not been able to rely on merely one negotiating strategy in order to attain the sought after outcomes. The thesis then illustrates that bargaining strategies have to be exercised in all channels. To further systemise, bargaining strategies could possibly be grouped into three levels: (1) international, where coalition building and mixed strategy of distributive and integrative tactics can be utilised; (2) regional, where regional agreements/regional-based coalitions can be utilised as a springboard for bargaining; and (3) domestic, where the role of individual officials and ministers can feed into the effectiveness of the bargaining strategies being conducted. Therefore, the thesis argues that the limited bargaining power of developing countries makes coalition-building an especially crucial and most appealing tool for their effective diplomacy. The thesis also argues that the most effective bargaining tactics are those of a mixture of distributive and integrative tactics, as stipulated by Odell. The thesis contends that Thailand’s experience seems to throw light on the inadequacies of the conventional accounts of domestic-driven negotiation analysis that assume the great role of domestic institutional inputs in the trade policy formulation process. They assume that trade negotiators and officials arrive at the negotiating position after having calculated and balanced inputs from diverse interests within the state. It is believed that negotiation alternatives for any country are direct outcomes of the particular alignment of domestic actors and interests. However, the finding suggests that a very different dynamic is at work in Thailand. Finally, the thesis has maintained that the driving force in trade policy and negotiating strategy in Thailand remains in the hands of the state, mainly via bureaucratic officials. Therefore, new development in negotiation analysis is needed that is of relevance to developing countries’ experiences, since many developing countries with very different political structures and societies have reacted in very similar ways at the international level.
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Chaour, Chérifa. "Le libre-échange dans l'agriculture : entre le mythe et la pratique : ou l'Uruguay round, de la norme libre échangiste à la réalité interventionniste." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100103.
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Cette these porte sur les mecanismes et le mode de construction de deux modeles agricoles : la politique agricole communautaire et la politique agricole des etats unis. L'analyse du role des etats et de la coordination au gatt cherche a mettre en evidence l'antagonisme entre la doctrine liberale de ces deux puissances agricoles et leurs pratiques interventionnistes. Elle montre comment, jusqu'a l'uruguay round, les arguments en faveur de l'exception agricole ont justifie cet antagonisme et pourquoi l'uruguay round a remis a l'ordre du jour les questions posees par les economistes liberaux depuis le xixeme siecle sur le role regulateur du marche, sans pour autant y apporter une reponse. Cette these veut demontrer que les negociations de l'uruguay round n'ont pas amoindri le role et l'intervention de l'etat dans les pays industrialises seules les formes de leur intervention ont changees. L'uruguay round aura servi a resoudre les conflits usa/cee et a imposer un modele agricole unique, celui des etats unis.
22
Lalanne, Guy. "Libéralisation des échanges commerciaux internationaux : quels ajustements et quelles conséquences pour les ménages et les entreprises." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0145.
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Les deux premiers chapitres examinent les stratégies des entreprises afin d'atteindre les marchés étrangers, sur données françaises. Le premier chapitre montre que les entreprises ont rencontré des difficultés pour saisir l'opportunité que constitue l'ouverture des marchés étrangers suite à la signature de l'Uruguay Round. Cela signifie que l'économie française ne parvient pas à bénéficier de l'ensemble des gains potentiels au commerce. Le second chapitre met en évidence le rôle des grossistes afin de contourner certaines des difficultés rencontrées par les entreprises cherchant à exporter. Un modèle théorique explique la présence des grossistes pour mutualiser les coûts fixes à l'exportation. Les grossistes permettent ainsi aux entreprises d'atteindre des marchés plus difficiles et constituent des catalyseurs de l'exportation des entreprises dont la compétitivité est proche du seuil nécessaire pour pouvoir exporter. Ensuite, les prédictions de ce modèle sont testées sur des données françaises, confirmant ce double rôle des grossistes. Les deux chapitres suivants se penchent, d'un point de vue théorique, sur les questions de distribution des bénéfices liés au commerce international. Ces chapitres cherchent à appréhender simultanément la formation des patrimoines et celle des attitudes face au commerce international. Dans un premier temps, il sera question de l'acquisition de capital humain. Dans un second temps, est étudié le rôle du patrimoine immobilier dans la formation des attitudes face au commerce international. Le patrimoine immobilier permet de prendre en compte une dimension régionale des effets du commerce international, jusque-là négligée<br>The first two chapters study the strategy of firms in serving foreign markets, using French data. The first chapter shows that firms had difficulties in grasping the opportunity offered the foreign markets opening resulting from the Uruguay Round agreement. It reveals that the French economy did not benefit from the potential gains of trade. The second chapter put the emphasis on the role of wholesalers in helping firms to export. A theoretical model explains the use of wholesalers to share the fixed costs of exporting. The wholesalers allow firms to reach more difficult markets and act as a catalyst for the exports of firms whose competitiveness is close to the export rentability threshold. Then the predictions of this model are confronted with the French data, confirming this two-sided role of wholesalers. The next two chapters are theoretically addressing the issue of the distribution of the grains from trade. These chapters simultaneously consider the accumulation of human or physical capital and the formation of attitudes towards trade. The third chapter focuses on human capital. The fourth one studies the role of real estate in shaping the attitudes towards trade. Real estate also allows to take into account the regional dimension of gains from trade, that have largely been disregarded until now
23
Seichepine, Annick. "Les exportations de l'Afrique subsaharienne face aux nouvelles règles du commerce international." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21004.
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Les pays d'Afrique subsaharienne ont abordé les négociations de l'Uruguay en position de faiblesse : exportations fortement polarisées d'un point de vue géographique et sectoriel, endettement extérieur poussant à exporter davantage, nouveaux concurrents mettant en cause les "économies rentières". Marginalisés dans le commerce mondial, ils ont eu du mal à faire valoir leur point de vue lors des négociations. Les accords de Marrakech qui en découlent n'apportent guère de nouvelles opportunités d'exportations mais génèrent de nouvelles contraintes, comme le respect des DPI dans un contexte où le traitement différencié s'affaiblit et où l'intégration économique se heurte au contrôle de l'OMC, ce qui se traduit par un bouleversement de la convention de Lomé.
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Sadok, Hocine. "Les apports juridiques de l'accord de Marrakech instituant l'Organisation mondiale du commerce." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999STR30016.
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Les développements contenus dans ce travail de recherche permettent d'appréhender les acquis du commerce international a la suite de la signature, le 15 décembre 1994, de l'accord de Marrakech instituant l'organisation mondiale du commerce. Ainsi, la première partie constate que les domaines traditionnels appréhendés par le GATT de 1947 et par les accords du Tokyo round de ont été l'objet de réformes à deux niveaux différents. D'une part, celui des règles techniques et des régimes de défense commerciale vis-à-vis des pays tiers, en procédant a une amélioration et une actualisation de ces règles. D'autre part, celui des réglementations sectorielles par la réintégration, à titre principal, dans le jeu classique du commerce des marchandises, de l'agriculture des pays à climat tempéré, ainsi que des textiles. Ensuite, la seconde partie aborde la question de l'introduction de normes dans les nouveaux domaines du commerce international appréhendes par les négociations : les échanges de service, les droits de propriété intellectuelle liés au commerce et les mesures relatives à des investissements et liés au commerce. Mais ce ne sont pas là les seules innovations de la nouvelle réglementation du commerce mondial ; d'une part, le cadre institutionnel du commerce mondial est profondément rénové. L'accentuation de la <> des procédures de règlement des différends constitue à cet égard une innovation déterminante de cette institutionnalisation. D'autre part, on ne saurait non plus ignorer qu'un certain nombre de questions, primordiales pour le développement pacifique des relations commerciales futures, ont été, dans une large mesure, prises en compte lors du cycle d'Uruguay. Il s'agit a la fois de la prise en considération de thématiques particulières, telles que la relation commerce-environnement ou la coopération économique régional, mais également de la prise en compte du statut particulier de certains états, a savoir les pays en transition, et surtout les pays en développement<br>The results contained in this research work allow us to apprehend the innovations of international trade that followed the signature, on the 15th of december 1994, of the Marrakech agreement which created the Word trade organisation. This thesis will start by establishing that the traditional domains apprehended by the GATT and by the agreements of the Tokyo round have been the subjects of reforms at two different levels : on one hand, at the level of the technical rules and regimes of commercial defence regarding third countries which have been updated and improved ; on the other hand, at the level of sectoral regulation by reintegration of the agricultural and textiles sectors of countries of temperate climate in the classical merchandise trade. The thesis will then tackle the question of the introduction of norms in the new domains of international trade apprehended by the negotiations : the trade in services, the rights of intellectual property associated to trade and the measures related to investment and associated trade. However, these are not the only innovations of the new world trade regulations. On one hand, the institutional framework of the world trade is deeply renewed. The increase of the "juridictionalisation" of the procedures for settlement of disagreements constitutes, in this respect, a decisive innovation for this institutionalisation. On the other hand, it cannot either be ignored that a certain number of questions which are essential for the pacific development of the future trade relations have been, to a great extent, taken into account at the Uruguay round. It is important not only to take into consideration particular subjects, such as regional economic cooperation or the relationship trade-environment, but also the partyicular statute of some states, namely those in transition and specially the developing countries
25
Lukavská, Darina. "Mezníky vývoje WTO." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77387.
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The main goal of this thesis is to describe crucial moments in the development of the WTO organization by focusing on key ministerial conferences and negotiations among influential members of this organization. The main goal is therefore to evaluate results and impacts of these ministerial conferences, to describe newly applied rules of international trade in selected trade areas and changes in the negotiation power among members of newly formed informal groups within the organization structures. The thesis is divided into four chapters, each of which describes a milestone which had a significant importance in the development of the WTO organization. The first chapter, called "The Uruguay round", is mainly focusing on the key initiators and players of the whole round of negotiations, on the results and impacts on further WTO development. The second chapter, called "The third ministerial conference in Seattle", is looking for the causes of the negotiations' failure and first strong disagreements among members which were notable since then. The third chapter , called "The fourth ministerial conference in Doha", is describing the process of the Doha negotiations by focusing on the crucial players, informal groups and on issues of the highest importance to most of the WTO members, i.e. trade in agricultural and nonagricultural products. The fourth chapter, called "The July package 2008", is analyzing the content of the proposed package. Even though the WTO members were able to reach conformity in some trade areas several crucial issues have remained unsolved which led to a collapse of the July negotiations and to a non-closure of the whole Doha round.
26
La, Barca Giuseppe. "Agriculture in the United States and the European Community : domestic developments and the GATT, with particular reference to the crises of the 1980s and to the Uruguay round negotiations." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31071.
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This thesis argues that hostilities between the two main trade partners in the international farm market, the United States and the European Community, have their roots in the defence of their market share rather than in the conflict between different economic ideologies. In contrast to non-primary products, the agricultural trade rules in the stillborn Havana Charter and in the long-lasting GATT allowed wide room for manoeuvre for protectionist and subsidising measures. In the twenty years that followed the coming into being of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade the United States tried to secure its market in the member states of the European Community and to curb its growing competitive potential in the world market, but it does not seem that it was ready to make a reshaping of its own system conditional on an international agreement. The strains that afflicted the US and the EC systems in the early 1980s had some features in common but their causes and their effects differed. It is, therefore, natural that the attitudes of the parties in the Uruguay Round negotiations differed. The proposals tabled by the United States aimed at a freer market but did not mean the removal of all kinds of government-financed support and above all were bound to impose a much heavier burden on EC farmers than on their US competitors. In turn the European Community was not ready to commit itself to international deals whose effects on its farm policy would go beyond those of the limited domestic reforms agreed on by the member states. Finally, a formally multilateral, but actually bilateral, agreement was reached when the European Community implemented a farm reform that partially replaced its traditional price support system with an income support system similar to that in place in the United States and the latter abandoned its demands for a radical curtailment of domestic and export subsidies and focused on limited commitments that, however, could rein its European competitors' export capacity.
27
Ahmed, Elshafie Mohamed. "Les relations économiques entre l'Union européenne et l'Égypte." Paris 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA010005.
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L'Egypte a de longues relations économiques avec l'Union européenne (UE). Les aspects commerciaux et financiers de ces relations ont été examinés dans le cadre de la politique communautaire méditerranéenne. En particulier, notre attention a été accordée dans cette thèse à l'analyse de l'évolution et de l'impact des préférences commerciales communautaires sur la performance des exportations égyptiennes. De même, nous avons mis l'accent sur tant l'évolution que les déterminants des flux financiers en provenance de l'UE au cours des trois dernières décennies. Ces relations sont aujourd'hui dans une phase de reconsidération avec l'établissement d'une zone de libre-échange entre les deux parties à 1'horizon 2010. Cette thèse étudie les effets potentiels de l'accord de libre-échange sur l'économie égyptienne. Les implémentations d'autres défis des relations UE/Egypte, tels que le multilatéralisme, l'élargissement communautaire et l'introduction de l'unité monétaire européenne ont été abordées dans ce travail. L'Egypte qui doit faire face à tous ces défis, est contrainte d'ajuster ses politiques économiques et financières afin de s'adapter à la libéralisation économique et à l'insertion dans l'économie internationale.
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Kumar, Mohan. "Negociating dynamics at the WTO : a state of disequilibrium ?" Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0072.
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Cette dissertation vise à fournir une large vision d'ensemble de la dynamique des négociations à l'OMC en regardant, particulièrement les trois Conférences Ministérielles tenues à Marrakech (1994), à Seattle (1999) et à Doha (2001). La participation de l'auteur à ces Conférences est utilisée pour expliquer les résultats que cela soit un échec à Seattle ou un succès à Marrakech et Doha. La dissertation retrace le contexte du « cycle des cycles» - le cycle d'Uruguay et fournit un compte rendu détaillé sur le processus de négociations aussi bien que sur le résultat qui était, selon certains pays sous-développés et pays les moins avancés, à la fois injuste et non mesuré. Cela a conduit au « ressentiment vis-à-vis des négociations » de la part de ces pays. Cela devait avoir un impact durable sur des négociations ultérieures à l'OMC. Entre la conclusion fructueuse du cycle d'Uruguay et la Conférence Ministérielle infortunée de Seattle, les pays développés auraient pu prendre des mesures relatives à l’établissement de la confiance vis-à-vis des pays sous-développés et des pays les moins avancés. Au lieu de procéder de la sorte, ils ont poursuivi sans arrêt leur ordre du jour « d'un cycle Complet. » Le manque de consensus combiné avec de nombreux autres facteurs a assuré l'écroulement des négociations à Seattle. Même au cours des semaines qui précèdent la Conférence Ministérielle de Doha, il n’y avait aucun consensus sur le lancement d'un cycle. Mais cela a changé en raison des événements du 9/11 et l'engagement à adopter « un ordre du jour portant sur le développement ». La dissertation soutient que le cycle de Doha était pataugeant précisément à cause d'une rupture par rapport au susdit engagement. Elle conclut que les négociations au sein de l'OMC sont dans un état de déséquilibre qui est non durable à long terme<br>This dissertation is aimed at providing a broad overview of the negotiating dynamics at the WTO by looking, in particular, at the three Ministerial Conferences held in Marrakesh (1994), in Seattle (1999) and in Doha (2001). The author’s participation in these Conferences is used to explain the outcomes whether it is failure in Seattle or success at Marrakesh and Doha. The dissertation traces the background to the “mother of all Rounds” – the Uruguay Round and provides a detailed account of the negotiating path as well as the outcome which was, in the view of some developing and least-developed countries, both unfair and unbalanced. This led to “negotiating resentment” on the part of these countries. This was to have a lasting impact on subsequent negotiations at the WTO. Between the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the ill-fated Seattle Ministerial Conference, the developed countries could have taken confidence building measures vis-à-vis developing and least-developed countries. Instead, they relentlessly pursued their agenda of a “Comprehensive Round”. Lack of consensus combined with numerous other factors ensured the collapse of negotiations at Seattle. Even weeks before the Doha Ministerial Conference, there was no consensus on the launch of a Round. But this changed because of the 9/11 events and the commitment to adopt a “development agenda”. The dissertation argues that the Doha Round is floundering precisely because of a departure from the above commitment. It concludes that negotiations in the WTO are in a state of disequilibirium which is unsustainable in the long run
29
Bouchez, Dominique. "Gatt/omc : enceinte du conflit agricole entre les Etats-Unis et l'Union européenne." Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100086.
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Le conflit agricole entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe demeure le conflit le plus récurrent au sein du GATT et de l'OMC. Afin de comprendre pourquoi, une étude préliminaire permet de constater que l'agriculture est un secteur très sensible, à tel point que même les Etats-Unis acquis aux thèses libérales doivent soutenir ce secteur. Apparait donc un antagonisme entre l'obligation imposée par le GATT de libéraliser le commerce et la nécessité de maintenir les politiques agricoles. Au sein du GATT, les Etats-Unis parviennent à exempter leur agriculture de la libéralisation, mais ouvrent les hostilités à l'encontre de la CEE et de la PAC en 1962. Le conflit entamé à cette époque existe encore aujourd'hui. En dépit des nouvelles règles établies à l'issue de l'Uruguay round, les conflits traités au sein de l'OMC deviennent plus complexes : des questions touchant à l'intérêt général et à la souveraineté des Etats sont apparues rendant la tâche de l'Organe de règlement des différends plus ardue<br>The agricultural conflict between Europe and the United States remains the most persistent conflict within the GATT and the WTO. So as to understand why, a preliminary study testifies that agriculture is a very sensitive sector, so that even the United States had to support it, in spite of their liberal convictions. Arises then an antagonism between the GATT obligation to liberalise trade and the duty to preserve agricultural policies. Within the GATT, the United States are allowed to exempt their agriculture from the obligation of liberalisation, but start to struggle against the EEC and the CAP in 1962. The conflict that started then is still existing nowadays. Despite the new rules established after the Uruguay Round, the agricultural conflicts within the WTO are multifaceted : the dispute settlement Body has to deal with more complex questions concerning general interest and States' sovereignty
30
Rosiak, Patricia. "L'OMC et la redéfinition de l'ordre juridique international : essai sur les nouveaux principes du droit international économique." Perpignan, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PERP0800.
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Les Accords de Marrakech de 1994 ont redéfini le cadre du domaine économique international avec la mise en place d'une réglementation placée sous contrôle étroit d'une nouvelle Institution : l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC) singularisée par une confusion de pouvoirs. L'Accord GATT, pérénnisé, s'intègre dans un cadre réglementaire élargi et destiné à assurer l'effectivité du libre-échange sur la scène économique internationale. Cet élargissement a eu pour conséquences d'inclure au sein de cette réglementation des opérateurs économiques ainsi appelés à devenir les principaux acteurs de ce nouveau cadre. En corollaire, nous observons que les politiques publiques des Membres font en permanence l'objet d'un contrôle par l'OMC amenuisant ainsi leurs souverainetés économiques. L'OMC est devenue incontournable sur la scène internationale puisque l'ensemble des décisions et des concertations émanant, tant des Organisations spécialisées que des Groupes informels, se trouvent désormais conditionnées par cette réglementation. En parallèle, l'Organe de Règlement des Différends participe progressivement à la reconnaissance et à l'effectivité des droits subjectifs octroyés aux opérateurs économiques par les Accords. L'OMC, par sa pratique, élabore ainsi progressivement un nouveau Droit autonome de nature à redéfinir l'Ordre juridique international. Il ne reste plus à l'Institution qu'à se doter d'une véritable juridiction pour asseoir de manière définitive ce basculement de l'Ordre juridique international<br>The Agreements of Marrakech of 1994 redefined the framework of the international economic field with the installation of a regulation placed under narrow control of a new Institution: the World Organization of Trade (WTO) made conspicuous by a confusion of capacities. Agreement GATT is integrated within a lawful framework widened and intended to ensure the reality of free trade on the international economic scene. This widening resulted in to include within this regulation of the economic operators thus called to become the principal actors of this new framework. In corollary, we observe that the public policies of the Members are checked permanently by WTO reducing their economic sovereignties thus. WTO became impossible to circumvent on the international scene since the whole of the decisions and the dialogues emanating, as well of the Organizations specialized as in the abstract Groups, are from now on conditioned by this regulation. In parallel, the Body of Settlement of the Disputes takes part gradually in the recognition and the reality of the subjective rights granted the economic operators by the Agreements. WTO, by its practice, works out thus gradually a new Autonomous duty likely to redefine the international legal Order. It does not remain any more at the Institution but to obtain a true jurisdiction to sit in a final way this swing of the international legal Order
31
Crottet, Brice. "L'OMC et la protection de la santé publique." Paris 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA020077.
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Les Accords de Marrakech ont fait naître une nouvelle confrontation entre les intérêts sanitaires des Membres et les objectifs économiques du système. La tension entre ces deux séries de valeurs cède désormais la place à une opposition entre, d’un côté, le pouvoir des Membres de protéger la santé publique et, de l’autre, le contrôle du juge de l’OMC sur les mesures commerciales qu’ils ont adoptées à des fins sanitaires. L’analyse de cette question exige néanmoins de dépasser les jugements de valeurs relatifs à la fonction que le juge devrait exercer et au pouvoir discrétionnaire qui, en la matière, devrait être reconnu aux Membres. L’analyse de la motivation des décisions adoptées par les groupes spéciaux et l’Organe d’appel indique l’émergence d’un discours spécifique par lequel le juge de l’OMC désigne la liberté dont jouissent les Membres de définir leurs priorités sanitaires. L’Organe d’appel emploie en effet un concept de risque sanitaire et un concept de niveau de protection afin de désigner le droit des Membres de protéger la santé publique, et, corrélativement, de limiter son contrôle. La portée de ces deux concepts sur les méthodes juridictionnelles employées par le juge révèle une conception particulière du système commercial multilatéral et de la fonction que le juge exerce dans ce cadre. L’Organe d’appel exerce de manière pragmatique son pouvoir juridictionnel afin de préserver, d’un côté, le droit des Membres de protéger la santé publique et, de l’autre, les exigences multilatérales qu’il estime fondamentales. Le juge de l’OMC apparaît dès lors comme le gardien de l’équilibre normal des droits et obligations des Membres dans un système multilatéral
32
Guimarães, Feliciano de Sa. ""A Rodada Uruguai do GATT (1986-1994) e a politica externa brasileira : acordos assimetricos, coerção e coalizões"." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/282028.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz<br>"Dissertação apresentada ao Programa San Tiago Dantas, Convenio UNICAMP/UNESP e PUC - SP"<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T01:01:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Guimaraes_FelicianodeSa_M.pdf: 461249 bytes, checksum: 734216c26780e1793b136f852d51a9aa (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2005<br>Resumo: Este estudo analisa o processo de negociação da Rodada Uruguai do GATT (1986-1994) e sua influência sobre a política externa brasileira, focalizando as mudanças na estratégia do Brasil em matéria comercial durante os anos 80 e 90. Como expressão dessa mudança o estudo analisa também a participação brasileira nas coalizões dos países em desenvolvimento (G-10 e Grupo de Cairns) no intuito de melhor elucidar as possibilidades de inserção internacional do país na arena multilateral do GATT<br>Abstract: The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the influence of Uruguay Round negotiations on the Brazilian foreign policy, focusing the changes of trade strategies during the 80¿s and 90¿s. As an expression of these changes the thesis also analyzes the Brazilian participation on coalitions of developing countries (G-10 and Cairns Group) in order to clarify the possibilities of Brazil concerning the multilateral arena of the GATT<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Winocur, Mahieu Paula. "Les négociations du cycle d'Uruguay et l'Amérique latine : contribution à l'étude juridique des relations entre le régionalisme et le mondialisme." Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA010281.
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L'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), suite du GATT, est à l'origine d'un nouveau système commercial mondial qui se veut aussi tendre vers un libre commerce plus juste et équitable. L'adoption de ce système par tous les pays participants de cette institution, dont les pays de l'Amérique Latine, permettrait de compter sur des règles et disciplines globales (mondialisme ou globalisation). En parallèle de ce processus, des groupes régionaux se sont développés d'une manière croissante afin de faire face à l'asymétrie qui caractérise l'économie mondiale et en renforçant les liens avec d'autres pays, comme c'est le cas des sous-régions latino-américaines et les Etats-Unis (régionalisme). L'Amérique latine va confirmer la tendance actuelle vers le mondialisme en appliquant la théorie de la Commission Economique pour l'Amérique Latine (CEPAL) de "régionalisme ouvert" qui concilie l'interdépendance des accords préférentiels dans la région (comme le Mercosur, la Communauté andine, le Marché commun de l'Amérique Centrale et la Communauté des Carai͏̈bes) avec la libéralisation commerciale mondiale prônée par l'OMC.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural Trade:Prospects for Liberalization After Uruguay and Doha Rounds." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/103.
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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Tsenolo Leche, for the Master of Science degree in Agribusiness Economics, presented on October 29, 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: AGRICULTURAL TRADE: PROSPECTS FOR LIBERALIZATION AFTER URUGUAY AND DOHA ROUNDS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Wanki Moon Chapter 1 outlines the goal of the project by evaluating the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by analyzing the progress and setbacks of the Uruguay and Doha Rounds. The international trade framework is analyzed with consideration of standard trade theory, agricultural protectionism, agricultural trade liberalization efforts and assessment of the prospects for liberalizing agricultural trade in the future. Chapter 2 deals with two issues of standard trade theory: economic rationales for trade and efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II. Evidence suggests free trade is a stimulus for growth and development. Empirical evidence suggests liberalization of trade increases economic growth, decreases poverty, increases productivity and increases technology transfer. Global efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II are summarized. Efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods started in 1947 with the formation of the General Agreement of Tariff and Trade (GATT), a multilateral body. Subsequently, the chapter briefly discusses the GATT's accomplishments through its various rounds of multilateral trade talks. It also looks into other channels that the international community pursued to liberalize trade such as regional trade liberalization, one-way trade to developing countries and unilateral trade liberalization. Chapter 3 examines the history of agricultural protectionism in general and in developed countries. Furthermore, it explains theories behind agricultural protectionism. It identifies instruments countries used to protect their agricultural sector before the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) and in the post-Uruguay period. Chapter 4 examines efforts to liberalize agricultural trade beginning with the Uruguay Round, and including the GATT multilateral trade talks that brought agriculture under the discipline. It examines the commitments and limitations of the round in agriculture trade liberalization under three pillars of trade namely market access, export competition and domestic support. Subsequently, ongoing Doha Development Agenda Rounds are analyzed. Further, it examines the July 2004 framework and proposals from member countries for advancing agricultural trade liberalization. Chapter 5 measures the influence of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the U.S.'s Farm Bills on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations and their influence on the agricultural policies of both the European Union and the U.S. The impact of multifunctionality of agriculture on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations is discussed. Finally, the chapter focuses on the various perspectives by examining the roles of developing countries in the evolution of the Doha Development Agenda. Chapter 6 assesses the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by examining agricultural trade following World War II, the WTO's Uruguay and Doha Rounds and the impact of four members of the WTO on international trade. Chapter 7 concludes that agricultural trade liberalization after the Uruguay and Doha Rounds is not likely to be as free as industrial trade liberalization because of some unique characteristics of agriculture. Based on both the Uruguay and Doha Rounds, the main goal seems to be reduction of trade-distorting domestic supports, improvement of market access and phasing out and eventual elimination of export subsidies.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural trade : prospects for liberalization after Uruguay and Doha rounds /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1968025151&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Dlimi, Dounya. "L’Agriculture des Pays en Développement face à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce." Paris 5, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA05D003.
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La libéralisation des échanges agricoles induite par la mondialisation a un impact mitigé sur l’économie des pays en développement du fait de leur hétérogénéité. Par conséquent, les négociations agricoles au sein de l’OMC soulèvent plusieurs enjeux importants. Le principal intérêt des pays en développement dans leur intégration au système commercial multilatéral est alors la mise en place d’un marché agricole moins soumis à distorsion. Telle est la vocation de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture issu de l’Uruguay Round. Mais cet Accord constitue –t-il un cadre juridique adéquat pour résoudre les problèmes de développement des pays du Sud ? L’instauration d’un Traitement Spécial et Différencié a permis d’introduire le principe juridique d’une gradation des droits et obligations en fonction du niveau de développement des pays. C’est dans ce sens que les négociations de Doha lancées en 2001 ont promu le Programme pour le Développement. Or, l’Accord agricole, tout en visant la libéralisation du commerce agricole mondial, a permis de légaliser les politiques protectionnistes utilisées par les pays développés. De ce fait, les négociations multilatérales stagnent depuis plusieurs années, et se trouvent dans une impasse. Elles devaient être initialement bouclées en 2005, mais leurs échéances ont été maintes fois repoussées. Le dossier agricole constituant leur principale pierre d’achoppement. Par conséquent, la difficulté à laquelle est confrontée l’OMC consiste à concilier deux objectifs qui paraissent antagoniques : la libéralisation du commerce mondial et le développement économique des pays du Sud. La difficulté de la tâche est alors proportionnelle à la divergence des positions des différents acteurs dans les négociations commerciales multilatérales sous l’égide de l’OMC. C’est en tout cas dans ce cadre institutionnel que devrait aboutir la réforme du commerce des produits agricoles<br>Globalization has induced the liberalization of agricultural trading. Such liberalization has a mitigated impact on the economy of developing countries given the diversity of their level of development. Consequently, the agricultural negotiations taking place within the WTO raise a number of important issues. The main advantage sought by developing countries in entering the multilateral trade system lies within the creation of a fairer and less distorted farming market. The Agriculture Agreement produced by the Uruguay Round aims precisely towards this goal. But does this agreement provide the adequate legal frame for tackling the issue of development in emerging countries? The drafting of the Special and Differential Treatment Provisions created the path for the introduction of a legal principle consisting in granting a country rights and obligations in proportion with its level of development. The Doha negotiations launched in 2001 promoted this idea through the Doha Development Agenda. But the Agriculture Agreement, while aiming at the liberalization of world agricultural trade, favored the legalization of protectionism policies used by developed countries. As a result, multilateral negotiations are hardly evolving and are caught in a deadlock situation. They should initially have come into end in 2005, but their deadline have been postponed many times. Indeed, the agricultural issue constitutes their stumbling block. As a consequence, the WTO faces the difficulty to conciliate two aims that seem antagonistic: the liberalization of world trade and the economical development of developing countries. The different actors participating, under the aegis of the WTO, in the multilateral trade negotiation have divergent thinking. The more different their position are, the harder the task of the WTO is. It is however within this institutional frame that the reform in farming product trade should take place
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Bojikian, Neusa Maria Pereira [UNESP]. "Os Estados Unidos e a governança do comércio de serviços: do GATS-Rodada Uruguai aos grandes acordos preferenciais." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151062.
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Previous issue date: 2017-05-11<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>O objetivo desta tese é contribuir para a compreensão dos padrões das regras de comércio de serviços propostas e/ou adotadas pelos Estados Unidos no âmbito das negociações comerciais internacionais, verificando se houve mudanças, se houve repetições desses padrões e quais seriam as causas de um resultado ou outro. O comércio de serviços, após uma assertiva estratégia dos negociadores americanos, entrou para a agenda da Rodada Uruguai de Negociações Comerciais Multilaterais do então GATT e chegou como principal tema nas negociações dos grandes acordos preferenciais de comércio – nomeadamente TPP e TTIP – liderados pelos negociadores americanos. Verifica-se que os padrões em referência espelham uma trajetória traçada a partir de uma campanha também agressiva de organizações e outros agentes, liderados especialmente pelo setor de serviços financeiros, em defesa de seus interesses. Tais atores, que foram essenciais no lançamento dessa agenda, continuaram dando sustentação aos acordos comerciais ao longo de todos esses anos, constituindo os maiores demandeurs a favor da liberalização. Entretanto, os negociadores americanos, se por um lado manifestaram total interesse em realizar ganhos com tal liberalização, alinhando-se a esses demandeurs, por outro, viram-se desde o início desafiados por constrangimentos internos e externos. A argumentação central defendida aqui é que as regras de comércio propostas e/ou adotadas pelos Estados Unidos no âmbito das negociações comerciais internacionais sobre serviços – especificamente serviços financeiros; serviços de telecomunicações; serviços audiovisuais; serviços de transporte marítimo – no GATS-Rodada Uruguai, mas efetivamente institucionalizadas no NAFTA, em função das circunstâncias adversas enfrentadas pelo México, resultaram das demandas de vários atores privados e públicos e foram moldadas dentro dos limites institucionais existentes. Tal institucionalização, ao mesmo tempo em que caracterizou uma resposta dos negociadores americanos ao padrão institucional que estava sendo adotado no GATSRodada Uruguai, tornou-se um padrão que teve influência recorrente e amplamente determinante nas regras resultantes das negociações envolvendo Estados Unidos que surgiram a partir de então. Tais argumentos estão ancorados nos pressupostos da abordagem analítica institucionalista histórica e nos conceitos path dependence, conjuntura crítica, nos mecanismos feedback positivo, sequenciamento e nos conceitos de transformações graduais, que ajudam a identificar o desenvolvimento institucional.<br>The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of the standards of service trade rules proposed and/or adopted by the United States in the context of international trade negotiations, verifying if there were changes, if there were repetitions of these standards and what would be the causes of a result or another. Trade in services, following an assertive strategy of American negotiators, entered the agenda of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations of the then GATT and came up with as the main topic in the negotiations of the major preferential trade agreements – notably TPP and TTIP – led by the American negotiators. The standards in question reflect a path traced from an aggressive campaign of organizations and other agents, led especially by the financial services sector, in defense of their interests. These actors, who were essential in launching this agenda, continued to support trade agreements throughout all these years, making them the largest demandeurs in favor of liberalization. However, the American negotiators, if on the one hand expressed full interest in making gains from such liberalization, by aligning themselves with these demandeurs, on the other, found themselves challenged from the outset by internal and external constraints. The central argument advocated here is that the trade rules proposed and/or adopted by the United States in the context of international trade negotiations on services – specifically financial services; telecommunication services; audiovisual services; maritime transport services – in the Uruguay Round GATS, but effectively institutionalized in NAFTA, due to the adverse circumstances faced by Mexico, resulted from the demands of several private and public actors and were shaped within the existing institutional limits. Such institutionalization, while that featured a response from the American negotiators to institutional standard that was being adopted in the GATS-Uruguay Round, became a pattern that had recurrent and largely determining influence on the rules resulting from the negotiations involving the United States that emerged thereafter. Such arguments are anchored in the assumptions of the historical institutionalist analytical approach and in the concepts of path dependence, critical juncture, in the positive feedback and sequencing mechanisms, and in the concepts of gradual transformations that help identify institutional development.
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Bojikian, Neusa Maria Pereira. "Os Estados Unidos e a governança do comércio de serviços : do GATS-Rodada Uruguai aos grandes acordos preferenciais /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151062.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz<br>Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é contribuir para a compreensão dos padrões das regras de comércio de serviços propostas e/ou adotadas pelos Estados Unidos no âmbito das negociações comerciais internacionais, verificando se houve mudanças, se houve repetições desses padrões e quais seriam as causas de um resultado ou outro. O comércio de serviços, após uma assertiva estratégia dos negociadores americanos, entrou para a agenda da Rodada Uruguai de Negociações Comerciais Multilaterais do então GATT e chegou como principal tema nas negociações dos grandes acordos preferenciais de comércio – nomeadamente TPP e TTIP – liderados pelos negociadores americanos. Verifica-se que os padrões em referência espelham uma trajetória traçada a partir de uma campanha também agressiva de organizações e outros agentes, liderados especialmente pelo setor de serviços financeiros, em defesa de seus interesses. Tais atores, que foram essenciais no lançamento dessa agenda, continuaram dando sustentação aos acordos comerciais ao longo de todos esses anos, constituindo os maiores demandeurs a favor da liberalização. Entretanto, os negociadores americanos, se por um lado manifestaram total interesse em realizar ganhos com tal liberalização, alinhando-se a esses demandeurs, por outro, viram-se desde o início desafiados por constrangimentos internos e externos. A argumentação central defendida aqui é que as regras de comércio propostas e/ou adotadas pelos Estados Unidos no âmbito das negociações comerciais internac... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Doutor
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Williams, Brett Gerard. "The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw72122.pdf.
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Dunphy, Sarah Margaret. "180: Developing Countries' About-Face in the Uruguay Round." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/39739.
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International trade ties the world together and is hypothetically fair and equal. In reality, it is highly asymmetrical and poses a significant challenge for developing countries. A massive sea change occurred in the international trade regime during the Uruguay Round of negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) from 1986 to 1994. Developing countries as a whole began to embrace liberal trade policies which seemed to be the only alternative to failing import substitution industrialization (ISI). An historical comparative account describing and explaining this transformation of developing countries’ attitudes toward the GATT is used in this dissertation to provide an alternative explanation for the transition of developing countries from having little interest in the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations to sharply changing course and adopting neo-liberal policies which supported the conclusion of the Round. Three theoretical approaches seek to explain why this change occurred, including: liberal trade theory (economic reforms), dependency theory (external forces) and constructivism (the role epistemic communities).
The Uruguay Round negotiations were dynamic and heavily influenced by two power-house developing economies, India and Brazil, who were initially opposed to the Round itself. Kenya found itself in a starkly different situation with minimal ability to participate or influence negotiations. These three countries constitute the study’s illustrative case studies. As negotiations progressed, India and Brazil changed course and agreed to the Round’s ‘single-undertaking’ and the ‘inequitable Grand Bargain’ between the developed and developing economies. This subsequently led to other developing countries following suit through a powerful demonstration effect in a trade-off between the inclusion of trade in services and intellectual property for reforms in agriculture and textiles & clothing. While economic reforms began to occur and attitudes began to change during the Uruguay Round itself, assessing developing countries during the Round found that no single theoretical approach can explain developing countries’ transformation; rather each had their own trajectory for their economic reforms. A multi-dimensional conclusion provides the most comprehensive account of this transformation of the global trade regime.
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Kennedy, Philip Lynn. "Agricultural policy decisions in the Uruguay Round a game-theoretic examination /." 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32904106.html.
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Peek, Kevin M. "Sovereignty after Uruguay a critical analysis of the impact of the Uruguay Round and the World Trade Organization on continued nation-state sovereignty /." 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50223396.html.
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Yang, Vickie, and 楊思莉. "A Study on the Regulations Relating to the Liberalization of rnational Air Transport in Uruguay Round." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57192216879128688622.
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Pan, Chien-chang, and 潘建彰. "The Fair Trade Regulation of the European Community after the Uruguay Round- Council Regulation No.3286/94." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/63003001752256276980.
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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>歐洲研究所<br>85<br>The EC amended the New Commercial Policy Instrumant(Reg.
No.2641/84) by legislating new regulation to implement
obligations of WTO agreement after the GATT Uruguay Round. This
new regulation is the Council Regulation No.3286/94(hereinafter
Reg.3286/94) discussed in this dissertation. In addition import
relief and more effective export relief function, Reg.3286/94
also has the objective of market-opening strategy and may
maintain normal competition on the market of a third country to
wipe out barriers of market access. When considering "obstale to
trade" of a third country and its impact to the Community
industry or enterprise, Reg.3286/94 sets up a universal standard
that is in accordance with the international trade rules, Even
under international obligations, the EC can deliver its trade
dispute with the third country to the international dispute
settlement procedure concerned by enforcing Reg.3286/94
procedure to deal with such conflict. Therefore, Reg.3286/94
provides the individual, Community industry and Community
enterprise, according to the international rules, an access to
the international procedures claiming for relief indirectly. The
EC shall not take unilateral retaliative measures against the
third country; however, it shall obey the international rules
and the results of international procedure within multilateral
trade system. Furthermore, Reg.3286/94 is applied not only to
traditional trade in goods but also to newly-developed trade in
services, especially in cross-frontier supplies not involving
any movement of persons.The above-mentioneddescriptions show a
special feature of Reg.3286/94 and its difference with a state's
trade law. These descriptions reveal that the EC's endeavour to
perform international rules and obligations and its attitude
adjusting various interests between the Community and the third
countries coexist with futher economic integration for promoting
the EC business competitiveness as well. Consequently, it is
optimistical for this thesis that if Reg.3286/94 can be properly
enacted by the EC, the multilateral trade system will continue
to evolve into a legalism that secure the international trade
rules.
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Dacha, Nitin Vinod Cobbe James H. "Prospects of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the reality of its impact on Indian agricultural trade." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04212005-031931.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005.<br>Advisor: Dr. James Cobbe, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 7, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 72 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Chung, Byung-hwa. "A Two-Level Games Analysis of the Agricultural Trade Negotiations Between the United States and the European Community in the Uruguay Round." 1994. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/1211.
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Jánská, Lucie. "Efektivita rozhodovacího procesu ve WTO - Uruguayské a Katarské kolo." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372899.
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The study examines multilateral negotiation in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and later in the World Trade Organization. It analyses the effectiveness of the decision-making process on the liberalization of trade in agricultural products in the Uruguay and Doha rounds of negotiations. Agriculture seems to be the most problematic and the most controversial issue on the agenda during the both rounds of negotiations. The aim of the study is to analyse the negotiation processes in selected cases and compare them to identify factors explaining the difference in the effectiveness of the decision-making process between Uruguay and Doha round. The study also attempts to clarify why it is so complicated to conclude the Doha round after more than fifteen years of negotiations. Therefore, six factors with presumed influence on the effectiveness of the decision-making process are defined in the theoretical part of the study: number of actors, leadership, inclusiveness of negotiation, agenda complexity, coalitions and strategies of actors. The degree of influence of these factors is then tested in the practical part of the study. The study assumes that the efficiency of the decision-making process is increased by the reduced number of active actors in the negotiation, the willingness of the actors...
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Williams, Brett Gerard. "The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies / Brett Gerard Williams." 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw72122.pdf.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. i-xxxii) Pt. 1. Is there a link between the problem with agriculture under GATT rules and policy choice under GATT rules? -- pt. 2. The economic and political significance of distinctions between policy instruments -- pt. 3. The application of the pre-Uruguay Round GATT to agriculture -- pt. 4. The Uruguay Round rules on agriculture -- pt. 5. The thesis and its importance Seeks an answer to the legal difficulties in applying GATT to agriculture
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Manyin, Mark E. "Breaking the silence Japan's behavior in the Tokyo and Uruguay Rounds of the GATT /." 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45010292.html.
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Owusu, Jacob Quarmy. "GATT's Tokyo and Uruguay rounds of trade negotiations and the external trade of developing countries." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33032152.html.
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