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1
Orchard, Lionel. „Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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2
Cole, Peter. „Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880“. Thesis, Cole, Peter (2000) Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/660/.
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The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.
3
Cole, Peter. „Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia : modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880“. Murdoch University, 2000. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20061122.125641.
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The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate
historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major
urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's
widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban
railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in
detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly
developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The
llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for
the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built
suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements
of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early
basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and
maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and
government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of
private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government
owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting
practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths
concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political
view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the
private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary
narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible
explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical
economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate
of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of
government.
4
Paris, Chris. „Social theory and housing policy“. Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130120.
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5
Hemmers, Carina. „Nyungar wiring boodja : Aboriginality in urban Australia“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3448.
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The present thesis examines the themes of ‘shared history,' ‘place-making,' and ‘reconciliation' to assess how these come together in the establishment of an Aboriginal identity in Perth, Western Australia. Focusing on individuals who do not represent the common stereotypes associated with Aboriginal Australians, it will be demonstrated that these individuals are forced into an in-between place where they have to continually negotiate what Aboriginality means in the twenty-first century. Taking on this responsibility they become mediators, stressing a ‘shared history' in order to create a place for themselves in the non-Aboriginal landscape and to advance reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australia by fighting the dominant discourse from within. Beginning with the State and Government's Native Title appeal premiss that Nyungar never existed, this thesis will examine this claim by first presenting an account of the history of southwest Western Australia to establish the place Aboriginal people have been forced into by the colonists during early settlement, and the processes of which extend into the present day. From there on in the focus will be on individual Aboriginal people and their careers and businesses, examining how they attempt to redefine what is perceived and accepted as Aboriginality through different interaction and mediation ‘tactics' with non-Aboriginal Australians. Finally, this thesis will take a closer look at the reconciliation movement in Australia and the people involved in it. It will determine different approaches to reconciliation and assess their possibility and meaning for the construction of a twenty-first century Aboriginal identity. The thesis will conclude that although Nyungar are forced into the dominant discourse, their resistance from within credits a new kind of Aboriginality that is just as valid as the ‘traditional' and ‘authentic' Aboriginality imagined by non-Aboriginal Australia.
6
Pyvis, David. „The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia“. Thesis, Pyvis, David (1991) The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1991. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51305/.
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This thesis argues against the prevailing orthodox view that governments in Australia have only recently recognised a need to isolate and address youth as a distinct population. Focusing particularly on Commonwealth policy, it provides evidence of a long and sustained history of government interventions with youth. (Attention is concentrated less on the implementation of these policies than on the rhetoric of the policy-makers: the sorts of reasons used in defence of government interventions, particularly in parliamentary debate.) This approach facilitates examining the way power is exercised over youth through the concepts in terms of which young people are identified and thought about and reveals an enduring logic underpinning government youth policy. The thesis argues that youth policy is characterised by the recognition of youth as a potential force or resource of the state to be developed and harnessed. But it goes beyond suggesting that youth is simply utilised in the national interest. Concentrating on the identity and roles politicians construct for youth in their rhetoric, it argues that this policy area marks out a generational interest, so that the old govern the young in the interests of preserving their own power. Youth policy is informed by the recognition of youth as a threat to the status quo. It is shaped by the need of each 'ruling generation' to oblige the young to accept its discipline and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of 'its' state. So the thesis ultimately argues that youth policy does not usually take the form of a benevolent intervention on behalf of youth, but is more commonly developed in the interests of its makers.
7
Gordon, Michael Lynn Harvey. „Urban land policy and the provision of housing in Canada, 1900-1985“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/24672.
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This thesis investigates one of the major factors in the supply and cost of housing, land. The hypothesis of this thesis is that a principal reason why Canada continues to have a housing problem is that government housing policy has treated land as a market commodity much like any other and has rarely examined, let alone challenged, the ramifications of this assumption in terms of its impact on the supply, quality and price of housing. The examination of the land component of urban housing is pursued by exploring the following research questions: How have Canadian government officials, politicians and reformers defined the urban land problem as it relates to housing and what land policies have been considered and implemented in relation to housing problems? The public, professional and academic discussion of these questions is pursued by a review of the professional and academic literature, municipal plans, technical reports and government studies and the debates on housing and urban land policy in the federal parliament. The thesis is divided into two parts. First, the philosophy of private landownership and the basic thrust of public land policy is examined. Most attention is given to the nature of property rights and their protection and enforcement by government as it is the most fundamental land policy. Also, the nature of urbanization and the intervention of government in urban development and housing since 1900 is reviewed. Second, an historical overview of land policy and the provision of housing is provided. This discussion is divided into four historical periods: 1900-1929, 1930-1939, 1940-1969, 1970-1985. The constraints on and opportunities for urban land policy are examined and the nature of land policy in each period is discussed. There have been, in general, five categories of land policies adopted since 1900: land use zoning, subdivision regulation, public infrastructure and servicing programmes, public land assembly programmes and unearned increment taxes. These policies have emphasized the treatment of land as a privately held market commodity. There is a conflict between the desires of private land owners to maximize the return on their land and the need of the broader community to obtain land for housing at prices which make affordable and physically adequate housing feasible. This conflict is at the crux of the urban land problem.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
8
Frey, Christopher J. „Ainu schools and education policy in nineteenth-century Hokkaido, Japan“. [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3292445.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2007.Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 28, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4636. Adviser: Heidi Ross.
9
Gerner, R. P. „Urban design and the Better Cities Program the influence of urban design on the outcomes of the Program /“. Connect to full text, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/578.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 28, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Architecture, Planning and Allied Arts, Faculty of Architecture. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
10
Rutland, Suzanne D. „The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939“. University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.
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11
Pettingell, Judith Ann. „Panics and Principles: A History of Drug Education Policy in New South Wales 1965-1999“. University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4150.
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PhDWhen the problem of young people using illegal drugs for recreation emerged in New South Wales in the 1960s drug education was promoted by governments and experts as a humane alternative to policing. It developed during the 1970s and 1980s as the main hope for preventing drug problems amongst young people in the future. By the 1990s drug policy experts, like their temperance forbears, had become disillusioned with drug education, turning to legislative action for the prevention of alcohol and other drug problems. However, politicians and the community still believed that education was the best solution. Education Departments, reluctant to expose schools to public controversy, met minimal requirements. This thesis examines the ideas about drugs, education and youth that influenced the construction and implementation of policies about drug education in New South Wales between 1965 and 1999. It also explores the processes that resulted in the defining of drug problems and beliefs about solutions, identifying their contribution to policy and the way in which this policy was implemented. The thesis argues that the development of drug education over the last fifty years has been marked by three main cycles of moral panic about youth drug use. It finds that each panic was triggered by the discovery of the use of a new illegal substance by a youth subculture. Panics continued, however, because of the tension between two competing notions of young people’s drug use. In the traditional dominant view ‘drug’ meant illegal drugs, young people’s recreational drug use was considered to be qualitatively different to that of adults, and illegal drugs were the most serious and concerning problem. In the newer alternative ‘public health’ view which began developing in the 1960s, illicit drug use was constructed as part of normal experimentation, alcohol, tobacco and prescribed medicines were all drugs, and those who developed problems with their use were sick, not bad. These public health principles were formulated in policy documents on many occasions. The cycles of drug panic were often an expression of anxiety about the new approach and they had the effect of reasserting the dominant view. The thesis also finds that the most significant difference between the two discourses lies in the way that alcohol is defined, either as a relatively harmless beverage or as a drug that is a major cause of harm. Public health experts have concluded that alcohol poses a much greater threat to the health and safety of young people than illegal drugs. However, parents, many politicians and members of the general community have believed for the last fifty years that alcohol is relatively safe. Successive governments have been influenced by the economic power of the alcohol industry to support the latter view. Thus the role of alcohol and its importance to the economy in Australian society is a significant hindrance in reconciling opposing views of the drug problem and developing effective drug education. The thesis concludes that well justified drug education programs have not been implemented fully because the rational approaches to drug education developed by experts have not been supported by the dominant discourse about the drug problem. Politicians have used drug education as a populist strategy to placate fear but the actual programs that have been developed attempt to inform young people and the community about the harms and benefits of all drugs. When young people take up the use of a new mood altering drug, the rational approach developed by public health experts provokes intense anxiety in the community and the idea that legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco and prescribed drugs can cause serious harm to young people is rejected in favour of an approach that emphasizes the danger of illegal drug use.
12
Totaro, Genevois Mariella. „Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia“. Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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13
Holloway, Philippa. „Tending to deviance : sexuality and public policy in urban Virginia, Richmond and Norfolk, 1920-1950 /“. The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148818889443981.
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14
Ndubueze, Okechukwu Joseph. „Urban housing affordability and housing policy dilemmas in Nigeria“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/298/.
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Given the increasing importance of affordability in housing policy reform debates, this study develops a new composite approach to measuring housing affordability and employs it to examine the nature of urban housing affordability in Nigeria. The data used in this study are based on the Nigerian Living Standards Survey 2003-2004. The aggregate housing affordability model developed here measures housing affordability problems more accurately and classifies the housing affordability status of households more appropriately than the conventional affordability models. Findings show very high levels of housing affordability problems in Nigeria with about 3 out of every 5 urban households experiencing such difficulties. There are also significant housing affordability differences between socio-economic groups, housing tenure groups and states in Nigeria. The current national housing policy that de-emphasises government involvement in housing provision does not allow the country’s full potential for tackling its serious affordability problems to be realised and, hence, the laudable ‘housing for all’ goal of the policy has remained elusive. Nigerian socio-economic realities demand far more vigorous government involvement in housing development, working with a more committed private sector, energised civil societies and empowered communities to tackle the enormous housing problems of the country
15
Sendziuk, Paul 1974. „Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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16
Amirinejad, Ghazal. „Ambiguity at the peri-urban interface and its influences on flood management“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2019. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/130827/2/Ghazal_Amirinejad_Thesis.pdf.
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This study explores how current flood management policy-making has been influenced by a lack of accurate knowledge - and the substantial ambiguities that exist as an integral part of the peri-urbanisation phenomenon in South East Queensland, Australia. The central conclusion of this research is that land use management in a flood prone area is directly impacted by the peri-urban phenomenon with its spectrum of ambiguities. It was also found that an understanding of peri-urban characteristics differs substantially amongst key stakeholders, and, combined with both ambiguity and a context of rapid, often fragmented development, this difference in understanding may influence policy-making in flood prone areas.
17
Greene, Charlotte Jordon. „"Fantastic dreams" William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century /“. University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThe structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity
18
Gibson, Lisanne, und L. Gibson@mailbox gu edu au. „Art and Citizenship- Governmental Intersections“. Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 1999. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.085219.
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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.
19
Brankovich, Jasmina. „Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998“. University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
20
Wigman, Albertus. „Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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21
Wang, Xueliang 1956. „Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.
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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.
22
徐奕培 und Yig-pui Tsui. „Urban land policy in China: a case study of Shenzhen Special Economic Zone“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977157.
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23
Windsor, Carol A. „Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s“. Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.
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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).
24
Crisp, Zoë Francesca. „The urban back garden in England in the nineteenth century“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607993.
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25
Hall, Jacob Dean. „The myth of the motor city: urban politics, public policy, and the suburbanization of Detroit's automobile industry, 1878-1937“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2219.
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This dissertation locates the origins of Detroit's urban decline in the second and third decades of the twentieth century, when many of the city's leading automobile manufacturers and wealthier residents relocated to the city's suburbs and resisted incorporation into the city of Detroit. Suburbanization occurred in conjunction with the unprecedented growth in population and undeveloped property, which created major structural problems that Detroit's municipal government was unable to adequately address. Ultimately, the city's urban issues cost the city its ability to maintain its public services and expand its institutions to newly incorporated areas.
Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Detroit's municipal government had provided a comprehensive set of public services--what I refer to as municipal welfare--that were designed to provide for the welfare of the city's growing needy and immigrant working class populations. These institutions were often created because of the failure of the private sector to adequately provide services that were efficient and comprehensive. Detroit's residents and its policymakers mobilized around municipal welfare issues and established a set of innovative publicly owned relief and welfare institutions, including (but not limited to) the city's water works, its Poor Commission, its school system, its markets, its transportation system, and its recreation systems. In this period, the city's residents enjoyed a relatively low cost of living and avoided many of the harshest effects of urbanization that other large cities were experiencing at the turn of the century.
Detroit's municipal welfare system came under severe stress beginning in the 1910s, when much of the region's most lucrative industrial and residential properties became concentrated outside of Detroit's taxable jurisdiction in suburbs including Highland Park, Hamtramck, Dearborn, and Melvindale River Rouge. Because Detroit's government lacked the tax base to accommodate the city's rapidly growing population through its municipal welfare services, the city developed transportation problems, sewage problems, housing shortages, a deteriorating infrastructure, employment problems, increased racial segregation, and a sharp rise in the cost of living. The final two chapters focus on the political career of Josephine Gomon as Executive Secretary to the Mayor and as Detroit's first Secretary-Director of Public Housing to trace the attempts of her and others to maintain the city's commitment to municipal welfare during the 1920s and 1930s. Despite their efforts, when the Depression hit in the late 1920s and persisted throughout the 1930s, Detroit was forced to transfer most of its welfare services to state and federal agencies. The city's municipal welfare advocates lost their political influence in the process, marking the permanent decline of municipal welfare governance in Detroit. World War II and the post war boom temporarily revived the city's economy. However, it masked many of the structural problems that the city's poor and working class residents--many of whom were African Americans and working class mothers--were facing and the city's municipal welfare system had once addressed, setting the stage for the urban crisis that hit the city throughout the second half of the twentieth century.
26
Lapham, Angela. „From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
27
Yao, Yu, und 姚昱. „Urban development in modern China, 1937-1976: a case study of Baoji city“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015156.
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Stenhouse, Renae N. „Ecology and management of bushland in Australian cities“. University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0027.
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[Truncated abstract] Native vegetation (bushland) in urban areas remains in small, isolated patches embedded within a matrix of human-dominated land uses. Bushlands in urban areas have high biodiversity conservation and social values, and there has been a local-level movement towards protecting and managing urban bushlands in Australia. This thesis aims to test principles, theories and concepts relating to the ecology and management of bushland fragments in Australian cities ... A commonly used qualitative scale was compared with an ecologically based, quantitative technique developed in the research. The qualitative scale was found to be a reliable proxy for assessing vegetation condition, while also being more user-friendly for community groups and other bushland managers. The human-caused disturbances and weed cover in urban bushlands indicate a need for management intervention. Local government has an important role in local biodiversity management, yet there has been little research on this topic ... Positive partnerships developed where local governments have taken a ‘contract model’ approach to volunteer coordination, have a number of expectations of volunteer groups, and provide the groups with relatively high level of assistance. Also important is a local government that supports, respects, trusts and communicates with the community group, and recognises volunteers’ skills, knowledge and contributions. With increased resources allocated to local government bushland management and conservation, and coordination with community groups, the full potential of local bushland management would be realised.
29
Nicholds, Alyson. „Building capacity for regeneration : making sense of ambiguity in urban policy outcomes“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3495/.
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UK regeneration exists amid a ‘burgeoning’ literature which states the ongoing desire to improve the outcomes of urban policy. However, concern about the symbolic nature of regeneration policy and its re-production in the form of ‘linguistic debates’, can latterly be witnessed in the context of more ‘discursive’ concerns rooted in shifting patterns of governance. Drawing empirically from research with fifty UK regeneration professionals and Laclau & Mouffe’s (2001) theory of socialist hegemony to explore reasons for the persistence of such ambiguity, three rival discourses emerge in the form of ‘Building City Regions’; ‘Narrowing the Gap’; and ‘Building Community Capacity’. What a critical analysis suggests is that by ‘deconstructing’ rather than ‘deciphering’ the goals of regeneration policy, a temporary ‘discursive’ form of regeneration emerges in which the contradictions and tensions within the discourse are represented in the form of ‘nodal points and floating signifiers’ and articulated through the notion of lack. This can be linked to the bureaucratic struggles which emerge as a result of a ‘new right’ hegemony, which commodifies all aspects of work and social life to bring market-informed ways of seeing and doing to every aspect of regeneration practice. Actors seek to manage such complexity through emotional investment.
30
Bianco, Martha J. „Private Profit Versus Public Service: Competing Demands in Urban Transportation History and Policy, Portland, Oregon, 1872-1970“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4754.
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This dissertation is a case study of the history of urban transportation policy in Portland, Oregon, between 1872 and 1970. The emphasis is on mass transit policy formulated and implemented by the private and public sectors as response to crises within both the local transit industry and the urban political economy. These crises are placed in the context of the continuing conflict between the industry's right to profit and its obligation to meet the competing demands of its constituencies: ridership's demands for low fares and comprehensive service; labor's demands for competitive wages; downtown businesses' demands for peak-hour service; and the regulatory demands imposed by the city and state. The development of Portland's mass transit policy is presented within the larger context of urban transportation policy and planning in general and is compared with the experiences of other cities throughout the country.
This study concludes the primary crises that defined urban transportation policy in Portland can be divided into two types. Those that existed during the period of private ownership arose from the conflicting demands of the various actors in the transportation policy process. There were also those crises that arose just prior to and during the transition to public ownership: in addition to the traditional conflicts that had been present--labor, ridership, the city--there were new elements of conflict between the central city and the growing suburbs.
This study also concludes that the decline of transit began in 1919 and that the roots of this decline lie in the structure of the industry, its place in the local political economy, and in its inherently antagonistic relationship with the city. While the use of the automobile, suburbanization, and highway development were all significant factors in accelerating transit's decline, they alone do not explain transit's decline.
Finally, this study concludes that in the Portland case, it was a combination of several factors that worked together to facilitate the implementation of public ownership and operation of transit in Portland, including growing concern about the weakening economic strength of the central city and the availability of new sources of implementation funding.
31
Hu, Bo. „Education for migrant children : policy implementation in the changing urban education system in China“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/616/.
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This thesis aims to examine the extent to which migrant children’s education policy is implemented and identifies the factors that affect the implementation of this policy in the Chinese context. In the last two decades, urban China has witnessed a rapid increase in the number of children of rural-urban migrants. It has become a public concern that migrant children do not have access to education and cannot receive as good an education as do urban children in the cities, even though there are policies formulated by the central government to tackle this issue. The thesis adopts mixed research methods to examine the implementation of migrant children’s education policy. Main sources of the evidence include semi-structured interviews, statistical data, government documents and internal reports by local schools. The thesis divides migrant children’s education policy into three parts: funding and school access policy, equal opportunity policy and school support and social integration policy. It is found that policies for migrant children are selectively or partially implemented. Some policy goals have been achieved, while others have not. Certain groups of migrant children have access to urban public schools and receive high quality education while others do not. A policy analysis shows that migrant children’s education policy is ambiguous in goals and weak in incentives, which grants local governments and schools scope to act with discretion. Non-implementation of sufficient funding and school access policy result from self-interested and habitual decisions of local governments. Implementation of equal opportunity policy is affected by the workings of the exam-oriented education system in China. Social integration policy appears to be well-implemented due to effective school support available to migrant children and good intergroup relationship between migrant and urban children. The findings imply that further policy reform is needed to improve the educational opportunities of migrant children. In particular, special attention should be focused on those policy areas not effectively implemented and more support should be directed to those migrant children who are more disadvantaged.
32
Berger, Jane Alexandra. „When hard work doesn't pay gender and the urban crisis in Baltimore, 1945-1985 /“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1195075936.
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Potyondy, Patrick Ryan. „Reimagining Urban Education: Civil Rights, the Columbus School District, and the Limits of Reform“. The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338335183.
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34
De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.
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Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contributionDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
35
Herzberg, Susie. „Urban transport planning and the use of the bicycle“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PLM/09plmh582.pdf.
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36
Arthurson, Kathy. „Social exclusion as a policy framework for the regeneration of Australian public housing estates /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha791.pdf.
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37
Lovell, Michael Anthony. „Church Reunification: Pope Urban II’s Papal Policy Towards the Christian East and Its Demise“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/38.
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The relations between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church have long been studied over the years in academia. Much focus has been placed upon the Fourth Crusade as the final act that brought the schism of 1054 into full development between the two churches. However, it was during the First Crusade that the Roman Catholic Church made its first concrete efforts to repair relations with the Eastern Orthodox Church. Yet such efforts were eventually twisted to suit the purposes of some of the crusading lords, and thus becoming arguably the largest blow to church reunification because it lead to the permanent formation of an anti-Greek attitude in Latin Europe.
38
Selby, Joan Louise. „Urban rental housing in Canada, 1900-1985 : a critical review of problems and the response of government“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25521.
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There is widespread agreement among housing policy analysts that there are serious problems with Canada's urban rental housing sector. The specific problems include declining and persistently low vacancy rates, declining private sector starts, and the unaffordability of private stock for a considerable portion of low- and moderate-income renters. Given the importance of rental accommodation, particularly for those lower-income households unable to enter or remain in the ownership sector, this situation has prompted a discussion as to whether the past and current approach to rental housing policy is appropriate to the solution of rental housing problems, or whether new or different strategies for addressing rental problems are warranted.
Within the context of both this discussion and of an ongoing debate as to the appropriate role of the state in housing markets, this thesis investigates what measures the Canadian government has taken over the past eighty-five years to address rental housing problems. Dividing this period into four eras - 1900-1940, 1940-1949, 1949-1964, and 1964-1985 - the thesis examines the existence and extent of rental housing problems; documents how rental problems have been defined and analyzed by housing experts and what their policy recommendations have been; and reviews the response of the federal government to rental problems. The primary assumption underlying the research is that government intervention in the rental market has been minimal, ad hoc, and largely market-supportive, and that this approach to rental problems has had an enormous impact on problem resolution. Government response to rental problems is reviewed and the research assumption is tested by examining major government and private housing studies, contemporary academic articles and media reports, statistical analyses, the debates in the House of Commons, and housing-related legislation in its original and amended forms.
The evidence suggests that government intervention in the rental sector has indeed been minimal, piecemeal and reactive, largely market-supportive, and carried out within the framework of housing as a market commodity. It suggests further that intervention in the rental sector has been shaped largely by two interrelated factors: the federal government's terms of reference for intervention in the housing market, and its failure to adequately define the rental housing problem.
The federal government's terms of reference for intervention in the housing market define housing provision as a private sector responsibility, home ownership as the desirable tenure option, housing problems as temporary conditions, and housing policy as a provincial responsibility. These terms of reference have severely constrained rental policy and program options and have prevented the implementation of potentially more effective rental programs. Moreover, they have resulted in either the neglect of Canada's rental problems or the adoption of a variety of short-term, ad hoc programs in response to crisis situations.
The federal government's failure to see the relationship between the quality, supply and affordability elements of the rental problem and thus to adequately define the problem is the second factor which has shaped intervention in the rental sector. Intervention has tended to focus on the three problem elements separately and in a clearly sequential manner, with the result that opportunities for developing a long-term, comprehensive rental housing policy aimed at simultaneous treatment, of all three aspects of the problem have been missed.
The thesis concludes that only by questioning the conventional assumptions underlying Canadian rental policy and by acknowledging the interrelatedness of the three problem areas will we make progress on resolving rental housing problems.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
39
Parsons, Meg. „Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970“. University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.
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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.
40
Bozinovski, Robert. „The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945“. Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
41
Jennings, Reece. „The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
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42
Potyondy, Patrick Ryan. „Making, Preserving, and Redeveloping Public Housing in the United States“. The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1461324499.
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43
Mizuno, Norihito. „Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century“. The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.
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44
Bohman, Anna. „Framing the water and sanitation challenge : A history of urban water supply and sanitation in Ghana 1909 - 2005“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of economic history, Umeå university, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-32855.
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45
Howard, Amy L. „"More than shelter": Community, identity, and spatial politics in San Francisco public housing, 1938--2000“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623466.
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During the second half of the twentieth century, scholars and journalists documented the failures of the public housing program in the United States with a range of studies focusing on the Midwest and East. Problems such as displacement, criminal activity, high vacancy rates, racial segregation, and the isolation of tenants informed critiques of federally-subsidized housing for low-income families. These aspects contributed to the national image of "the projects" as high-rise ghettos, populated primarily by African Americans, and located in run-down areas. Public housing with its position at the crossroads of national, state, and local politics and policies as well as tenants' varied experiences, however, defy simple categorization as an unmitigated failure.;This study expands the history of public housing to the West and in doing so complicates the image of where public housing is located, what it looks like, and who lives there. Examining public housing in San Francisco, a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, politically liberal city, reveals the important role regional, local and spatial politics play in project design, location, and population. The three projects examined here, Ping Yuen in Chinatown, North Beach Place in North Beach, and Valencia Gardens in the Mission District, are located in thriving urban areas near public transportation, shops, and hospitals. Nevertheless, tenants over the years experienced a range of difficulties including mismanagement and racial segregation by the San Francisco Housing Authority, rising crime rates, in-fighting, and at Valencia Gardens and North Beach, the scorn of district neighbors. Despite these challenges, many tenants came together to form communities. Coming across racial and ethnic lines, tenants relied on formal and informal networks to make their rental apartments into "homes." Demonstrating part of the hidden history of public housing, tenants at Ping Yuen, North Beach Place, and Valencia Gardens became politicized by living in the projects and challenged the state to improve their living environments. These case studies highlight public housing's contribution to the affordable housing stock and tenants' roles in making the projects livable spaces.
46
Downing, Joseph. „Between policy, recognition and rioting : analyzing the role of urban governance, historical commemoration and public culture in defining inclusion in Paris, Lyon and Marseille“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3498/.
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While exhibiting similar socio-economic disadvantage, concentrated in post-migration communities, as the 274 towns and cities that rioted in the 2005 disturbances in France, Marseille did not riot. As a possible explanation for this behavior this thesis argues that the city has an inclusive urban identity not present in the same form in the other French cities that rioted. It is hypothesized that it is the application of a ‘policy narrative’ (Boswell et al 2011) offering ‘recognition’ (Taylor 1994) to post-migration communities that has given the identity of the city this inclusivity. On the contrary, this thesis takes the two cases of Paris and Lyon as contrasting examples of cities that rioted in 2005 to enable a comparative analysis to take place against two cities adhering to the national French policy context of assimilation that does not offer such recognition to post-migration communities. In light of the similar socio-economic problems across the three cases, and drawing on the literature concerned with the policy applications of multiculturalism, this thesis examines the policy narratives applied across three interrelated areas of municipal policy – governance, public culture and the commemoration of history. This analysis, however, demonstrates some unexpected trends. In this instance, both Paris and Lyon, in varying ways have begun in the past decade to apply a policy narrative of recognition towards post-migration communities in variance to the national policy context of assimilation. In both cases, however, the application of policies of recognition is both very recent, and very much contested by those interest groups that seek to maintain the status quo of assimilation. This analysis has found that Marseille is much more advanced in both the duration and extent of the policies of recognition deployed by the city across the three areas of governance, public culture and historical commemoration. As such, over the past two decades the city has worked to offer representation and recognition to post-migration communities that could be argued to play an important roll in creating an inclusive urban identity at the local level that militates against civil unrest.
47
Nicholls, Philip Herschel. „A review of issues relating to the disposal of urban waste in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide : an environmental history“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phn6153.pdf.
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Bibliography: p. 367-392. This thesis takes an overview of urban waste disposal practices in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide since the time of their respective settlement by Europeans through to the year 2000. The narrative identifies how such factors as the growth of representative government, the emergence of a bureaucracy, the visitation of bubonic plague, changed perceptions of risk, and the rise of the environmental movement, have directly influenced urban waste disposal outcomes.
48
Bozinovski, Robert. „The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945“. Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept
that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has
neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis
will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of
this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the
Communist Party’s praxis.
49
Bowie, Russell Reid. „Nor any drop to drink' : an analysis by case study of the role of the institutional framework in the in the co-ordination of water resource management and urban and regional planning with particular reference to the control of land uses and land management practices in the catchment areas of water storages“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1987. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36254/1/36254_Bowie_1991.pdf.
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The role of urban and regional planning in the process of
government has expanded considerably in recent years. The
last two decades have seen unparalleled growth in the
breadth and sophistication of planning schemes throughout
Australia yet during this period attempts to relate land use planning to the other activities of government have met with limited success resulting in a complex mix of land use controls for various purposes. This study examines, in the context of the management of water storage catchments, the relationships between those agencies interested in the control of land uses for water quality purposes and the traditional land use planning authorities, with particular reference to the way in which the institutional framework of government provides for co-ordination between them.
50
Hackenberger, Benjamin C. „The San Antonio Wash: Addressing the Gap Between Claremont and Upland“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/136.
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Access to water from San Antonio Creek was critical in Claremont’s growth from a small stop on the Santa Fe Railroad to an agricultural powerhouse and an elite college town. While Claremont has sought to distinguish itself from surrounding communities since its founding in 1882, the innovative Pomona Valley Protective Association (PVPA) aligned Claremont with the City of Pomona and its other neighbors in a scheme to conserve the Creek’s resources at the turn of the century. Organized around the discovery of local confined aquifers and the development of a strategy to recharge them with water from the San Antonio Creek, the Association was a contradictory moment of cooperation in an otherwise highly contentious zero-sum game of water rights politics. As conflicts wore on, the PVPA quietly orchestrated the purchase of large tracts of land in the San Antonio Creekbed, where the construction of diversion dams and spreading grounds served dual purposes of water conservation and flood control. As dam building in the Creekbed continued, large tracts of the previously undevelopable Wash were transferred to the aggregate mining institutions that gouged the area’s many gravel pits.
This thesis uses the story of the PVPA and the contemporary example of the Claremont University Consortium Gravel Pit to explore the context of development in the San Antonio Creek Wash. Understanding the political and social contexts of the gravel quarry problem reveals possibilities for a more integrative, conscious, and sustainable approach to improving the former gravel quarries that currently occupy the Wash landscape.