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1
Griffin, Stephen M. „Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution“. Law & Social Inquiry 16, Nr. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Makurin, A. I. „WHITE HOUSE AND UNITED STATES CAPITOL: BATTLE FOR THE SUPREME COURT (SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY)“. Вестник Пермского университета. История, Nr. 2 (61) (2023): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-84-95.
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The U.S. Constitution requires the President to submit Supreme Court nominees to the Senate for its advice and consent. The appointment of a Supreme Court Justice is an event of major significance in American politics. Since the early 20th century, Presidents have submitted 62 nominations for the Court, including those for the post of Chief Justice. Of this total, 55 were confirmed (seven declined to serve). The article dissects the crucial constitutional disputes between the executive and legislative branches of government from the Eisenhower administration to the end of the Clinton administration, and examines the day-to-day working relations between the President and Congress, which go beyond the traditional discussions of Supreme Court decisions. The article analyzes the conflicts between the President and Congress in the field of shared power – nomination and confirmation of the Supreme Court Justices in the Senate. The research is based on historical and statistical data on the Supreme Court: its institutional development; decision trends; background, nomination; its relations with public, governmental, and other judicial bodies; and its influence. A special place in the article is given to the analysis of the policies of the Nixon, Reagan and Clinton administrations.
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Mari, Marcelo. „Mário Pedrosa’s Turn Point: From the Good Neighbour Policy in the United States to the Brazilian Modern Project (1938–1951)“. AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, Nr. 21 (15.04.2020): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i21.359.
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Mário Pedrosa contributed in a decisive way to the formation and development of Brazilian politics and art in the 20th century. Pedrosa traveled to the United States and started to live in New York at the end of 1938. In the field of the arts, he took a position on the debate between Independent Revolutionary Art and Instrumentalized Art. In the essay “Portinari – from Brodósqui to the murals in Washington” (1942), Pedrosa overcomes the defense of art as a revolutionary weapon, which was his position at the conference on the German artist Käthe Kollwitz, presented at the Club of Modern Artists, in Brazil in 1933. From 1942, he approached the position of independence of art, in relation to the government's instrumentation policies. Article received: December 16, 2019; Article accepted: January 31, 2020; Published online: April 15, 2020; Review article
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Tianzi, Sang. „Some Notes on Sun Yatsen’s “Alliance with Russia” Policy“. Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, Nr. 4 (14.04.2023): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-4-140-147.
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Alliances are one of the most effective ways for states to preserve and gain power. The study of alliance formation has long been a prominent issue in international politics. This article examines the factors that influenced the alliance between Sun Yatsen’s regime and the Soviet government through the lens of alliance theory, taking the “alliance with Russia” of the Guangdong government led by Sun Yatsen in the early 20th century as the subject of study. The scientific innovation lies in the analysis of historical events and their causes from the perspective of international relations. Due to the complexities of the Chinese situation, the southern regime under Sun Yatsen coexisted with the Beijing government, but was not recognized as the official government of China. As a result, Sun Yatsen needed to use an “alliance approach” to seek the backing of external forces in order to keep his own regime secure. After several failed attempts to enter into alliances with Britain, the United States and Germany, Sun Yatsen eventually elected to join forces with the Soviet Russia. According to the alliance’s conclusion, four major factors influenced Sun Yatsen’s “alliance with Russia” policy: balance of threat, diplomatic assistance, ideology, and political infiltration. Among them, balance of threat was the main motivation for Sun Yatsen’s alliance with Russia, and while ideology was not an important factor influencing the alliance, the ability to provide assistance to Sun Yatsen’s regime played an important role in the establishment of the alliance, considering the huge power gap between the two sides. The Soviet political penetration of Sun Yatsen’s regime helped the alliance’s establishment, but also led to its final dissolution.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. „The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences“. ISTORIYA 12, Nr. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.
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Martín, William San. „Nitrogen, science, and environmental change: the politics of the Green Revolution in Chile and the global nitrogen challenge“. Journal of Political Ecology 24, Nr. 1 (27.09.2017): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v24i1.20966.
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Abstract The widespread use of nitrogen (N) fertilizers during the second half of the 20th century radically transformed agricultural production and ecosystems on a global scale. Although the "N challenge" or the "N problem" has had limited public attention compared to biodiversity loss and climate change, scientists consider N pollution a leading ecological concern for the 21st century. Accordingly, a major challenge for scientists and policymakers around the world today is how to meet food production demands while also protecting the environment. Using Chile as a case study—one of the highest consumers of N fertilizer per hectare in the Americas—this article examines the transnational politics of production and destruction in this process of agricultural modernization. In the Cold War context, a transnational network of scientists, agencies, and authorities created an institutional framework for the transference of knowledge and technology in Chile during the 1960s. Paradoxically, as local and global reliance on N fertilizers increased, scientists were able to generate a narrative about the negative environmental effects of intensive N use and highlight the ecological limits of the Green Revolution. After 1973, however, this knowledge network suffered as a result of the Chilean government's anti-communist crackdown and adoption of market-based agricultural policies. Understanding this history of how politics shaped N consumption, science, and policy is critical to current efforts to create new of agricultural production on a regional and global scale. Keywords: nitrogen, fertilizers, the Green Revolution, Cold War, Chile, science, environment, policy, Global Nitrogen Challenge, agriculture, United States
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Veselov, V. A. „A Long Shadow of World War II: Development of the National Security Concept in the United States“. Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, Nr. 3 (20.11.2020): 85–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-85-130.
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In recent years, the history of World War II has transformed into a battlefield in its own right in the ‘war of memory’. Besides the clear fact that the current attempts to revise the results of this war reflect the contemporary international tensions, yet another factor should be noted. The ‘shadow’ of the Second World War appears to be very long. It manifests itself not only in the contemporary system of international relations, but also in the fact that we still view the world around through the prism of concepts that appeared during the state of war and still bear its mark. Particularly, the concept of national security. This paper examines the emergence and development of this concept in the United States. The author notes that although the concept of national security existed throughout the 20th century, before World War II it was identified primarily with the defense of the state. The paper examines how lessons of the Second World War led to a rethinking of this concept, and how approaches to national security evolved during the war and immediately after it. Special attention is given to discussions that preceded the adoption of the National Security Act of 1947, as well as to its initial results. The author demonstrates that the national security concept was based on a fundamental recognition of the existence of a special state between peace and war. For successful functioning within this state, the government needs to rely on a wide range of tools of both economic and military-political and ideological nature. Based on the lessons from the war, national security was viewed as an ‘overarching structure’, aimed not only at integrating various components of the state’s policy, but also at eliminating any contradictions that may arise between them. On the other hand, the author emphasizes that from the very beginning the national security concept had a pronounced proactive, offensive and expansionist character. Being considered as an antipode to the concept of collective security, this concept reflected the will of the US elites not only to get integrated in the existing system of international relations, but to create a new one, which would be based on the American values and would ensure the stable functioning of the US economy. The author concludes that it is precisely the multidimensionality of the national security concept caused by the multidimensional nature of the challenges of World War II that explains its continued relevance for the study of world politics.
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Ибрайымов, Г. В. „Afghanistan and Pakistan in Soviet and American Cold War politics: diplomatic relations and their ideological impact“. Historical bulletin 7, Nr. 3 (06.05.2024): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-3-37-46.
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Афганистан во второй половине XX в. был одним из основных направлений в «холодной войне» СССР и США. Это небольшое государство Центральной Азии оказалось крайне ценным в регионально-стратегическом значении. Активность в Афганистане советских и американских дипломатических миссий вызвана необходимостью склонить афганские политические верхи на одну из сторон. Методы применялись разные, от мощной экономической поддержки до связей с внутренними организациями, нередко находящиеся в оппозиции к власти. Соседний Пакистан также имел серьезную ценность в регионе, поэтому поддержка оказывалась и ему. При этом у Пакистана имелись собственные внешнеполитические интересы, в том числе и в Афганистане. Со стороны Пакистана велась активная деятельность в союзе с США для установления контроля в Афганистане и противодействию распространения коммунистической идеологии. А идеологический фактор имел значительную роль в отношениях СССР и США с государствами Афганистан и Пакистан. Представленная статья ставит своей цель исследовать взаимодействия двух сверхдержав в Афганистане и Пакистане на политическом и идеологическом уровне. В основном исследование сосредоточится на проникновение и развитие марксизма в Афганистане, история афганской коммунистической партии, советско-афганским отношениям. Так же будет исследовано отношение обеих сверхдержав с Пакистаном, реакция США и Пакистана на происходящие в Афганистане события, и их совместное противодействие политики СССР. in the second half of the 20th century, Afghanistan was one of the major focuses in the "Cold War" between the USSR and USA. This Central Asian country has proven to be of extreme strategic importance in the region. The activities of Soviet and American diplomatic missions in Afghanistan were motivated by the need to convince Afghan political leaders into one camp. Different methods were employed, ranging from strong economic aid to connections with domestic organizations that often oppose the government. Pakistan, a neighboring country, also had significant value in the area, so support for it was given. At the same time, Pakistan has its own foreign policies, including those regarding Afghanistan. Through alliance with the US, Pakistan actively works to establish control over Afghanistan and counter communist ideology's spread. And the ideological factor played a significant role in relations between the USSR and the United States and the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This article aims to explore interaction between these two superpowers in Afghanistan and Pakistan, at the political and ideological levels. The research will focus mainly on penetration and development of Marxism in Afghanistan, history of the Afghan Communist Party, and Soviet-Afghan relations. It will also investigate the relationship between both superpowers and Pakistan; the reaction of the US and Pakistan to events in Afghanistan; and their joint opposition to policy of the USSR.
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Wijkström, Filip, und Stefan Einarsson. „Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence“. American Behavioral Scientist 62, Nr. 13 (20.05.2018): 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
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Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
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Iskandaryan, Gohar M. „US Leverage Tools in Iran in 1950s - 1960s“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, Nr. 1 (30.03.2023): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-116-129.
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The study presents an analysis of American influence in Iran after the World War II. The author describes how American foreign policy concepts worked in Iran, and opened a window into the country for American oil industries. The importance and relevance of the article lie in the fact that the players have not changed significantly, nor have the rules of the game and the actions they evoke changed much. Although the foreign policy toolkit of the US has been modernized, very often old methods are still practiced in the region, thus the study and analysis of those are very valuable today. The author tries to identify the problems of Iran in the second half of the 20th century, to study them in parallel with American foreign policy concepts, to present and analyze how American concepts paved the way for the expansionist policy of the United States. The key finding of the research shows that every American foreign policy concept was basically implemented only in case of the continuity of the power of the same party. Thus, Republican D. Eisenhower promoted the concept of supporting American oil tycoons. After him, Democrat J.F. Kennedy did not continue this approach in full, but only retained some elements. J.F. Kennedy believed that if the Iranian government was headed by a skilled prime minister, an adherent of Western values, who could properly manage the Iranian economy, then Iran would become a regional ally for the United States rather than a dependent country. After J.F. Kennedy, L. Johnson continued the foreign policy approach regarding Iran by promoting the country’s reformation through the White revolution. However, as history proved, the White Revolution failed to solve all the socioeconomic problems of Iran in the short term. Instead, the monarchy faced new and already fatal problems. The sources for this paper were the archives of the US presidents, the archives of the US State Department, the memoirs of a number of politicians, the correspondence between the US presidents and the Shah, as well as the Iranian press of that time. The author has applied the historical-comparative method, using the principles of content analysis.
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Prudon, Theodore. „Preservation and public housing in the United States“. Housing for All, Nr. 65 (2021): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/65.a.08i5whu3.
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Public housing is an important part of the heritage of the 20th century that deserves preservation, but is in danger of being demolished or unrecognizably altered. The United States, which saw the construction of such government sponsored projects, largely between 1930 and 1975, is no exception. In the last four decades government efforts have continued to shift towards financial incentives for private initiatives for design, construction and property management. This housing legacy, if being preserved, still needs to be improved so it can continue to serve as affordable housing in the 21st century.
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Ramaswamy, Mahesh, und S. Asha. „Caste Politics and State Integration: a Case Study of Mysore State“. International Journal of Area Studies 10, Nr. 2 (01.12.2015): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2015-0009.
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Abstract The subject of unification is as vibrant as national movement even after 58 years of a fractured verdict. More than to achieve a physical conjugation it was an attempt for cultural fusion. The aspiration for linguistic unification was a part of the national discourse. The movement, which began with mystic originations, later on turned out to become communal. Political changes during 1799 A.D. and 1857 A.D. changed the fortunes of Mysore state and ultimately led to its disintegration and became the reason for this movement. The concept of unification is akin to the spirit of nationalism, against the background of colonial regime assigning parts of land to different administrative units without taking into consideration the historical or cultural aspects of that place. Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic. This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context. Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.
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Meynell, Leola. „Aimi Hamraie Building Access: Universal Design and the Politics of Disability“. Genealogy 3, Nr. 1 (19.02.2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3010008.
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Aimi Hamraie’s Building Access: Universal Design and the Politics of Disability (University of Minnesota Press, 2017) critically traces the Universal Design movement in the United States, from its diverse inceptions in the mid-20th century to its broad applications today [...]
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Augustine, Acheoah Ofeh. „Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies: A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism“. Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, Nr. 8 (10.11.2019): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.
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This article is a critical input to the national and international debate on Gun Control and the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution since 1791. Auspiciously, the paper interrogates the historical, ideological, and socio-cultural roots of the Gun Rights from Medieval Europe to modern America as well as its implications for homeland security in 21st Century American society. The whole legalistic, philosophical and socio-cultural rationale for and against the Gun Control Question in mainstream American politics elicits many questions: Why has it been legislatively infeasible to address the frailties inherent in the 2nd Amendment texts? Is the Second Amendment immutable amid post-1791 realities? Has morality lost its place in American politics? Was the rights prescribed under 2nd Amendment vested on the individuals as construed impliedly or on the people as expressly stipulated in the constitution? And why has America with the most sophisticated military and intelligence architecture in the world failed to demonstrate the capability to contain sectarian killings in the land? The paper submits that the Gun Control Debate lays bare, one of the internal cleavages within the American political and social system, a nation so admired not just by her military, economic and diplomatic clout but also by the valued she stresses and defend world over: freedom, justice, equality and global peace, ideals for which the United States supplanted pax-Britanica for Pax-Americana. The appalling antecedents of gun killings in America knows no rank with 11 presidential assassination attempts for which four American presidents died: Abraham Lincoln (1865), James Garfield (1881); William McKinley (1901) John F Kennedy (1963) with Theodore Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan seriously injured in the 1912 and 1981 assassination attempts. The quartet presidential assassins: John Wilkes Booth; Charles J. Guiteau; Leon Czolgosz and Lee Harvey Oswald were all some of the first high profile abusers of the 2nd Amendment and the gun rights it granted. The death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X among many also resonates one of the foundational flaws of a nation globally reputed as the policeman of the earth. When will this trend ever end?.Millions have gone yet there seems to be hyper-partisanship about the Gun Control Question. This political cleavage represents a failure of the present generation of the political elites, the people and the American institutions to rise above and repeal the frailty of the 2nd Amendment, couched in one of the most nebulous languages in constitutional framings since the first ten Amendment to the world’s first-ever written constitution was ratified on 15 December 1791.The lessons from the government response to the Gun Question never placed America as a society developing societies should aspire to become, it is totally antithetical to the admirable values known about the greatest nation since the collapse of Nazism, Fascism and in the last decade of the 20th Century Communism for which in the submissions of Francis Fukuyama, Liberal Democracy became the Last Man metaphorically outlasting all other contending ideological contemporaries thus: “The End History”. The moral, spiritual, political leaders of America must converge on one front on the Gun Question, the Republicans must not hide under conservative garb and watch the blood of innocent generation of Americans been wasted by abusers of the Second Amendment. The appropriate measures to put a permanent lid on the mindless gun-related deaths must be carried out. The Democrats must forge a bipartisan consensus to arrest the moral drift in the land under the guise of the 2nd Amendment’s immutability clause: “shall not be infringed upon”. American political leaders must not under whatever guise send the wrong signal to the international community that will characterize the state as a policeman that cannot police his home, Charity begins at home, it is contradictory, antithetical and undermined every value upon which America prides herself under the rubric Pax-Americana. Historical antecedents show that the National Rifle Association is a shadow of itself, haven being skewed from its original goal to promote martial qualities and marksmanship to a lobbyist group without conscience for humanity. The American Institutions must live up to their mandate to tame the sinister and overbearing influence of the group. To the political leaders of the land the patriots of the 1775 Revolution fought for a land of the free it is your bounden duty to ensure their labor never be in vain: Lincoln was conscious of this during the heady days as was Andrew John who put their differences aside to restore national psyche, President Trump must not trade the blood of the children of America with his 2020 presidential re-election ambition as the NRA pro-Trump for 2020 billboards suggests. The Gun-Control debates further lays bare one of the antinomies of American Conservatism “being pro-life, anti-abortion and at the same time, pro-gun” as the abuses and defense of the 2nd Amendment represent one of the Ideological conspiracies against under the garb of Classical Liberalism propagated by contemporary votaries of American conservatism.
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Navdaeva, M. E. „Conceptualisation of Sea Power in Global Politics“. Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 47 (2024): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2024.47.80.
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The article studies the formation of the sea power theory and its influence on world politics. Although seas influenced the rise and fall of states since ancient times, they acquired strategic importance only after the beginning of the Age of Discovery. From that moment, sea turned into a global transport network and also became a political instrument for transforming the balance of power in the world. After that the formation of the sea power of states began, which led to the rise of the British colonial empire. The research of the success of Great Britain formed the theory of sea power, which developed in the works of Western geopoliticians A. Mahan, F. Colomb, J. Corbett, and others, including Russian theorists N. L. Klado, S. G. Gorshkov, etc. Despite the fact that initially the founder of the theory, American Admiral Mahan, studied the experience of Great Britain to apply it to American politics for the rise of the United States on the world stage, at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries the theory quickly gained popularity among many other countries. According to some researchers, this was one of the reasons for the beginning of the “naval arms race” in Europe that rose contradictions in the distribution of the balance of power, which subsequently led to the First World War. It is indicated that the theory of sea power determined the global politics throughout the 20th century, and also led to the emergence of the United States not only as a great sea power, but also a superpower. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to study the influence of sea power on the world politics of the 20th century. The theory also remains relevant today, because the relevance of using the World Ocean in achieving economic and political goals does not decrease, and therefore the study of the theory can be useful for the development of the maritime and naval strategies of countries.
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Schmidt, Josef M. „Die Entwicklung der Homöopathie in den Vereinigten Staaten“. Gesnerus 51, Nr. 1-2 (27.11.1994): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0510102007.
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After an enormous spread in the United States of America during the 19th century homeopathy had almost completely vanished from the scene by the beginning of the 20th century. For the past two decades, however, it seems once again to experience a kind of renaissance. Major aspects of this development—in terms of medical and cultural history, sociology, politics, and economics—are illustrated on the basis of a general history of homeopathy in the United States. Using original sources, a first attempt is made to reconstruct the history of homeopathy in San Francisco which has some institutional peculiarities that make it unique within the whole country.
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Raja, Muhammad Yasin Sultan, Muhammad Rehan Zafar und Sidra Sulman Malik. „Dynamics of Sino Russian Cooperation: History and future Prospects“. Global International Relations Review V, Nr. III (30.09.2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).05.
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After the end of the cold war international politics had moved from bi-polar to uni-polar resulting in instability. The United States of America to achieve her geo strategic interests took aggressive action which made other states insecure. We have witnessed a rise in the number of wars happened in the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century. The Middle East is still facing the aftershocks of Arab Spring and the Europe is still divided the way it was during the cold war. To counter the hegemonic designs of the United States of America and its allies Sino Russian cooperation has tried to balance the dynamics of International power power politics. This Sino Russian cooperation is based on an economic, strategic and political level. The very nature of this Sino Russian cooperation revolves around the integration of interests and inclusiveness of other likeminded states. In the second decade of the 21st Century this cooperation has evolved at the international level as an alternative to the Western political block led by the USA
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Cortez, Jonathan. „Ruminations on the Camp Space in the United States during the 20th Century“. SHS Web of Conferences 136 (2022): 04002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213604002.
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This paper is a brief stream of thought on the function of encampments in the United States during the 20th century. This work derives directly from my still-in-progress dissertation, “The Age of Encampment: Race, Surveillance, and the Power of Spatial Scripts, 19331950.” The dissertation charts a history of the creation of federally-funded camps and their lasting legacies beginning with the creation of New Deal-era liberal policies through the incarceration of enemies of the state during WWII. By revealing the history of federally-funded encampments in the US, I argue that camp spaces were racialized and classist projects dependent on a pathologized “other.” Further, the materialization of camp spaces became a tool used by the US government to surveille bodies deemed threatening to the local community and/or nation-state – a theory I call “spatial scripts.”
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Orren, Karen. „Union Politics and Postwar Liberalism in the United States, 1946–1979“. Studies in American Political Development 1 (1986): 215–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000365.
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It is evident now that the political structures built in the United States over the last half-century depended for their successful functioning on a set of international conditions that no longer exist. The government programs of the 1930s to protect labor organization, promote high agricultural prices, and provide cheap credit would have caused, had the gold standard not been defunct, massive gold outflows, worsening the already severe economic contraction. The postwar offspring of these programs have multiplied under conditions of international trade and finance that in effect permitted the export of excess economic demand. For the last decade, with international circumstances less obliging, the task of whittling government down or at least controlling its growth has vexed successive administrations.
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Rønnedal, Vibeke Sofie Sandager. „The Politics of Gun Control in the United States“. Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English, Nr. 5 (19.08.2019): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/lev.v0i5.115497.
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The discussion of the right to keep and bear arms has been a growing issue in American society during the past two decades. This article examines the origin of the right and whether it is still relevant in contemporary American society. It is found that the Second Amendment was written for two main reasons: to protect the people of the frontier from wildlife and foreign as well as native enemies, and to ensure the citizen militia being armed and ready to fight for a country with a deep-rooted mistrust of a standing army and a strongly centralized government. As neither of these reasons have applied to American society for at least the past century, it is concluded that American society has changed immensely since the Second Amendment was ratified in 1791, and that the original purpose of the right to keep and bear arms thus has been outdated long ago.
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Bulkley, J. W. „Entering the 21st Century: Water Quality Issues River Basin Management“. Water Science and Technology 26, Nr. 7-8 (01.10.1992): 1857–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1992.0630.
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Water quality issues have developed primarily in the 20th century in the United States of America. Historically, the emphasis has been placed upon the protection of human health with the states and local units of government having responsibility for ensuring implementation of programs and activities to provide for maintenance of public health needs. In 1948, legislation established an active role for the federal government in the provision of water quality and protection of public health. In 1972, the federal government initiated a vigorous program aimed to limit both industrial and municipal point source discharges, provide for control of toxics, set discharge limits, and provide adequate federal funding to assist governmental units to meet the stringent requirements established by the legislation. New perspectives and new realities require farsighted and innovative means to address water quality issues in the 21st century.
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Zhong, Cheng. „A perspective of historically cultural studies on Bob Dylan’s epic “Murder Most Foul”“. OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, Nr. 10-1 (01.10.2022): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202210statyi31.
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Bob Dylan released his newest ballad epic “Murder Most Foul” in the COVID-19 Pandemic 2020. He portrays himself as a poetic singer who cares about the history and destiny of his country and people by narrating the cultural and historical event of the 50s and 60s in the 20th century in the United States in retrospect. This article reflexes the culture, history, politics and globalization process in the pandemic by introducing concepts of collective representations, analogical modes of thinking and totality from a perspective of cultural studies in anticipating a united social community of the United States and even the whole world at large to forge ahead with courage and hope in a historically cultural sense.
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Linde, Robyn. „From Rapists to Superpredators: what the practice of capital punishment says about race, rights and the American child“. International Journal of Children's Rights 19, Nr. 1 (2011): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x528706.
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AbstractAt the turn of the 20th century, the United States was widely considered to be a world leader in matters of child protection and welfare, a reputation lost by the century's end. This paper suggests that the United States' loss of international esteem concerning child welfare was directly related to its practice of executing juvenile off enders. The paper analyzes why the United States continued to carry out the juvenile death penalty after the establishment of juvenile courts and other protections for child criminals. Two factors allowed the United States to continue the juvenile death penalty after most states in the international system had ended the practice: the politics of American federalism and a system of racial subordination that excluded some juvenile off enders from the umbrella of child protection measures, a conclusion suggesting that racial prejudice has interfered with U.S. compliance with international norms of child welfare and juvenile justice.
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Blue, Ethan. „National Vitality, Migrant Abjection, and Coercive Mobility: The Biopolitical History of American Deportation“. Leonardo 48, Nr. 3 (Juni 2015): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon_a_01027.
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The United States has one of the world’s most extensive systems of mass removal. Its historical roots draw on 19th century biopolitical traditions of border control and internal anti-immigrant policing. In the early 20th century, rail technologies enabled an economical assemblage of steel and law, of racism and politics, attempting national purification by expelling ‘undesirable aliens.’ The process differentiated between the categories of privileged citizenship and abject alienage. The possibilities of national cleansing through deportation allowed new modes of sovereign governance, defined territories, and controlled populations—foundational aspects of modern nationhood.
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Yu, Henry. „Reviving a Lost Potential of the Chicago School of Sociology?“ Journal of Migration History 1, Nr. 2 (29.10.2015): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00102004.
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This paper traces the effects of anti-Asian politics and immigration exclusion in shaping early studies of Asian migration in the Pacific region, in particular within the United States, Canada, and Australian. Yu argues that there are collaborative community research approaches that marked early 20th century studies of Asian migrants to North America that should be recovered, a lost potential of early survey research work of the Chicago school of sociology in general.
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Hesser, James E., David Bohlender und Dennis Crabtree. „Canada's Dominion Astrophysical Observatory and the rise of 20th Century Astrophysics and Technology“. Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 11, A29A (August 2015): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921316002520.
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AbstractConstruction of Canada's Dominion Astrophysical Observatory (DAO) commenced in 1914 with first light on 6 May 1918. As distinct from the contemporaneous development with private funding of major observatories in the western United States, DAO was (and remains) funded by the federal government. Canada's initial foray into ‘big science’, creation of DAO during the First World War was driven by Canada's desire to contribute significantly to the international rise of observational astrophysics enabled by photographic spectroscopy. In 2009 the Observatory was designated a National Historic Site. DAO's varied, rich contributions to the astronomical heritage of the 20th century continue in the 21st century, with particularly strong ties to Maunakea.
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MUNG, Duong Thanh. „Trade between the United States and Indochinese Union in the First Half of the 20th Century“. Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, Nr. 2 (2024): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080030063-6.
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This article aims to analyze the commercial activities between the Indochinese Union (Indochina) and the United States in the first half of the XX century. The study focuses on three fundamental issues: The US efforts to seek markets in the Indochina region; commercial exchanges between the French-controlled Indochina and the US in the first half of the XX century; and the commercial benefits that the parties obtained. The results show that the commercial exchange between the Indochina and the US was under the strict management and control of the French colonial government. The policies that France conducted in Indochina during this period caused many disadvantages for the Indochina - US commercial relationship. The Indochinese Union did not have much freedom in choosing trade partners and was highly dependent on France's policies in the colonies. Apart from the subjection to France’s manipulation, commercial exchanges between the Indochina and the US had different rules compared to other European and American countries. Starting from merely commercial activities, the US intervened more deeply in the region by launching a military invasion of Indochina. This study contributes to clarifying the commercial policies of France towards the Indochina during the colonial period, the commercial activities of the US in the Far East region, as well as the history of Vietnam in the first half of the XX century.
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Subotin, A. „FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY“. Actual Problems of International Relations, Nr. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.
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Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.
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Muhammad, Fida, Muhammad Ayaz Khan und Saif Ul Islam. „Role of religion in American politics: An analysis of the influence of Evangelical Church in Israeli Palestinian conflict“. Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, Nr. 2 (23.11.2021): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.2.12.
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The politics of the Holy land is of crucial importance to the followers of the three Abrahamic religions in terms of religious beliefs, which metamorphosed into military and political significance in the 20th Century. The United States (U.S) support for Israel is especially visible during the republican presidencies. The U.S had five republican presidents from 1980 to 2020, and their evangelical beliefs shaped American foreign policy toward this region, a policy that may loosely be termed as affected by Christian Zionism, which was originally a 16th Century religious Puritan movement, who latter shaped into Christian political movement. U.S Christian Zionism reiterates favourable images of Jews and is pessimistic about peace in Holy land. Christian Zionists believe Lord has bestowed the land of Palestine to Jews and have held up this claim since the turn of the 20th Century. This paper first describes the fundamental nature of Christian Zionism, their view of the modern Israel and resultant political and military policies. This also focuses Christian Zionists support of republican presidents and specially President Trump relationship with Christian Zionism. The shifting of U.S embassy to Jerusalem, the formal approval to Jerusalem as the capital of Israel by President Trump are studied.
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Danilov, Alexey Vitalievich. „Retrospective of using the US universities and the Foreign Policy Association as elements of public diplomacy in the United States“. RUDN Journal of World History 12, Nr. 3 (15.12.2020): 286–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-286-291.
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The article covers the period of implemetation of the leading US universities and the Foreign Policy Association as elements of US public diplomacy wchich their impact in economic, political and cultural influence all over the world. The author methodically and consistently cites analytical, historical facts proving an indirect and direct impact on the foreign policy of countries. The relevance of the article is due to the high significance and influence of non-state actors on world politics nowdays. The author points out that the political course of the leadership of the United States from the second half of the 20th century was focused on more active inclusion of the country in international politics and the rejection of isolationism, which was primarily reflected in the departure from the postulates of the Monroe Doctrine and the entry of the United States into the First World War. This, in turn, had a great influence on the development of public diplomacy in the United States as a tool to promote the interests of the country, the creation of the necessary information support for foreign policy actions of the state, as well as a favorable image of the United States in other countries. Thus it required the active involvement of the leading US universities in US public diplomacy, as well as the creation of new non-state institutions.
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MERTON, JOE. „RETHINKING THE POLITICS OF WHITE ETHNICITY IN 1970s AMERICA“. Historical Journal 55, Nr. 3 (03.08.2012): 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200026x.
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ABSTRACTHistorians have tended to characterize the ‘white ethnic’ identity politics of the 1970s in the United States as a significant feature of the conservative counterrevolution, especially the rise of populist racial conservatism and its splintering of the Democratic New Deal coalition. Seeking to provide a broader, more representative portrait of white ethnic mobilization, activism, and institutionalization in government, with particular focus on the work of Rev. Geno Baroni, the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, and the Carter administration's Office of Ethnic Affairs, this article challenges that assumption. It posits that the politics of white ethnicity was a far more complex, diverse phenomenon, of appeal to liberals and conservatives in an era of considerable political flux. This reconsideration also reveals that the 1970s were not conservative in the United States, but a watershed decade of uncertainty, volatility, and experimentation, in which ethnic identities and affiliations were reshaped, political norms upended, and new forms of organization and mobilization trialled out, with great significance for today's ‘post-ethnic’ United States. White ethnic politics was of considerable importance to American political development in the late twentieth century, but not in the way usually thought.
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Li, Yutong. „Comparing the Efficiency of Gender Policy in Canada and the United States by the Female Employment Rate“. Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 18, Nr. 1 (13.09.2023): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/18/20230068.
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Companies in society began to focus more on gender problems and provide more privileges for women by creating policies that recruit more female employees. The efficiency of this policy differs in various fields in different countries despite almost every company utilizing this policy. By looking at the data about the changes in the number of women employees and women employees-to-all employees ratio from the 20th century to now, this research paper compares the rate of female employment changes in two countries, Canada and the United States. To indicate which country, Canada or the United States, is more efficient about the policy based on different fields, this paper used linear regressions to observe the slopes of female employment changes from 1987 to 2021 in business, health, government, trade, transportation, and manufacturing fields. This paper also identifies which area has more efficiency in using policy inside each Canada and the United States.
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K. Ryan, Mary. „Filming Change: Civil Rights through the Lens of Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner? and To Kill a Mockingbird“. [Inter]sections 9, Nr. 23 (04.01.2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/inter.9.23.1.
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The 1960s were a turbulent decade in the United States. Significant social changes, especially in the realm of antiracism and antisexism, were afoot. Concurrently, in an echo to such dramatic social change, popular culture was also evolving. This article examines two relevant films to evaluate their ability to perform a moral critique of gender and racial politics in the 1960s. Alongside an analysis of social and political trends and Supreme Court cases, I compare two critically acclaimed industry films, To Kill a Mockingbird (1962) and Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner (1967), to better understand cultural and political reforms in the 20th century.
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Hartmann, Betsy. „Population Control I: Birth of an Ideology“. International Journal of Health Services 27, Nr. 3 (Juli 1997): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bl3n-xajx-0yqb-vqbx.
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Population control, as a major international development strategy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, its origins reach back to social currents in the 19th and early 20th centuries, culminating in an organized birth control movement in Europe and the United States. The conflicts and contradictions in that movement's history presage many of today's debates over population policy and women's rights. Eugenics had a deep influence on the U.S. birth control movement in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II private agencies and foundations played an important role in legitimizing population control as a way to secure Western control over Third World resources and stem political instability. In the late 1960s the U.S. government became a major funder of population control programs overseas and built multilateral support through establishment of the U.N. Fund for Population Activities. At the 1974 World Population Conference, Third World governments challenged the primacy of population control. While their critique led population agencies to change their strategies, population control remained a central component of international development and national security policies in the United States.
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Malatsai, I. „MIGRATION FROM HUNGARY TO AMERICA IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURY (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE "COLLECTION OF CONSULAR REPORTS")“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 147 (2020): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.5.
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The article is devoted to the study of the problem of migration processes in the late 19th – early 20th centuries from the territory of Austria-Hungary to America. Demand for workers in the United States, which has been active since the mid-19th century and exacerbation of socio-economic contradictions in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century, caused the intensification of migration flows between the two continents. Among the emigrants were all the nations who inhabited the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. But the population of the north-eastern regions of the country prevailed. At first there were Slovaks and Ukrainians. They traveled to improve their lives and the lives of their families. Low living standards due to economic backwardness, slow growth of production, lack of new technologies in agriculture only increased the flow of migrants. Lack of land suitable for agriculture, low wages also contributed to travel abroad. There were two main categories, workers, who returned home at the end of the working season, and it was mostly part of spring, summer and autumn, and the next year they went again to search some work. The second category – those who left and never returned. In the following years, some immigrants, Slovaks and Ukrainians, formed community centers, which played an important role in the formation of independent states. At the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. There was the migration process between the United States and Austria-Hungary took place. The main routes of the continents passed through the ports of Hamburg and Bremen. The diplomacy of the Russian Empire paid much attention to the issue of migration. The interest was due to a desire to understand more about a country that was a political opponent of Russia in European politics. The work is written on the basis of diplomatic reports published in the "Collection of diplomatic reports" in the late 19th – early 20th century. The used materials provide an opportunity to study the process of resettlement of the nations of Hungary to America from the standpoint of Russian diplomacy in the late 19th – early 20th century.
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Vaillancourt, François, und Robert D. Ebel. „The Size, Growth, and Composition of Government: Analysis and Evidence for Canada and the United States“. Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 70, Supp (2022): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2022.70.supp.vaillancourt.
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The topic of measuring the growth and size of government, on which there is now a robust literature and policy debate, held little interest for economists in the 18th and 19th centuries and throughout much of the 20th century. Although it is a bit dangerous to date when perceptions of the importance of the topic began to shift, a good place to start is with Richard Bird's research for the Canadian Tax Foundation in 1970 on the growth of government spending in Canada. The purpose of this paper is to briefly review what Bird recognized is an evolutionary process, and then to examine the manner in which the growth and size of government can be measured in Canada and the United States. The trends in four key measures following the Second World War are defined and documented. The paper reveals two especially important features. The first is the increase in the role of the subnational government sector. The second is that, in both countries, the public sector is trending away from spending on (and taxing for) the public's physical infrastructure and toward transfers to individuals, particularly in the form of health and income security programs.
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Williams, Brian. „“That we may live”: Pesticides, plantations, and environmental racism in the United States South“. Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 1, Nr. 1-2 (März 2018): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848618778085.
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This article situates pesticides as technologies marked by both continuities and discontinuities from previous modes of agrarian racism in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, a plantation region of the United States South. Attention to the historical-geographical specificity of pesticide intensification, I argue, provides the means to understand pesticide intensification as a mode of what I term agro-environmental racism. Anti-Black racism shaped the politics of pesticides, underpinning policies and material practices that were destructive of both the environment and human welfare in the Delta and beyond. The structures and ideologies of plantation racism helped position the Delta as one of the most pesticide-intensive sectors of U.S. agriculture during the mid-20th century—a particularly consequential period for both the intensification of pesticides and the formation of contemporary environmentalism. Pesticides were defended by agro-industrial interests as technologies supporting agricultural production—and particularly that of cotton, the most pesticide-intensive commodity crop. Simultaneously, they were figured as technologies crucial to a normative way of life. Although pesticides were articulated without explicit mention of race by the 1960s, I argue that the freedom struggle activism of the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union and Fannie Lou Hamer provide context necessary to explain the pesticide politics of the Delta’s plantation bloc. These mobilizations to enact more just, sustainable, and livable geographies were an indictment of a plantation politics which put the health of cotton and profitability of plantations above all else.
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Zhao, Jialin, und Rainer Feldbacher. „Reflection of Sexual Morality in Literature and Art“. Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 1, Nr. 3 (21.08.2020): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v1i3.32.
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Tocqueville, in his book “Democracy in America”, talked about the concept of sexual morality, introduced it into his newpolitical science, and reflected on the situation of social morality before and after the French Revolution with the help of hisinvestigation of American social morality. From the end of the 19th century to late 20th century, the development of sexualmorality in the US and France has undergone different changes. In France before and after the Revolution, sexual ethicsshowed a very different picture, from palace porn culture and pornography before the Revolution to revolutionary moralethics during the revolutionary period and to sexual ethics after the revolution. The US turned from the Puritans' sexualmorality in the early 18th century to the sexual liberation movement in the 19th and 20th centuries. From the historicalexperience of the US and France, we can see three basic forms of sexual morality: the state of greed, the state of politics, andthe state of holy love. The revolutions were not only initiating the construction of democracy, but also changed the definitionof its most basic figure that is the individual. This paper places sexual morality in the three dimensions of reality, politics andreligion. Taking The United States and France as examples, with the help of textual analysis and comparison, thedevelopment course, different forms and contemporary values of sexual morality will be explored.
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Forbath, William E. „Courts, Constitutions, and Labor Politics in England and America: A Study of the Constitutive Power of Law“. Law & Social Inquiry 16, Nr. 01 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00282.x.
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For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations’ forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms.
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KITLV, Redactie. „Book Reviews“. New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 60, Nr. 1-2 (01.01.1986): 55–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002066.
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-John Parker, Norman J.W. Thrower, Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577-1580. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Contributions of the UCLA Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies Vol. 11, 1984. xix + 214 pp.-Franklin W. Knight, B.W. Higman, Trade, government and society in Caribbean history 1700-1920. Kingston: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983. xii + 172 pp.-A.J.R. Russel-Wood, Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion Volume III, 1984. xxxi + 585 pp.-Tony Martin, John Gaffar la Guerre, The social and political thought of the colonial intelligentsia. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1982. 136 pp.-Egenek K. Galbraith, Raymond T. Smith, Kinship ideology and practice in Latin America. Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. 341 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, James Pack, Nelson's blood: the story of naval rum. Annapolis MD, U.S.A.: Naval Institute Press and Havant Hampshire, U.K.: Kenneth Mason, 1982. 200 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, Hugh Barty-King ,Rum: yesterday and today. London: William Heineman, 1983. xviii + 264 pp., Anton Massel (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Alejandro Portes ,Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. xxi + 387 pp., Robert L. Bach (eds)-Wayne S. Smith, Carlos Franqui, Family portrait wth Fidel: a memoir. New York: Random House, 1984. xxiii + 263 pp.-Sergio G. Roca, Claes Brundenius, Revolutionary Cuba: the challenge of economic growth with equity. Boulder CO: Westview Press and London: Heinemann, 1984. xvi + 224 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, La migración española de 1939 y los inicios del marxismo-leninismo en la República Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1984. 208 pp.-Antonio T. Díaz-Royo, César Andreú-Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega: a contribution to the history of the Puerto Rican community in New York. Translated by Juan Flores. New York and London: Monthly Review, 1984. xix + 243 pp.-Mariano Negrón-Portillo, Harold J. Lidin, History of the Puerto Rican independence movement: 20th century. Maplewood NJ; Waterfront Press, 1983. 250 pp.-Roberto DaMatta, Teodore Vidal, Las caretas de cartón del Carnaval de Ponce. San Juan: Ediciones Alba, 1983. 107 pp.-Manuel Alvarez Nazario, Nicolás del Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos negros en Cartagena y sus aportes léxicos. Bogotá: Institute Caro y Cuervo, 1982. xvii + 247 pp.-J.T. Gilmore, P.F. Campbell, The church in Barbados in the seventeenth century. Garrison, Barbados; Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1982. 188 pp.-Douglas K. Midgett, Neville Duncan ,Women and politics in Barbados 1948-1981. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), Women in the Caribbean Project vol. 3, 1983. x + 68 pp., Kenneth O'Brien (eds)-Ken I. Boodhoo, Maurice Bishop, Forward ever! Three years of the Grenadian Revolution. Speeches of Maurice Bishop. Sydney: Pathfinder Press, 1982. 287 pp.-Michael L. Conniff, Velma Newton, The silver men: West Indian labour migration to Panama, 1850-1914. Kingston: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984. xx + 218 pp.-Robert Dirks, Frank L. Mills ,Christmas sports in St. Kitts: our neglected cultural tradition. With lessons by Bertram Eugene. Frederiksted VI: Eastern Caribbean Institute, 1984. iv + 66 pp., S.B. Jones-Hendrickson (eds)-Catherine L. Macklin, Virginia Kerns, Woman and the ancestors: Black Carib kinship and ritual. Urbana IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983. xv + 229 pp.-Marian McClure, Brian Weinstein ,Haiti: political failures, cultural successes. New York: Praeger (copublished with Hoover Institution Press, Stanford), 1984. xi + 175 pp., Aaron Segal (eds)-A.J.F. Köbben, W.S.M. Hoogbergen, De Boni-oorlogen, 1757-1860: marronage en guerilla in Oost-Suriname (The Boni wars, 1757-1860; maroons and guerilla warfare in Eastern Suriname). Bronnen voor de studie van Afro-amerikaanse samenlevinen in de Guyana's, deel 11 (Sources for the Study of Afro-American Societies in the Guyanas, no. 11). Dissertation, University of Utrecht, 1985. 527 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Baijah Mhango, Aid and dependence: the case of Suriname, a study in bilateral aid relations. Paramaribo: SWI, Foundation in the Arts and Sciences, 1984. xiv + 171 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Sandew Hira, Balans van een coup: drie jaar 'surinaamse revolutie.' Rotterdam: Futile (Blok & Flohr), 1983. 175 pp.-Ian Robertson, John A. Holm ,Dictionary of Bahamian English. New York: Lexik House Publishers, 1982. xxxix + 228 pp., Alison Watt Shilling (eds)-Erica Williams Connell, Paul Sutton, Commentary: A reply from Williams Connell (to the review by Anthony Maingot in NWIG 57:89-97).
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Lewis-Beck, Michael S., und Peverill Squire. „The Politics of Institutional Choice: Presidential Ballot Access for Third Parties in the United States“. British Journal of Political Science 25, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007274.
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During the nineteenth century, a presidential voter actually selected a party-prepared candidate list, casting it in full view of others. The ‘Australian’ ballot, adopted in nearly all states by 1900, took away party preparation of the ballot. State officials now prepared overall candidate lists from which the voter picked in secret. The introduction of the Australian ballot was heralded as a blow against political corruption and for ‘good government’. But practical questions arose. With the state itself responsible for the ballot, how should it decide which candidates to list? Some barriers to entry seemed necessary, otherwise the list would be unwieldy. Each of the states began to pass laws restricting ballot access, often aimed at third parties.
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Gratton, Brian. „Race or Politics? Henry Cabot Lodge and the Origins of the Immigration Restriction Movement in the United States“. Journal of Policy History 30, Nr. 1 (19.12.2017): 128–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000410.
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Abstract:This article addresses the origins of the immigration restriction movement in the late 19th century United States, a movement that realized its aims in the early 20th. It critiques the dominant scholarly interpretation, which holds that the movement sprang from a racism that viewed the new immigrants of this period as biologically inferior. It argues first that activists did not have at hand a biological theory sufficient to this characterization and did not employ one. It argues second that the movement arose as an adroit political response to labor market competition. The Republican Party recognized the discontent of resident workers (including those of older immigrant origin) with competition from new immigrants. The Party discerned ethnic differences among new and old immigrants and capitalized on these conditions in order to win elections. Ethnocentrism and middle-class anxiety over mass immigrant added to a movement that depended on bringing working class voters into the Party.
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Ade-Ibijola, Aderemi Opeyemi, und Bheki Richard Mngomezulu. „The East-West Ideological Struggle and the Politics of African Decolonization in the United Nations: Historical Analysis“. Issues in Social Science 8, Nr. 2 (05.12.2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v8i2.18067.
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The history of African decolonization discourses in the United Nations (UN) in the 20th century was replete with vested interests under the guise of moral concerns. This interest was occasioned mainly by the prevalence of the Ideological struggles better known as the ‘Cold War’ between West which the United States led, and the East which was led by the then Soviet Union and allies respectively. Against this background, this paper argues based on the preponderance of archival documents and relevant scholarly resources that the deep-rooted worldwide rivalry for world dominance which ensued between these power blocs after the end of the Second World War in 1945 ushered in a period of politicization of African decolonization issues in the UN from 1960 onwards. The line between egotism and empathy narrowed significantly to the extent that it became too thin to recognize. The findings of this paper show that the Cold War phenomenon significantly shaped the position taken by member states during the debates on the African colonial problem in the UN. Secondly, we conclude in this paper that from the 1960s, the UN became the battleground between the East and the West each fighting for supremacy.
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CALCAGNO, PETER T., und EDWARD J. LÓPEZ. „Informal norms trump formal constraints: the evolution of fiscal policy institutions in the United States“. Journal of Institutional Economics 13, Nr. 1 (03.11.2016): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000321.
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AbstractTwo shifts of informal rules occurred in the decades around the turn of the 20th century that continue to shape U.S. fiscal policy outcomes. Spending norms in the electorate shifted to expand the scope of the government budget to promote economic security and macroeconomic stability. Simultaneously, norms for elected office shifted to careerism. Both norms were later codified into formal rules as legislation creating entitlement programs, macroeconomic responsibility, and organizational changes to the fiscal policy process. This institutional evolution increased demand for federal expenditures while creating budgetary commons, thus imparting strong motivations to spend through deficit finance in normal times. Despite the last four decades of legislative attempts to constrain spending relative to taxes, the informal norms have trumped the formal constraints. While the empirical literature on deficits has examined the constraining effects of informal rules, this paper offers a novel treatment of shifting norms as having expansionary effects on deficits.
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Korunova, Evgenia. „From Eventual Neutrality to Non-Aligned Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War: the Swedish Experience“. ISTORIYA 12, Nr. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016461-6.
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This article is devoted to the shaping of a new security doctrine in Sweden after World War II, its evolving from eventual neutrality to a deliberate avoidance of military-political alliances, meaning non-alliance politics. Later this concept was called “freedom from alliances in peacetime in order to maintain neutrality in the times of war”. The author of the article focuses on establishing of Sweden's non-alliance politics, which took place at the time of the antagonism gaining between the United States and the USSR in the late 1940s — early 1950s, describes the main difficulties that the Scandinavian state had to face during this period and ways to solve the problems, standing in the way of the realization of a new doctrine. In the article a significant attention is paid to Swedish politicians who played significant roles in the shaping and sustainable development of Swedish non-alliance politics in the second half of the 20th century.
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Sheffield, Rebecca M., Frances M. D’Andrea, Valerie Morash und Sarah Chatfield. „How Many Braille Readers? Policy, Politics, and Perception“. Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 116, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x211071125.
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Introduction This study involved a systematic literature review to document the sources behind publications and citations that comprise knowledge about rates of braille usage/literacy among people with visual impairments in the United States. Methods Predefined search criteria were used to extract publications that potentially mentioned claims about braille literacy and usage rates, dating back as far as the early 20th century. Systematic analyses narrowed the set of publications to a collection of 95 articles and manuscripts that made specific statements about the prevalence of braille readership. Results The analysis revealed that even in peer-reviewed publications, many claims about braille literacy are made without citations to dependable sources. All identified citations used as the basis for braille literacy rates since the 1970s can be traced back to two primary sources: a National Library Service report from 1979 and the American Printing House for the Blind (APH) Federal Quota data (which should not be used as a source for braille literacy rates). Discussion This research explains the source of the often-cited “10%” statistic. The findings also challenge the field to question the bases for statements about braille literacy rates, including asking, “What do we mean by braille literacy?” Implications for Practitioners There is no current source of data that succinctly measures braille literacy rates in the United States, and there are no data that explain whether braille literacy rates are rising or declining. Making effective, data-based decisions requires asking the right questions and being informed readers of research in the field of visual impairment.
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Gill, Timothy M. „From Promoting Political Polyarchy to Defeating Participatory Democracy: U.S. Foreign Policy towards the Far Left in Latin America“. Journal of World-Systems Research 24, Nr. 1 (22.03.2018): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.750.
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During the 1980s, the United States initiated an explicit policy of democracy promotion throughout the world. William Robinson (1996) more accurately described this initiative as “promoting polyarchy,” whereby the United States supported moderate elite actors that promoted neoliberal economic policies to displace both right-wing and communist despots, such as General Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Soviet rulers in Eastern Europe. While much of Latin America remained characterized by polyarchies throughout the late 20th Century, Latin American citizens began to reject these political arrangements and to elect anti-neoliberal candidates that promoted participatory democracy by the turn of the 21st Century, particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. How has the United States changed its democracy promotion strategies to respond to these new dynamics? The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the U.S. government, through agencies such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, has altered the main thrust of its foreign policy in Latin America, from promoting polyarchy and displacing despotic leaders, to supporting opposition actors to unseat democratically-elected far leftist leaders that promote participatory democracy. This paper deploys a case study method involving recent U.S. foreign policy in Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and it utilizes both U.S. diplomatic cables and interviews with U.S. state elites to illustrate this shift.
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Ros, Jaime. „Free Trade Area or Common Capital Market? Notes on Mexico-US Economic Integration and Current NAFTA Negotiations“. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, Nr. 2 (1992): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166029.
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This Article addresses some of the key issues involved in understanding current trade negotiations between Mexico and the United States, as well as their significance for the process of economic integration in North America. These issues derive from the new setting produced by (a) Mexico's trade and investment liberalization in the 1980s, (b) the incentives which underlie the drive towards integration, as well as (c) those factors which will condition the final content of the current negotiating process.A free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States could be seen as the logical conclusion of the process of trade and investment liberalization carried out by the Mexican government ever since the mid-1980s. At the same time, it also represents a shift in Mexico's initial trade strategy, from multilateralism to bilateralism, or from globalization to regionalization, as a consequence of the global trend, toward the end of the 20th century, to create large regional economic blocs.
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Kinnersley, Randall L. „THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TOTALS COLUMN ON THE COMBINED BALANCE SHEET FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE 20th CENTURY“. Accounting Historians Journal 43, Nr. 1 (01.06.2016): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.43.1.33.
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This study examines the historical development during the 20th century of the totals column reported on the financial statement that reported assets, liabilities, and equity for all funds of state and local governments (SLGs) within the United States. This research documents the evolution of accounting standards that addressed the totals column. SLG accounting professionals and standards-setters debated whether it was appropriate for SLGs to report a combined totals column throughout the century. The totals column was optional or forbidden in some reporting standards. Other SLG standards permitted a totals column, but always with reservation. A consolidated totals column was never acceptable until Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) Statement 34. Statement 34, issued in 1999, required SLGs to report all primary government funds in a single consolidated totals column on a new Statement of Net Assets. The Statement of Net Assets was the first time users were able to assess the financial position of the SLG primary government in a single consolidated column. This study provides the historical developments that led to this major revision in SLG financial reporting.
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Rogaski, Ruth. „The Manchurian Plague and COVID-19: China, the United States, and the “Sick Man,” Then and Now“. American Journal of Public Health 111, Nr. 3 (März 2021): 423–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305960.
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In this article, I explore the historical resonances between China’s 1911 pneumonic plague and our current situation with COVID-19. At the turn of the 20th century, China was labeled “the Sick Man of the Far East”: a once-powerful country that had become burdened by opium addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. In 1911, this weakened China faced an outbreak of pneumonic plague in Manchuria that killed more than 60 000 people. After the 1911 plague, a revolutionized China radically restructured its approach to public health to eliminate the stigma of being “the Sick Man.” Ironically, given the US mishandling of the COVID pandemic, observers in today’s China are now calling the United States “the Sick Man of the West”: a country burdened by opioid addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. The historical significance of the phrase “Sick Man”—and its potential to now be associated with the United States—highlights the continued links between epidemic control and international status in a changing world. This historical comparison also reveals that plagues bring not only tragedy but also the opportunity for change.