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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
1
Griffin, Stephen M. „Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution“. Law & Social Inquiry 16, Nr. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
2
Makurin, A. I. „WHITE HOUSE AND UNITED STATES CAPITOL: BATTLE FOR THE SUPREME COURT (SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY)“. Вестник Пермского университета. История, Nr. 2 (61) (2023): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-84-95.
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The U.S. Constitution requires the President to submit Supreme Court nominees to the Senate for its advice and consent. The appointment of a Supreme Court Justice is an event of major significance in American politics. Since the early 20th century, Presidents have submitted 62 nominations for the Court, including those for the post of Chief Justice. Of this total, 55 were confirmed (seven declined to serve). The article dissects the crucial constitutional disputes between the executive and legislative branches of government from the Eisenhower administration to the end of the Clinton administration, and examines the day-to-day working relations between the President and Congress, which go beyond the traditional discussions of Supreme Court decisions. The article analyzes the conflicts between the President and Congress in the field of shared power – nomination and confirmation of the Supreme Court Justices in the Senate. The research is based on historical and statistical data on the Supreme Court: its institutional development; decision trends; background, nomination; its relations with public, governmental, and other judicial bodies; and its influence. A special place in the article is given to the analysis of the policies of the Nixon, Reagan and Clinton administrations.
3
Mari, Marcelo. „Mário Pedrosa’s Turn Point: From the Good Neighbour Policy in the United States to the Brazilian Modern Project (1938–1951)“. AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, Nr. 21 (15.04.2020): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i21.359.
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Mário Pedrosa contributed in a decisive way to the formation and development of Brazilian politics and art in the 20th century. Pedrosa traveled to the United States and started to live in New York at the end of 1938. In the field of the arts, he took a position on the debate between Independent Revolutionary Art and Instrumentalized Art. In the essay “Portinari – from Brodósqui to the murals in Washington” (1942), Pedrosa overcomes the defense of art as a revolutionary weapon, which was his position at the conference on the German artist Käthe Kollwitz, presented at the Club of Modern Artists, in Brazil in 1933. From 1942, he approached the position of independence of art, in relation to the government's instrumentation policies. Article received: December 16, 2019; Article accepted: January 31, 2020; Published online: April 15, 2020; Review article
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Tianzi, Sang. „Some Notes on Sun Yatsen’s “Alliance with Russia” Policy“. Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, Nr. 4 (14.04.2023): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-4-140-147.
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Alliances are one of the most effective ways for states to preserve and gain power. The study of alliance formation has long been a prominent issue in international politics. This article examines the factors that influenced the alliance between Sun Yatsen’s regime and the Soviet government through the lens of alliance theory, taking the “alliance with Russia” of the Guangdong government led by Sun Yatsen in the early 20th century as the subject of study. The scientific innovation lies in the analysis of historical events and their causes from the perspective of international relations. Due to the complexities of the Chinese situation, the southern regime under Sun Yatsen coexisted with the Beijing government, but was not recognized as the official government of China. As a result, Sun Yatsen needed to use an “alliance approach” to seek the backing of external forces in order to keep his own regime secure. After several failed attempts to enter into alliances with Britain, the United States and Germany, Sun Yatsen eventually elected to join forces with the Soviet Russia. According to the alliance’s conclusion, four major factors influenced Sun Yatsen’s “alliance with Russia” policy: balance of threat, diplomatic assistance, ideology, and political infiltration. Among them, balance of threat was the main motivation for Sun Yatsen’s alliance with Russia, and while ideology was not an important factor influencing the alliance, the ability to provide assistance to Sun Yatsen’s regime played an important role in the establishment of the alliance, considering the huge power gap between the two sides. The Soviet political penetration of Sun Yatsen’s regime helped the alliance’s establishment, but also led to its final dissolution.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. „The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences“. ISTORIYA 12, Nr. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.
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Martín, William San. „Nitrogen, science, and environmental change: the politics of the Green Revolution in Chile and the global nitrogen challenge“. Journal of Political Ecology 24, Nr. 1 (27.09.2017): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v24i1.20966.
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Abstract The widespread use of nitrogen (N) fertilizers during the second half of the 20th century radically transformed agricultural production and ecosystems on a global scale. Although the "N challenge" or the "N problem" has had limited public attention compared to biodiversity loss and climate change, scientists consider N pollution a leading ecological concern for the 21st century. Accordingly, a major challenge for scientists and policymakers around the world today is how to meet food production demands while also protecting the environment. Using Chile as a case study—one of the highest consumers of N fertilizer per hectare in the Americas—this article examines the transnational politics of production and destruction in this process of agricultural modernization. In the Cold War context, a transnational network of scientists, agencies, and authorities created an institutional framework for the transference of knowledge and technology in Chile during the 1960s. Paradoxically, as local and global reliance on N fertilizers increased, scientists were able to generate a narrative about the negative environmental effects of intensive N use and highlight the ecological limits of the Green Revolution. After 1973, however, this knowledge network suffered as a result of the Chilean government's anti-communist crackdown and adoption of market-based agricultural policies. Understanding this history of how politics shaped N consumption, science, and policy is critical to current efforts to create new of agricultural production on a regional and global scale. Keywords: nitrogen, fertilizers, the Green Revolution, Cold War, Chile, science, environment, policy, Global Nitrogen Challenge, agriculture, United States
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Veselov, V. A. „A Long Shadow of World War II: Development of the National Security Concept in the United States“. Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, Nr. 3 (20.11.2020): 85–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-85-130.
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In recent years, the history of World War II has transformed into a battlefield in its own right in the ‘war of memory’. Besides the clear fact that the current attempts to revise the results of this war reflect the contemporary international tensions, yet another factor should be noted. The ‘shadow’ of the Second World War appears to be very long. It manifests itself not only in the contemporary system of international relations, but also in the fact that we still view the world around through the prism of concepts that appeared during the state of war and still bear its mark. Particularly, the concept of national security. This paper examines the emergence and development of this concept in the United States. The author notes that although the concept of national security existed throughout the 20th century, before World War II it was identified primarily with the defense of the state. The paper examines how lessons of the Second World War led to a rethinking of this concept, and how approaches to national security evolved during the war and immediately after it. Special attention is given to discussions that preceded the adoption of the National Security Act of 1947, as well as to its initial results. The author demonstrates that the national security concept was based on a fundamental recognition of the existence of a special state between peace and war. For successful functioning within this state, the government needs to rely on a wide range of tools of both economic and military-political and ideological nature. Based on the lessons from the war, national security was viewed as an ‘overarching structure’, aimed not only at integrating various components of the state’s policy, but also at eliminating any contradictions that may arise between them. On the other hand, the author emphasizes that from the very beginning the national security concept had a pronounced proactive, offensive and expansionist character. Being considered as an antipode to the concept of collective security, this concept reflected the will of the US elites not only to get integrated in the existing system of international relations, but to create a new one, which would be based on the American values and would ensure the stable functioning of the US economy. The author concludes that it is precisely the multidimensionality of the national security concept caused by the multidimensional nature of the challenges of World War II that explains its continued relevance for the study of world politics.
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Ибрайымов, Г. В. „Afghanistan and Pakistan in Soviet and American Cold War politics: diplomatic relations and their ideological impact“. Historical bulletin 7, Nr. 3 (06.05.2024): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-3-37-46.
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Афганистан во второй половине XX в. был одним из основных направлений в «холодной войне» СССР и США. Это небольшое государство Центральной Азии оказалось крайне ценным в регионально-стратегическом значении. Активность в Афганистане советских и американских дипломатических миссий вызвана необходимостью склонить афганские политические верхи на одну из сторон. Методы применялись разные, от мощной экономической поддержки до связей с внутренними организациями, нередко находящиеся в оппозиции к власти. Соседний Пакистан также имел серьезную ценность в регионе, поэтому поддержка оказывалась и ему. При этом у Пакистана имелись собственные внешнеполитические интересы, в том числе и в Афганистане. Со стороны Пакистана велась активная деятельность в союзе с США для установления контроля в Афганистане и противодействию распространения коммунистической идеологии. А идеологический фактор имел значительную роль в отношениях СССР и США с государствами Афганистан и Пакистан. Представленная статья ставит своей цель исследовать взаимодействия двух сверхдержав в Афганистане и Пакистане на политическом и идеологическом уровне. В основном исследование сосредоточится на проникновение и развитие марксизма в Афганистане, история афганской коммунистической партии, советско-афганским отношениям. Так же будет исследовано отношение обеих сверхдержав с Пакистаном, реакция США и Пакистана на происходящие в Афганистане события, и их совместное противодействие политики СССР. in the second half of the 20th century, Afghanistan was one of the major focuses in the "Cold War" between the USSR and USA. This Central Asian country has proven to be of extreme strategic importance in the region. The activities of Soviet and American diplomatic missions in Afghanistan were motivated by the need to convince Afghan political leaders into one camp. Different methods were employed, ranging from strong economic aid to connections with domestic organizations that often oppose the government. Pakistan, a neighboring country, also had significant value in the area, so support for it was given. At the same time, Pakistan has its own foreign policies, including those regarding Afghanistan. Through alliance with the US, Pakistan actively works to establish control over Afghanistan and counter communist ideology's spread. And the ideological factor played a significant role in relations between the USSR and the United States and the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This article aims to explore interaction between these two superpowers in Afghanistan and Pakistan, at the political and ideological levels. The research will focus mainly on penetration and development of Marxism in Afghanistan, history of the Afghan Communist Party, and Soviet-Afghan relations. It will also investigate the relationship between both superpowers and Pakistan; the reaction of the US and Pakistan to events in Afghanistan; and their joint opposition to policy of the USSR.
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Wijkström, Filip, und Stefan Einarsson. „Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence“. American Behavioral Scientist 62, Nr. 13 (20.05.2018): 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
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Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
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Iskandaryan, Gohar M. „US Leverage Tools in Iran in 1950s - 1960s“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, Nr. 1 (30.03.2023): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-116-129.
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The study presents an analysis of American influence in Iran after the World War II. The author describes how American foreign policy concepts worked in Iran, and opened a window into the country for American oil industries. The importance and relevance of the article lie in the fact that the players have not changed significantly, nor have the rules of the game and the actions they evoke changed much. Although the foreign policy toolkit of the US has been modernized, very often old methods are still practiced in the region, thus the study and analysis of those are very valuable today. The author tries to identify the problems of Iran in the second half of the 20th century, to study them in parallel with American foreign policy concepts, to present and analyze how American concepts paved the way for the expansionist policy of the United States. The key finding of the research shows that every American foreign policy concept was basically implemented only in case of the continuity of the power of the same party. Thus, Republican D. Eisenhower promoted the concept of supporting American oil tycoons. After him, Democrat J.F. Kennedy did not continue this approach in full, but only retained some elements. J.F. Kennedy believed that if the Iranian government was headed by a skilled prime minister, an adherent of Western values, who could properly manage the Iranian economy, then Iran would become a regional ally for the United States rather than a dependent country. After J.F. Kennedy, L. Johnson continued the foreign policy approach regarding Iran by promoting the country’s reformation through the White revolution. However, as history proved, the White Revolution failed to solve all the socioeconomic problems of Iran in the short term. Instead, the monarchy faced new and already fatal problems. The sources for this paper were the archives of the US presidents, the archives of the US State Department, the memoirs of a number of politicians, the correspondence between the US presidents and the Shah, as well as the Iranian press of that time. The author has applied the historical-comparative method, using the principles of content analysis.
Dissertationen zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Heath, Karen Patricia. „Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.
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This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.
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Goldberg, David Howard. „Ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of foreign policy : a theoretical and empirical inquiry“. Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76524.
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This study investigates the phenomenon of ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of influence on the making of foreign policy on a cross-national basis. The attempt is made first to develop a framework for comparing theoretically the role of ethnic groups in various governmental systems. Once completed, the various conceptual assumptions are applied to the activities of domestic ethnic interest groups in the United States and Canada concerned with policy for the Middle East and the Arab-Israel conflict. The focus is primarily on the American and Canadian pro-Israel lobbies during the period between October 1973 and September 1982. Data for domestic Arab ethnic constituencies are also considered where relevant, but more as logical counter-points to the North American Jewish communities than as bases for full and complete cross-ethnic comparison. The principal objective of this study is to compare the political influence of two interest groups of the same faith and fundamental purpose but of different systems of government and political cultures.
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Nwokora, Zim G. „Do the candidates matter? : a theory of agency in American Presidential nominations“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2271ba3b-447f-4b1e-bfe2-ec473c87189b.
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This thesis develops a candidate-centred conception of American presidential nominations. Candidates' choices in nomination politics remain under-theorised. The literature on nominations has tended either to downplay the role of candidates' independent influence or to suggest that the impact of their choices is too idiosyncratic to theorize about. I reject both of these positions; and instead develop the basic elements of a theory in which candidates are the principal agents of change in nomination contests. I argue that candidates make distinct identity, tactical, and management choices, and I show that this simple frame can be used to connect aspirants' varying goals to their choices and actions. In my theory, candidates' prospects remain relatively stable unless a shift occurs in their competitive setting in response to an unexpected event - for instance, a surprising election result. These shifts, or critical junctures, define a candidate's path to his party's presidential nomination. I argue that the rival candidates' choices dominate the development of these critical junctures and, therefore, that candidates' choices are crucial to nomination outcomes. Structural factors, the actions of non-candidates and the effects of exogenous events, account for a minority of critical junctures. In the empirical chapters of this study, I examine the Democratic and Republican nomination contests in selected years before the McGovern-Fraser reforms (1912, 1924, 1932) and in post-reform cases (1972, 1976, 1980) to demonstrate the pervasive influence of candidates' choices in contrasting institutional settings. These cases confirm my basic claim about the centrality of candidates' choices and also suggest significant ways in which candidates' choices have changed between 1912 and 1980.
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Clyne, Steven S. „The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.
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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the
determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t
America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never
believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem
fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad
witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of
communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based
economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was
th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War.
Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based
exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing
economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan
appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States,
alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into
the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from
Kuwait.
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Scott, Sean A. „Alcohol and agriculture : the political philosophy of Calvin Coolidge demonstrated in two domestic policies“. Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1164850.
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This thesis demonstrates that Calvin Coolidge applied a philosophy of limited government to his executive decisions concerning two domestic issues, Prohibition and agricultural policy. In both matters, various groups attempted to pressure Coolidge into permanently increasing the scope of the federal government's activities. Coolidge refused to comply with their demands and maintained his belief in the benefits of a federal government that limited itself to minimal activism by mediating the disputes of conflicting interest groups. Through both Prohibition and the agricultural problem, Coolidge exhibited his effectiveness in handling divisive political issues while maintaining his philosophy of limited government. Overall, this thesis contributes to the scholarly revisionism of Coolidge.Department of History
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Fischer, Nick 1972. „The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Andelic, Patrick Kieron. „Donkey work : redefining the Democratic Party in an 'age of conservatism', 1972-1984“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e6045e-6262-45dd-873f-d35223133a42.
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This thesis argues that much of the political historiography is mistaken in portraying the post-1960s United States as a nation moving inexorably to the right. It also argues that historians should not understand the Democratic Party as being in terminal decline between 1972 and 1984, marginalised by a coalescing conservative Republican majority. Indeed, taking as its focus the U.S. Congress, this thesis asks why the remarkable resilience of the congressional Democratic Party has been overlooked by historians. It further asks why that resilience did so little to help the party in subsequent years. The Democratic revival in the elections of 1974 and 1976, so often dismissed as a post-Watergate aberration, was in fact an authentic political opportunity that the party failed to exploit. Exploring various Democratic factions within Congress that competed to shape their party's public philosophy, this thesis seeks to show how grander liberal ambitions were often subordinated to the logic of legislative politics and policymaking. The underlying theme is the unsuitability of Congress as an arena for the discussion and refinement of post-Great Society liberalism. Again and again, the legislature displayed a remarkable facility for undermining iconoclasm and stalling policy experimentation. Institutional reforms in the early 1970s, supposed to reinvigorate the Congress and the congressional Democratic Party, actually succeeded only in intensifying the fragmentation of both. Congressional politics became more entrepreneurial and less party-oriented, leaving legislators with few incentives to look beyond their own political fortunes to the party's future prospects. Enduring Democratic strength in Congress meant that Capitol Hill remained at the centre of the party's efforts to reclaim its preeminent position in American politics. The fact that the Democrats never experienced a protracted period of minority status, as the Republicans did during much of the mid-twentieth century, left them ill-equipped and without a powerful incentive to think in broader terms about their party's mission.
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Simons, Peter. „Isolationism on the Road to Damascus: Mass Media and Political Conversion in Rural Western Michigan“. Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/SimonsP2004.pdf.
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Ault, Michael E. „Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.
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This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy
goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.
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Dunaway, Johanna. „Changing Ideological Boots: Adaptive Legislator Behavior in Changing Districts“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3254/.
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Congressional roll-call votes are often used to investigate legislative voting behavior. To depict adaptive roll-call behavior in response to demographic changes that occur during redistricting, I use issue specific interest group scores from the ADA, NFU, and COPE. This exploits the bias in the selection of the issues that interest groups utilize to rate U.S. representatives, by using them to reflect changes in response to significant demographic fluctuations in the constituency population. The findings indicate that while party is the most significant factor in whether legislators adapt their voting in favor of certain groups, they do notice group composition changes within district and adapt their voting accordingly. This illustrates the impact of redistricting on policy and legislators' adaptation to changes in district composition.
Bücher zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Herringshaw, DeAnn. The United States enters the 20th century. Ann Arbor, Mich: Cherry Lake Pub., 2011.
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Herringshaw, DeAnn. The United States enters the 20th century. Ann Arbor, Mich: Cherry Lake Pub., 2011.
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Peter, Kuznick, Hrsg. Untold History of the United States. London, UK: Ebury Press, 2012.
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J, Kuznick Peter, Hrsg. The untold history of the United States. New York: Gallery Books, 2013.
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author, Kuznick Peter J., Hrsg. The concise untold history of the United States. New York: Gallery Books, 2014.
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Moss, George. America in the twentieth century. 3. Aufl. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1997.
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Moss, George. America in the twentieth century. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1989.
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Moss, George. America in the twentieth century. 2. Aufl. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1993.
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1944-, Goldfield David R., Hrsg. Twentieth-century America: A social and political history. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2005.
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Esman, Milton J. Government works: Why Americans need the Feds / Milton J. Esman. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 2000.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Levin, Jack, und Julie B. Wiest. „Politics and Government“. In Covert Violence, 74–89. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529230680.003.0005.
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This chapter examines a wide range of violent acts that have been surreptitiously perpetrated throughout history and around the world. Covert violence has always played an important role in supplementing conventional warfare, and clandestine attacks by weaker operatives have had devastating consequences—even in a country like the United States that is widely known for its military might (for example, the December 1941 bombing of Pearl Harbor by Japanese forces and the September 11, 2001 attacks perpetrated by al-Qaeda terrorists). Moreover, clandestine biological warfare has a centuries-long history around the world; from 1155 to 1863, documented attacks between political rivals included: contaminating water wells with dead bodies, selling wine mixed with the blood of leprosy patients, launching projectiles coated with the saliva of rabid dogs, and distributing blankets and clothing contaminated with smallpox and yellow fever. Plenty of examples can also be found throughout the 20th century—particularly during the two World Wars—as well as in the 21st century. Although any combatant might conceivably decide to employ clandestine weapons and/or to strike surreptitiously, one with a large power deficit that is nonetheless desperate to win might be especially likely to resort to covert acts of violence.
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Lane, Roger. „A Common Destiny: Prospects for the Black City“. In William Dorsey’s Philadelphia and Ours, 374–410. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065664.003.0014.
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Abstract Americans have always thought themselves a special people. In the late 20th century we must reject many of the ways in which earlier generations sometimes conceived this notion; for 17th-century Puritans it involved a religious, specifically Protestant, example to the world; for late 19th-century racists a mission of “Anglo-Saxon” conquest; in the post–World War II era a superiority based on “free enterprise,” an economic system which proved we were best because we were richest. But there have been other and more attractive ways of expressing the central idea of special destiny, notably the idea that this country is a kind of “great experiment.” For its most eloquent earlier spokesmen, Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln, the experiment was political, as for generations after the United States was founded we were the only major nation in the world with a formally democratic government. This is of course no longer relevant: while the attractions of democracy—and some of its problems—are dramatically evident during the 1990s, many countries have constitutions at least as democratic as ours, and the United States can no longer claim the lead. But toward the end of the college year, with a little embarrassment—neither I nor today’s students are comfortable with idealistic flights of fancy—I sometimes suggest that the idea of “experiment” may still be worth considering, in terms not of democracy but of race and ethnicity.
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„China vs. the United States“. In Historical and Political Analysis on Power Balances and Deglobalization, 59–86. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-5633-0.ch005.
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The relationship between the United States and modern China has been tentative at best, and at times, volatile. The dueling global superpowers have kept it cordial throughout the latter 20th century, but the insertion of uber-nationalist President Xi Jinping has challenged the liberal democratic order predicated on the balance of power amongst the world's nations. The competition between China and the United States has only intensified in the 21st century with the election of nationalist President Xi Jinping, who has not only committed to ‘purifying' the country via education camps for the Uyghur population, but to countering punitive U.S. trade policies and decisions. Xi's China is a major political actor within the international community, and stands a good chance at the impending new world order centering around Chinese politics and policy.
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Lutsevich, Lyudmila F. „Russian-Language Periodicals in Finland at the Beginning of the 20th Century: Finljandskaja Gazeta“. In Russian Literature and Journalism in the Pre-revolutionary Era: Forms of Interaction and Methodology of Analysis, 141–56. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0661-1-141-156.
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At the turn of the 19th–20th centuries internal political struggle in Russia is escalating, militaristic tendencies in Europe are intensifying. On the “western outskirts” of the empire, anti-Russian, nationalist and separatist sentiments are spreading more and more widely. Under these conditions, the idea of a “united and indivisible Russia” is being actualized as a fundamental principle of state policy. This idea became the core of the process of Russification of the “outskirts”. The government’s Finlyandskaya Gazeta (1900– 1917) became the brainchild of the incipient process of Russification. The newspaper’s ideological pathos, concept, and tasks formulated by its editor I.A. Bazhenov are discussed in this article.
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Ginzberg, Ell. „Health –care policy in the United States in the 20th century“. In Ethical Dimensions of Health Policy, 54–76. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195140705.003.0004.
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Abstract I begin with some summary observations about the role that ethics has played in helping to shape health-care policy in the United States in the 20th century. The fact that the United States consists of fifty states occupying an area of about three million square miles with a population of around 270 million with substantial variations in culture, politics, and family wealth and taxable revenue has contributed to substantial variations in private insurance and public services. These variations include large-scale disparities in both the geographic distribution of health care resources and the costs and quality of medical care. These disparities invite inquiry into the dynamic between ethics and health policy. I will be concerned here with the absence of national health insurance in the United States, an absence that serves to contrast this country with all other advanced nations, each of which has implemented universal coverage.
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Parkin, Jack. „Building the Future“. In Money Code Space, 73–91. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197515075.003.0005.
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The fourth chapter describes how technological decentralisation emerged with advancements in cryptography and acted as a political counterweight of resistance to the encroachment of centralised governments across (online) spaces. The decentralist worldview is shown to be rooted in the specific political geography of the West Coast of the United States that, during the latter half of the 20th century, became a crucible of counterculture and entrepreneurship. Fuelled by this vision, a monetarist desire to create fairer economies through algorithmic decentralisation gave rise to the advent of cryptocurrencies. The intersection and slippage of this technologically deterministic imaginary (preaching a freedom from hierarchy and control) with geographies of material practice is developed throughout following chapters.
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Rees, Stuart. „Perpetrators and victims“. In Cruelty or Humanity, 11–22. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356974.003.0002.
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This chapter details individual cases of cruelty which illustrate the character of perpetrators, whether governments, state institutions, or individuals, and the awfulness experienced by the victims. In each of these cases, individuals lived in contexts of discrimination and violence. Political forces, government policies, and cultural influences prepared the stage and built the contexts. Examples cover the plights of asylum seekers, refugees, immigrants, prisoners, and indigenous peoples. The chapter also discusses the mass murders of the 20th century, several of which are counted as genocides. Despite the 'never again' motives of those who crafted the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the small print of the Geneva Conventions, those genocides gave momentum to cruelty which has not been easy to stop. The chapter then argues that citizens who stay silent about cruelty may be as responsible as the leaders of governments, as responsible as the members of police forces and military who obey politicians' orders. From 2000, participants in cruelty could include media personnel; they may say or write nothing about inhumanities presented to them, thereby enabling the public to remain ignorant or indifferent to suffering.
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„Modernizing America“. In American Religion, American Politics, herausgegeben von Joseph Kip Kosek. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300203516.003.0004.
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The United States became recognizably modern in several key ways in the half-century after the Civil War. Changes such as the end of slavery, urbanization, and the suffrage movement posed formidable challenges to religious authority. Many of the most significant writers on religious politics in this period were not government officials but reformers who sought to remake Americans' public life. This chapter presents the following documents: Reynolds v. United States (1878), the Pittsburgh Platform of Reform Judaism (1885), Frances Willard's Woman in the Pulpit (1888), Elizabeth Cady Stanton's The Woman's Bible (1895), W. E. B. Du Bois' “Of the Faith of the Fathers” (1903), Walter Rauschenbusch's Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907), and William Jennings Bryan's “Mr. Bryan's Last Speech” (1925).
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Strach, Patricia, und Kathleen S. Sullivan. „A Conceptual Roadmap“. In The Politics of Trash, 23–34. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501766985.003.0002.
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This chapter uses a conceptual roadmap to lay out a theoretical and methodological approach and traces how governments achieve their goals. It addresses a prominent problem in the United States about how and why governments addressed the garbage problem and what are the resources they employed. It also relates government actors and institutions to the host of governmental and nongovernmental entities that were important in defining a problem, creating policy to address it, and implementing solutions. The chapter describes the nontraditional resources that proved important in the story of nineteenth-century trash collection and disposal through governance approach. It explains how governments work by examining them in relation to other actors, institutions, and levels of government.
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Crotty, Martin, Neil J. Diamant und Mark Edele. „The Politically Weak“. In The Politics of Veteran Benefits in the Twentieth Century, 93–119. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751639.003.0005.
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This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Fuentes, Gabriel. „The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba“. In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. „THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)“. In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "United States – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Reznickova, Alice. Lost Inheritance: Black Farmers Face an Uncertain Future without Heirs’ Property Reforms. Union of Concerned Scientists, Juni 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47923/2023.15127.
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Black farmers in the United States lost nearly 90 percent of their farmland during the 20th century. Researchers and advocates have identified the legal tangle known as heirs’ property as a potential leading cause of this historical and ongoing loss of wealth. Heirs’ property is land passed down through generations to multiple heirs without a clear legal title, and Black landowners have been disproportionately affected due to systemic racism in the United States. As a result, landowners underutilize otherwise productive farmland, have difficulty accessing federal loans and grants, and lose land to predatory buyers through sales forced on heirs who might have farmed it. The federal government has an obligation to help these landowners resolve title issues and improve their access to federal funding, which would support a new generation of Black farmers in rebuilding wealth for their families and communities.
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Carpenter, Marie, und William Lazonick. The Pursuit of Shareholder Value: Cisco’s Transformation from Innovation to Financialization. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, Februar 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp202.
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Once the global leader in telecommunication systems and the Internet, over the past two decades the United States has fallen behind global competitors, and in particular China, in mobile communication infrastructure—specifically 5G and Internet of Things (IoT). This national failure, with the socioeconomic and geopolitical tensions that it creates, is not due to a lack of US government investment in the knowledge required for the mobility revolution. Nor is it because of a dearth of domestic demand for the equipment, devices, and applications that can make use of this infrastructure. Rather, the problem is the dereliction of key US-based business corporations to take the lead in making the investments in organizational learning required to generate cutting edge communication-infrastructure products. No company in the United States exemplifies this deficiency more than Cisco Systems, the business corporation founded in Silicon Valley in 1984 that had explosive growth in the 1990s to become the foremost global enterprise-networking equipment producer in the Internet revolution. This paper provides in-depth analysis of Cisco’s organizational failure, attributing it ultimately to the company’s turn from innovation in the last decades of 20th century to financialization in the early decades of the 21st century. Since 2001, Cisco’s top management has chosen to allocate corporate cash to open-market share repurchases— aka stock buybacks—for the purpose of giving manipulative boosts to the company stock price rather than make the investments in organizational learning required to become a world leader in communication-infrastructure equipment for the era of 5G and IoT. From October 2001 through October 2022, Cisco spent $152.3 billion—95 percent of its net income over the period—on stock buybacks for the purpose of propping up its stock price. These funds wasted in pursuit of “maximizing shareholder value” were on top of the $55.5 billion that Cisco paid out to shareholders in dividends, representing an additional 35 percent of net income. In this paper, we trace how Cisco grew from a Silicon Valley startup in 1984 to become, through its innovative products, the world leader in enterprise-networking equipment over the next decade and a half. As the company entered the 21st century, building on its dominance of enterprise-networking, Cisco was positioned to upgrade its technological capabilities to become a major infrastructureequipment vendor to service providers. We analyze how and why, when the Internet boom turned to bust in 2001, the organizational structure that enabled Cisco to dominate enterprise networking posed constraints related to manufacturing and marketing on the company’s growth in the more sophisticated infrastructure-equipment segment. We then document how from 2002 Cisco turned from innovation to financialization, as it used its ample profits to do stock buybacks to prop up its stock price. Finally, we ponder the larger policy implications of Cisco’s turn from innovation to financialization for the competitive position of the US information-and-communication technology (ICT) industry in the global economy.
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Kimhi, Ayal, Barry Goodwin, Ashok Mishra, Avner Ahituv und Yoav Kislev. The dynamics of off-farm employment, farm size, and farm structure. United States Department of Agriculture, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2006.7695877.bard.
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Objectives: (1) Preparing panel data sets for both the United States and Israel that contain a rich set of farm attributes, such as size, specialization, and output composition, and farmers’ characteristics such as off-farm employment status, education, and family composition. (2) Developing an empirical framework for the joint analysis of all the endogenous variables of interest in a dynamic setting. (3) Estimating simultaneous equations of the endogenous variables using the panel data sets from both countries. (4) Analyzing, using the empirical results, the possible effects of economic policies and institutional changes on the dynamics of the farm sector. An added objective is analyzing structural changes in farm sectors in additional countries. Background: Farm sectors in developed countries, including the U.S. and Israel, have experienced a sharp decline in their size and importance during the second half of the 20th century. The overall trend is towards fewer and larger farms that rely less on family labor. These structural changes have been a reaction to changes in technology, in government policies, and in market conditions: decreasing terms of trade, increasing alternative opportunities, and urbanization pressures. As these factors continue to change, so does the structure of the agricultural sector. Conclusions: We have shown that all major dimensions of structural changes in agriculture are closely interlinked. These include farm efficiency, farm scale, farm scope (diversification), and off-farm labor. We have also shown that these conclusions hold and perhaps even become stronger whenever dynamic aspects of structural adjustments are explicitly modeled using longitudinal data. While the results vary somewhat in the different applications, several common features are observed for both the U.S. and Israel. First, the trend towards the concentration of farm production in a smaller number of larger farm enterprises is likely to continue. Second, at the micro level, increased farm size is negatively associated with increased off-farm labor, with the causality going both ways. Third, the increase in farm size is mostly achieved by diversifying farm production into additional activities (crops or livestock). All these imply that the farm sector converges towards a bi-modal farm distribution, with some farms becoming commercial while the remaining farm households either exit farming altogether or continue producing but rely heavily on off-farm income. Implications: The primary scientific implication of this project is that one should not analyze a specific farm attribute in isolation. We have shown that controlling for the joint determination of the various farm and household attributes is crucial for obtaining meaningful empirical results. The policy implications are to some extent general but could be different in the two countries. The general implication is that farm policy is an important determinant of structural changes in the farm sector. For the U.S., we have shown the different effects of coupled and decoupled (direct) farm payments on the various farm attributes, and also shown that it is important to take into account the joint farm-household decisions in order to conduct a meaningful policy analysis. Only this kind of analysis explains the indirect effect of direct farm payments on farm production decisions. For Israel, we concluded that farm policy (or lack of farm policy) has contributed to the fast structural changes we observed over the last 25 years. The sharp change of direction in farm policy that started in the early 1980s has accelerated structural changes that could have been smoother otherwise. These accelerated structural changes most likely lead to welfare losses in rural areas.