Thematische Bibliographien / United States Foreign relations Japan

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „United States Foreign relations Japan“

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. „Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America“. International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, Nr. 1 (März 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

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Huang, Wentao. „Research on China-Japan Bilateral Relations——A Stable and Fragile Bilateral Relationship“. Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (16.06.2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ve1pwf70.

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After the end of World War II, since the surrender of the Japanese militarist Empire, Japan had political reform with the help of the United States. It was the beginning of Japan's diplomatic normalization after the end of militaristic diplomacy. Since the new century, from the “Follow America and give priority to economic development” to the “New capitalism and realism diplomacy in the new era” foreign policy with domestic and foreign coordination, Japan's diplomatic strategy towards China has handled resoundingly on the delicate relationship of competition between China and the United States. Japan has a lot of deep cooperation with the United States, Japan maintains a relatively harmonious relationship at the same time. This paper focuses on the important strategic changes in Japanese diplomacy from the beginning of the 21st century to the present and the leading ideas and lines of Japanese diplomacy in different periods. According to Japan's various strategic changes, domestic and foreign factors have proved that Sino-Japanese relations are both stable and fragile.

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Podoba, Z., und V. Gorshkov. „“Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade“. World Economy and International Relations 65, Nr. 11 (2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.

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The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American companies to Japanese markets – the situation that was typical for bilateral trade relations since the 1980s. “Path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. trade relations, conventionally categorized by the existence of numerous trade contradictions, is pronounced in the unchanged goals, strategy and tactics of foreign trade negotiations. The United States maintains its “attacking” role and dominates in the bilateral trade negotiations, while Japan, despite its enhancing influence in the multilateral trading system and regional trade agreements, is forced to “self-defend” and make concessions to a more dominant partner in order to maintain its automobile exports to the United States at the expense of its national interests in other industries, particularly in the agricultural sector. Thus, new trade agreements are unlikely to cause significant structural changes in Japan-U.S. bilateral trade in the shortterm as the problem of persistent trade deficits remains. In order to break the vicious circle of “path-dependency” Japan is to actively cooperate with the economies of the European Union which have large amounts of trade deficits with the U.S., can serve as a mediator in the U.S. – China trade conflicts, as well with other Asian countries via mega-FTAs which possess potential risks to the United States. Further development of foreign trade cooperation will depend on the initiatives of new governments in both countries.

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Timoshenko, Valery N., und Natalia V. Kurkova. „DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE-AMERICAN MILITARY-POLITICAL ALLIANCE DURING 1990–1996“. HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 20, Nr. 2 (2023): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2023-20-2-199-205.

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The end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of the bipolar international political system forced all participants in international relations to begin the process of reforming the usual tools of foreign policy communication. The moderator of the new collective security conjuncture was the United Nations under the auspices of the United States. Japan, as an ally of the United States and a direct member of the UN, needed to adapt the principles of its foreign policy to effectively integrate into the new system of international relations. Military conflicts around the world have challenged not only the fledgling system of collective response, but also its participants. This article attempts to determine the impact of new security challenges on the transformation of Japan's foreign policy and interaction with the United States within the framework of the Japan-U.S. politicalmilitary alliance. It uses materials declassified by the U.S. National Security Archive.

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Aruga, Tadashi. „Foreign Policy and Social Change: Japan and the United States“. Tocqueville Review 16, Nr. 2 (Januar 1995): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.2.79.

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In the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan moved from isolation and pacifism towards a militarized foreign policy. It relumed to pacifism after its defeat in World War II. The United States discarded its pacifist stance as it entered World War II and reaffirmed its commitment to a militarized foreign policy at the onset of the Cold War. Because both Japan and the United States had been outside or at the periphery of international relations for such a long time, these shifts tended to be far more dramatic than those experienced by European nations, accustomed as they were to an international milieu where peace and war coexisted.

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. „Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, Nr. 1 (14.03.2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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GORE, Lance L. P. „A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018“. East Asian Policy 11, Nr. 01 (Januar 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.

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Korniyuk, M. V. „THE ROLE OF THE JAPAN-AMERICAN ALLIANCE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MODERN JAPAN“. Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 24, Nr. 2 (2024): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2024-2-24-33.

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An analysis of the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy and defense strategies in the last decade is presented. Key changes in security legislation, economic agreements are studied. Economic agreements and the dynamics of relations between Japan and the United States in recent years are considered.

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Yukawa, Hayato. „U.S.–Japan Economic Contention in Manchukuo: What did Manchukuo’s Economic Control Bring to the U.S.–Japan Relationship?“ Journal of American-East Asian Relations 30, Nr. 1 (29.03.2023): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010005.

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Abstract This article examines the impact of Japan’s economic control of Manchukuo on U.S.-Japan relations. From 1933 to 1935, ties between the two countries came to a temporary standstill. However, during these years, Washington and Tokyo waged a diplomatic war in the background over Japan’s control of Manchukuo’s economy. Although the United States accused Japan of violating the Nine Power Treaty it had signed endorsing the Open Door Policy, Japan established several special companies in Manchukuo, and some American firms withdrew from Manchuria. What kind of diplomatic negotiations developed between the United States and Japan during this period? What impact did they have on the relationship between the two countries? This article examines Japan’s development of economic control in Manchukuo and considers its impact, while situating the matter within the history of U.S.-Japan relations during the interwar period. In doing so, it will show how Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs implemented measures that prevented Japan’s economic domination of Manchukuo from immediately worsening U.S.-Japan relations. At the same time, it demonstrates that Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as its army, played an important role in the process of Japan asserting dominance over Manchuria.

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Katada, Saori N. „Japan's Foreign Aid after the San Francisco Peace Treaty“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, Nr. 3-4 (2000): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645886.

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AbstractThe year 2001 marks the fifty-year anniversary of the San Francisco Peace Conference that concluded the U.S. occupation of Japan, and defined the future course of Japan's foreign relations with the rest of the world, particularly with Asia. During these fifty years, Japan transformed itself from a war-devastated nation of poverty and instability to the second richest economy of the world after the United States. Japan's foreign relations with Asia remains of critical importance, and Japan's foreign aid, the largest of the world in the past decade, contributed significantly in shaping the relationship.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). „US-Japan Relations during the Korean War“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.

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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.

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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. „American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.

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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)

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Anderson, Andrew Richard. „A relationship under strain : the FSX fighter and the Japan-US alliance“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114564.

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On the 3rd of March 1990, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu and President George Bush met in Palm Springs, California, to discuss ways to ease the strained Japan-US relationship. They discussed the fate of both the security alliance and the trade relationship. Central to the discussion were concerns to reduce the American $49 billion trade deficit with Japan and plans to reduce the US troop numbers in Asia by ten percent (from 120,000) or about 5,000 troops in Japan. The trade relationship, currently in a "showdown" stage, faces considerable friction ahead because under the Super "301" clause of the 1988 Omnibus trade bill retaliatory action is required against specified countries (Japan) if progress is not made towards the importation of designated products (lumber, satellites, and supercomputers) by a specified date (June 16, 1990). The Super "301" clause sets deadlines in an ongoing dispute that has years of "no-results" precedents. Setting deadlines creates possible flash points in the Japanese-American relationship.

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Duho, Drapeau Dann. „The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)“. Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.

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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.

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Katahara, Eiichi. „The U.S.-Japan security relationship, 1975-1985 : a Japanese perspective“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112048.

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Japan and the United States, two bitter wartime enemies, have become two of the closest and perhaps most important allies in the world today. Given the dissimilarities between the two countries, the U.S.-Japan alliance is, indeed, a remarkable achievement. In spite of the marked differences in culture, tradition, language and ethnicity, the two countries share a basic similarity in that they are now industrial democracies, embracing democratic values and a free economy. Although the post-war U .S .-Japanese relationship can be viewed as a remarkable success, diverging national interests and differing perceptions have troubled the relationship from time to time. These create an ever-present potential for mishandling and misunderstanding, as were the textile dispute in 1969-71 and the "Nixon shocks" of 1971. Although Japan has been the cornerstone of the U.S. strategy of forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region, recent U .S .-Japanese relations have been strained by chronic economic friction and U.S. demands for an increased Japanese defence effort. This paper deals with the strategic aspects of the current U .S .-Japanese relationship. It focusses on the period from 1975 to the present because since the late 1970s, the U . S .-Japanese security relationship has entered a new phase. Recent trends indicate that Japan seems to be increasingly integrated into the U.S. global alliance system. Some indications of this are joint defence planning, military technology cooperation and joint military exercises. But questions which need to be answered remain. Is Japan really prepared to meet the U.S. demands? What are the implications of the deepening military ties between the U.S. and Japan for the security of Japanese interests, or for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region? How can a more stable U,S.-Japanese security relationship be developed?

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Johnson, Christopher S. „The United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1951: An Essay on the Origins of Postwar Japanese-American Relation“. PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4596.

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The early September day in 1951 that brought the Pacific War to an official end, with the signing of a treaty of peace, concluded as representatives of Japan and the United States signed the Bilateral Security Treaty. The security treaty symbolized new realities of international relations, just as the peace treaty had buried the old. By cementing into place a strategic alliance between the former Pacific antagonists, the treaty represented the great and lasting achievement of postwar American diplomacy in Asia. Nevertheless, the treaty was both the outcome and the perpetuation of a stereotyped and lopsided relationship, now fixed firmly into place, as a Japan diminished by defeat acceded to the necessity of a security embrace with its former conqueror, and the United States enlisted a most valued, albeit a most reluctant ally for the ongoing struggle to meet and defeat the Soviet threat. At the end of the Pacific War such an outcome had been beyond the pale. The security treaty was the product of years of crisis adaptation. Hopes that the U.S. could make China the great power of Asia were dashed by revolution. As cherished verities of U.S. diplomacy fell by the wayside, new truisms, based upon strategic interests inherited from victory in the Pacific and the cold war policy of containment, staunchly rose to assume their place. As a result, U.S. attitudes towards Japan underwent a tortuous reassessment. The initial occupation policies of disarmament and reform were replaced by the urgent need to enlist Japan as a vital cold war asset. However, this reorientation was not easily accomplished. Competing interests within the U.S. Government clashed over the means necessary to insure Japan's security and stability, while also guaranteeing the creation of a reliable ally -- a debate that became ever more heated as the cold war intensified. The Japanese, at great disadvantage, skillfully attempted to negotiate a role for themselves in the postwar world, eager for an alliance, yet fearful of domination. The goal of this thesis is to chart and document the evolution of this policy transformation, in all its twists and odd turns. To accomplish this task I turned to an older tradition of political science, one widely practiced at the dawn of the discipline. To be sure, judicious use was made of many of the theories and methodological approaches prevalent currently. Yet while useful at times, these methods often failed to adequately explain those indeterminate moments of idiosyncratic chance and contingency of events upon which so much, to my mind, the final outcome depended. I turned therefore to a more historical approach. My primary sources became the diplomatic record as revealed in the Foreign Relations of the United States and the memoirs of those who participated in the fashioning of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. By the time the security treaty was concluded, the agreement reached was not one of shared joint purpose, but one which defined and gave sanction to diverging national aims that could not, nonetheless, be realized in isolation. The continued U.S. military presence in Japan had been the goal of a policy process ultimately defined in military terms, as the final bastion of cold war containment on the rim of Asia. The Japanese understood the need for security in a volatile world, but not the necessity of providing it for themselves, as the postwar political system slowly organized around emerging economic priorities. It was an odd arrangement, but one which met respective needs and desires. Yet its lack of reciprocity and mutual commitment has ensured through the years the continuation of an ambiguous and uncertain alliance.

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Walter, Jason Michael. „Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan“. Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.

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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.

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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). „A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.

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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.

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Bowers, Tammy A. „Foreign aid and the national interest : the cases of the United States and Japan“. FIU Digital Commons, 1996. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1751.

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Developed countries give foreign assistance for many reasons, one of which is the protection of national interests. Foreign aid gives a donor country leverage in international relations and is used as a tool of foreign policy. The United States and Japan are the two largest aid donors in the world. Each of these countries exert influence over specific regions through foreign assistance. Although the national interests of each country are different, both use foreign aid to protect these interests. This thesis discusses the means by which the United States and Japan use foreign aid in foreign policy. It looks specifically at U.S. food aid to Central America and Japanese aid to Asia.

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Nukumi, Tetsuro. „Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.

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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.

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Bücher zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

Pacific Symposium (National Defense University) (1996). Blue horizon: United States-Japan-PRC tripartite relations. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, 1997.

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Schaller, Michael. Altered states: The United States and Japan since the occupation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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L, Curtis Gerald, Global ThinkNet (Program) und Nihon Kokusai Kōryū Sentā, Hrsg. New perspectives on U.S.-Japan relations. Tokyo, Japan: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000.

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Ellen, Snodgrass Mary. Japan and the United States: Economic competitors. Brookfield, Conn: Millbrook Press, 1993.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, Hrsg. Japan-Taiwan economic relations: Implications for the United States. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1992.

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace., Hrsg. Rethinking Japan policy: A report of the U.S.-Japan Study Group. Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1993.

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1964-, Mitchell Derek, CSIS International Security Program, CSIS South Asia Program und Nihon Kokusai Mondai Kenkyūjo, Hrsg. Bridging strategic Asia: The United States, Japan, and India. Washington, DC: CSIS Press, 2009.

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USA, Sasakawa Peace Foundation. The United States and Japan: Assisting Myanmar's development. Washington, DC: Sasakawa Peace Foundation, USA, 2015.

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Australia. Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The United States-Japan relationship and its implications for Australia. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1994.

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Buckley, Roger. US-Japan alliance diplomacy 1945-1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

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Buchteile zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

Chiavacci, David. „Navigating and Riding the Double Bind of Economic and Political Hedging: Japan and the US-China Strategic Competition“. In China-US Competition, 221–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_9.

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AbstractJapan finds itself in a double bind. On the one hand, the United States (US) has been a committed military ally, guaranteeing the national security of Japan since 1952. Any discussion of abandonment by the US sends shockwaves throughout the conservative security establishment of Japan. On the other hand, the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has transformed it into the most important trade partner of Japan, by far. Japan is interested in a continued expansion of the PRC economy. This paper analyzes the foreign economic policy of Japan and the security policy of the conservative, LDP-led governments under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe (2012–2020) and his successors in this complex interplay of international relations and national politics.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo und Andrew T. H. Tan. „China's relations with the United States“. In China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.

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Rozman, Gilbert. „Japan, the United States, Russia“. In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 104–13. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-12.

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Rozman, Gilbert. „Japan, the United States, China“. In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 93–103. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-11.

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Ninkovich, Frank. „The United States and Imperialism“. In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 79–102. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.

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Saltzman, Ilai. „Israel and the United States“. In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 167–79. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-17.

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Levine, Steven I. „The Japan Factor in U.S.—China Relations“. In China and the United States, 107–22. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616097_6.

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Tunsjø, Øystein. „China and the United States in a new bipolar system“. In US–China Foreign Relations, 41–49. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-5.

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Rozman, Gilbert. „South Korea, Japan, the United States“. In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 78–89. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-9.

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Rozman, Gilbert. „Japan, the United States, Australia, India“. In Strategic Triangles Reshaping International Relations in East Asia, 114–24. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296256-13.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

Widyarta, Mohammad. „Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962“. In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.

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Yi, Yawen, und Xianxian Chen. „Comparison of the Formality of Business Negotiations in the United States and Japan“. In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.308.

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Ismail, Noorilham, Mohd Kasturi Nor Abd Aziz und Ahmad Hifzurrahman Ridzuan. „President Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration and the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation, 1963-1966: A review of the foreign relations of the United States document“. In ADVANCES IN MATERIAL SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING. AIP Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0118119.

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Ellsworth, Kyle, Spencer Magleby und Robert Todd. „A Study of the Effects of Culture on Refrigerator Design: Towards Design for Culture“. In ASME 2002 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2002/edc-34383.

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In designing products, the needs and values of customers in foreign countries differ as influenced by their respective cultures. The authors present a new aspect to be considered in designing: Design for Culture. A case study is presented of the effects culture has on the design of refrigerators in regions of the world including United States, Europe, Japan, and Developing Countries such as Brazil.

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Wang, Haiyang, Chenxiu Song und Quanyuan Gao. „Study and Compare on Classification and Management Requirements of Domestic and Foreign Research Reactors“. In 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-15412.

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There are 19 in-service civil research reactors in China nowadays, which are quite diverse on reactor type, usage, power levels, operation modes and safety features [1]. The common practice in nuclear energy advanced countries is to do safety classification and classified management of research reactors. In recent years, China has gradually refined and improved the related work. This paper summarizes the existing research reactor graded approach and safety management requirements included in certain regulations, guidelines and technical documents of IAEA, the United States, Japan and China, and specific practice and experience on operational level as well. And then the classification principles, classification elements, classification methods, safety management requirements and other aspects of the countries or government organizations mentioned above are compared from the view of research reactor safety classification. It comes to the conclusion: As far as China’s research reactor graded approach and safety management requirements are concerned, more work are needed. The relevant provisions of research reactor graded approach of IAEA are comprehensive, and have good reference value for China’s legislation system, but the classification method operability is not strong enough, and there are no detailed management and technical guides as the supplement to the graded approach. The relevant provisions of the research reactor graded approach of the United States and Japan are not systemic enough, but the classification methods are clear and operable, which are referable for China’s relevant practice on research reactor safety classification. After the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident, the classified management of the research reactors has achieved quite good results in comprehensive safety inspection of China’s civil research reactors. Finally, some suggestions in respect of the establishment and improvement of China’s research reactor safety classification guidelines and documents, standardization the use of graded approach, and application in the review and supervision of research reactor in China are put forward.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. „From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.

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Ismail, Noorilham, Mohd Kasturi Nor Abd Aziz und Ahmad Hifzurrahman Ridzuan. „The John F. Kennedy administration and the formation of the federation of Malaysia 1961-1963: A review of foreign relations of the United States (FRUS)“. In ADVANCES IN MATERIAL SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING. AIP Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0118118.

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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. „The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model“. In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."

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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad und Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. „MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”“. In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.

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Zhang, Zhenhua, Bo Zhang und Chaoying Zheng. „Study on the Water Intake of Heat Trap Blocked by Marine Life in Nuclear Power Plant“. In 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90544.

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Abstract In recent years, the operational events that the water intake of heat trap was blocked by marine life in nuclear power plants have occurred repeatedly. Since 2000, there have been more than 200 shutdown events of biological (foreign body) blockage resulting in failure of cooling water system in the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Arabia, India, Israel, Japan, South Korea and China. It has caused major safety risks and brought huge economic losses and has attracted wide attention from various governments, related industries and research institutions. It can be seen that water intake blockage event is a safety problem for all kinds of power plants to face. This paper introduces the typical design of water intake and analyses the potential effects of a large number of marine life into the heat trap water intake from the perspective of circulating water system (CRF) jump pump and essential service water system (SEC) loss of function. Based on the characteristics of the high frequency of such operation events and they may cause major safety risks, the reactor shutdown response time in different conditions is simulated. When a large number of marine organisms flood into the water intake of heat trap, the response of the operator on the potential impact of the unit condition and the operational response plan are analyzed. The impact of the unplanned changes in operating status caused by the blockage of the water intake is explained. Ultimately, based on the analysis as described above, suggestions on the design improvement of the heat trap water intake and seawater filtration system in the nuclear power plant are presented. At the same time, suggestions are put forward on the supervision analysis, dynamic monitoring of the surrounding environment of the water intake, establishing a rapid decision-making mechanism, improving the cold source emergency response plan and increasing the operation control strategy.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "United States Foreign relations Japan"

McCulloch, Rachel. United States-Japan Economic Relations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Oktober 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2408.

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Yencha, Jr, und John M. The Future of United States - Japan Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada264567.

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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno und Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.

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This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.

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Davis, Eric C., Ethan Sabala, Dylan Russell und Jayson Beckman. Impact of recent trade agreements on Japan's pork market. Washington, D.C.: USDA Economic Research Service, Mai 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2023.8023699.ers.

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Since the turn of the century, Japan has relied on domestic pork production to supply around half of its pork consumption. In part, this production has been aided by import barriers that have helped shield domestic pork producers from foreign competition. Between 2018 and 2021, Japan ratified trade agreements with the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) countries that will virtually eliminate these import barriers by 2028. With essentially all of Japan’s pork imports coming from these trade agreement partners, Japan’s pork market could change considerably in the next 6 years, with imports taking a larger share of domestic consumption. For the United States, this change is estimated to lead to an additional $281 million worth of pork exports to Japan. This report uses a global economic model to estimate the impacts of these trade agreements. Results from the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model suggest that when the trade agreements are fully implemented in 2028, there could be a 3.6- to 13.9- percent increase in pork imports into Japan in 2028 relative to 2018 levels. This increased exposure to foreign competition could also reduce Japan’s pork production between 4.2 and 11.8 percent

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Goto, Junichi. The Migrant Workers in Japan from Latin America and Asia: Causes and Consequences. Inter-American Development Bank, März 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010753.

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The world has been increasingly interconnected both economically and politically ever since the end of the World War II. In addition to the increase in the movement of goods (international trade) and the movement of money (foreign investment), we have observed increased amount of movement of labor (international migration) in various parts of the world. For example, European countries, notably Germany and France, have accepted a large number of migrant workers from neighboring countries for many years. In the United States, huge number of migrant workers, both legal and illegal, have been flowing from various countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. While Japan had been a fairly closed country to foreigners for many years, the influx of migrant workers emerged in the mid-1980s when an economic boom brought about serious labor shortage created an economic boom. Initially, most of these foreign workers are illegal migrant workers from neighboring Asian countries. However, since the revision of the Japanese immigration law in 1990, there has been a dramatic influx of the Latin American of Japanese origin (Nikkei) because these people are now allowed to do whatever activities in Japan, including an unskilled work that is prohibited to foreigners in principle. The number of these Latin American migrants is estimated to be around 150,000 to 200,000. This paper analyzes the recent experiences in the economic and social impact of international migration from Latin America and Asia in Japan.

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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Juli 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, Februar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.

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Szabó, Péter Bálint. Japan’s Posture in a Potential Taiwan Conflict. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2023.01.

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This paper explores Japan’s position in relation to Taiwan including Japanese policy options in different potential conflict scenarios around the island. Japan has a substantial stake in the conflict, given its economic ties to China and Taiwan, energy security, and its military alliance with the United States. In recent years, Japan’s deterrence capabilities were greatly enhanced by the reinterpretation of its constitution in 2014, as well as the development of its military capabilities. Regardless of its pacifist heritage, its geographic proximity and diplomatic as well as security relations make Japan an innate part of any conflict over the fate of Taiwan. The main conclusion is that these factors, as well as its vital economic and strategic interests make the Japanese position not radically different from other countries reacting to similar crises.

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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi und Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.

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Rodríguez, Ennio, und Anneke Jessen. The Caribbean Community: Facing the Challenges of Regional and Global Integration. Inter-American Development Bank, Januar 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008676.

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On 4 July 1998, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary. CARICOM is one of the oldest integration schemes in the Western Hemisphere, the largest in terms of membership, yet by far the smallest in economic and geographic terms. In the wake of its historic anniversary, many have reflected on the Community's past achievements and future prospects. Has CARICOM served the development goals of its member states? Will it assist them in pursuing those goals into the next century? How can regional integration facilitate CARICOM's successful insertion into the global economy? The aim of this study is to answer those questions and, in doing so, to contribute to the ongoing debate on the future of CARICOM. With some exceptions, CARICOM economies have either stagnated or grown very slowly, and high unemployment has become chronic. Despite important policy changes, export diversification has been limited and insufficient for generating satisfactory growth rates. Size constraints have always hampered the potential for growth based on domestic markets and intra-CARICOM trade; decreased protectionism makes the size limitations even more evident. The region's overall export performance has been unsatisfactory despite privileged market access conditions. Today those conditions are becoming less favorable. Foreign aid, a key contributor to development in past decades, is also diminishing. CARICOM is clearly at a crossroads. Chapter I provides a general overview of the Caribbean Community, key features of its economies and the challenges facing the region on the eve of the new millenium. Chapter II offers an overview of the regional integration process, including progress on intra-regional trade liberalization, the deepening and the widening of CARICOM. Chapter III examines the external challenges facing the region today, particularly as regards its trade relations with Europe, the United States, Canada and Latin America. Chapter IV examines key areas of the services sector, both in terms of enhancing the region's export potential and supporting the establishment of a functioning single market. Chapter V briefly examines the Community's institutional structure, outlining existing bottlenecks to the effective design, implementation and enforcement of common policies. Chapter VI provides an analytical justification for promoting integration and cooperation initiatives in the region, and suggests a number of actions that could be taken to enhance the development prospects of CARICOM. The study argues that despite the limited contribution of regional integration efforts to economic development in the region so-far, integration can play a beneficial role if pursued under the right framework and with the right instruments.

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