Zeitschriftenartikel: „Union Nations“

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Cao, Shixiong, Xinyi Zheng und Junze Zhang. „Challenge of political globalization“. Time & Society 28, Nr. 2 (28.06.2017): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x17716550.

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Globalization represents an intriguing new way to increase global prosperity. However, it represents a dramatic contrast to events in previous centuries, both in the West and in China, when most unions resulted from warfare and conquest rather than from peaceful negotiations. This can be seen in the increase in military conflict and decrease in political stability in many parts of the world in recent years. Therefore, achieving a union of nations through economic methods may reduce the risk of military conflict if nations can find ways to turn conflicts into a mixture of national cooperation and healthy competition (“coopetition”), leading to the evolution of a new world political order. Unlike previous efforts to create peaceful unions, such as the Global League of Nations, the new union of nations may succeed because it emphasizes the political and economic self-interest of each member state, thereby offering the possibility of win–win solutions. Through this process, conflict can become cooperation because the union of political powers with different ideologies under a unified regime will provide a dispute resolution mechanism and mitigate the risk of conflict. To achieve that goal, it will be necessary to develop a new way of thinking that emphasizes peaceful cooperation and competition rather than warfare.

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Bolkestein, Frits. „A Union of many nations“. Asia Europe Journal 2, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2004): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-004-0112-x.

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3

Hannington-Pinto, Daniel. „Australian Transnational Union Solidarity through Union-Building in Timor-Leste“. Labour History 116, Nr. 1 (01.05.2019): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.7.

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Australian union support for the development of an organised labour movement in independent Timor-Leste has received scant attention. Looking to address this gap in the literature, this article focuses on the contributions of two individual activists between 2002 and 2003: Didge McDonald, from the Liquor, Hospitality and Miscellaneous Union; and the Maritime Union of Australia’s Michael Killick. Their role in the development of Timorese unions was a crucial counterweight to the exploitation of domestic workers by foreign businesses – a phenomenon expedited by the macroeconomic implications of the broader United Nations state-building mission. Considered through the prism of nation-building at the civil society level, Australian union assistance to Timor-Leste is presented as a valuable example of how cross-border partnerships following the model of New Labour Internationalism can help workers challenge the growing reach of transnational capital.

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Konjak, Ibrahim, und Isra Shengul Chebi. „NATIONAL IDENTITY IN CENTRAL ASIA“. Alatoo Academic Studies 21, Nr. 1 (30.03.2021): 279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2021.211.34.

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Nationalization and the formation of a national state structure in the countries of Central Asia arose initially with the emergence of ethnic identity. The formation of ethnic identity in the countries of Central Asia is a process that began during the Tsarist era and was ultimately completed mainly during the Soviet Union. The formation of ethnic identity is the most important factor in social modernization in Central Asia. Since the formation of ethnic identity is an absolutely modern phenomenon. Modernization in Central Asia, in fact, was implemented in a top-down fashion. The rise of nations was carried out through the nation states developed by the Soviets. In other words, the nation states created during the period of the Union of Soviets in Central Asia are also creators of nations in the modern sense of the word.

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KHEIFETS, V. L., und L. V. KHADORICH. „UNION OF SOUTH AMERICAN NATIONS: CLOUDED PROSPECTS“. World Economy and International Relations 63, Nr. 2 (2019): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2019-63-2-85-93.

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6

Flavin, Patrick, und Benjamin Radcliff. „Labor union membership and voting across nations“. Electoral Studies 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2011): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.06.001.

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7

Oborni, Teréz. „The Union of the Estates in the Principality of Transylvania“. Historical Studies on Central Europe 4, Nr. 1 (24.07.2024): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.47074/hsce.2024-1.06.

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The paper briefly describes the basis of the constitution of the Principality of Transylvania, the union of Estates. Among the antecedents, it reviews the late medieval alliances of the Estates that were made by the nations (nationes) living in Transylvania, highlighting that the three ‘political nations’ were not nations or ethnicities in the modern sense, but rather were separated by their privileges and legal status. Based on Latin and Hungarian sources, the author reveals the covenants as renewed in the Articles of Law and emphasized that the concept of Union was broadened in the seventeenth century so that it no longer served only to support the unity of the state but also guaranteed the maintenance of the privileges of the Estates. The most precise interpretation of the Union was set out in the Approbatae Constitutiones, a collection of laws compiled in 1653.

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Kokebayeva, G. K. „ACTIVITIES OF THE «TURKESTAN NATIONAL UNION» IN EUROPE“. History of the Homeland 95, Nr. 3 (27.09.2021): 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_3_182.

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The article discusses the history of the “Turkestan National Union” in Europe. This organization was created by the Turkic emigrants consisting of the most educated and cultural layers of the Turkic nations of the former Russian empire. They contributed greatly to developing the ideological basis for the national liberation struggle of the Turkic nations in the USSR. The political activity of emigrants from the Soviet Union in Europe was carried out mainly within the framework of the “Prometheus” League. “Prometheus” was a political club that united a number of independent national organizations of the former colonial regions of the Russian Empire. The sources for the study - are documents and materials from the European archives. The main ideas and goals of the “Turkestan National Union” are viewed as an alternative to the creation of Soviet republics in Turkestan.

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Febrian, Emil Dwi. „Runtuhnya Marxisme-Leninisme di Uni Soviet dalam Teori Ashabiyah Ibnu Khaldun“. Jurnal Filsafat 31, Nr. 1 (24.04.2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jf.49944.

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This article examines history collapse of the Soviet Union with Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah theory. The Soviet Union was first communist nation founded in 1922 after fall of the Russian-Monarchy due to the crisis and saparatist movement in 1917. Post World War II, the Soviet Union became a center of the communist movement around the world, and advanced in industrial sector, known as a superpower nation in the 20th century beside the United States. However, the Soviet Union was declared collapsed in 1991. This article found that Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah can explain history of the Soviet Union in three stages of state metamorphosis; formation, glory, and collapse. Ashabiyah means a bond that unites the people, but it can be positive and negative. Analysis with negative ashabiyah, concluded that the collapse of Marxism-Leninism in Soviet Union was due to the denial of this philosophical teaching to create the privileges of the Communist Party became an authoritarian regime, and considered irrelevant and opposed by society. Authoritarianism happaned because of exclusivism and cult, and could occur in non-communist nations, including Indonesia in the New Order era, this shows that it is not ideology that created of authoritarian regimes, but political practices in specific nations.

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Sabic, Dejan, und Mila Pavlovic. „European Union: Chronology of union idea as a dominant characteristics of European nations“. Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 86, Nr. 2 (2006): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0602089s.

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This paper deals with basic concepts, problems, and perspectives of idea of community with the aspect of science. This paper explains those trends of this idea in science during history until Second World War, and new trends in new conceptual base of European future.

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Kincade, William H., Timothy J. Colton und Robert Legvold. „After the Soviet Union: From Empire to Nations“. Russian Review 53, Nr. 1 (Januar 1994): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131325.

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12

Diehl, Ole. „After the Soviet Union: from empire to nations“. International Affairs 69, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1993): 802–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620677.

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13

Legvold, Robert V., und Michael Mandelbaum. „The Rise of Nations in the Soviet Union“. Foreign Affairs 70, Nr. 5 (1991): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045067.

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14

Sorokin, A. K. „Soviet Union - Failed Empire or State of Nations“. Vestnik RFFI, Nr. 1 (2020): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22204/2410-4639-2020-105-01-30-35.

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15

Craig, Cairns. „After Union: Literature, Theory and Four Nations Historiography“. Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies 9, Nr. 1 (01.01.2019): 138–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.57132/jiss.31.

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16

Mędelska, Jolanta, und Marek Cieszkowski. „Отражение ранних вариантов советских национальных языков в московских русско-иноязычных словарях“. Acta Baltico-Slavica 35 (28.07.2015): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2011.008.

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Reflection of early Soviet dialects of national languages in Russian bilingual dictionaries published in MoscowAfter the October Revolution, over half of the citizens of the new Russian state were non-Russians. The historical homeland of some of them was outside the Soviet Union. The experiences of two largest national minorities: the Germans (1 238 000) and the Poles (782 000) were similar in many respects. Members of both nations were persecuted, suffered massive repression, and were deported to Siberia and Kazakhstan. The new cultural and political reality (separation from the historical homeland and national languages, influence of Russian and other languages of Soviet Union nations, necessity to use new Soviet lexis and technical/scientific terminology on a daily basis) forced changes in German and Polish used in the Soviet Union. Soviet dialects of national languages were reinforced in books, handbooks, the press, and propaganda materials etc. published in German and Polish in huge number of copies. The Soviet dialects of German and Polish were reflected on the right side of Russian-German and Russian-Polish dictionaries published in the 1930s by “Sovetskaya Entsyklopedia”. The analysis and comparison of the language material excerpted from the dictionaries show that Soviet dialects of both languages were characterized by the presence of orientalisms (result of the constant contact with the nations and nationalities of the Soviet Union and their culture) and unique lexis related to the Russian way of life (Russian culinary lexis, names of musical instruments, names of garments) and Sovietisms (i.e. new political terminology and words related to the Soviet way of life). The Germans found it more difficult to adapt their native code to life in the Soviet Union.

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17

Lubeck, Sally. „Nation as Context: Comparing Child Care Systems across Nations“. Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 96, Nr. 3 (März 1995): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146819509600305.

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This article provides an overview of recent trends in female employment and preschool provision in the United States and the European Union. It then explores some of the ways in which governments have responded to issues regarding women's work and child rearing. One type of cross-national research—“nation as context”—is then developed by comparing and contrasting the child care and early education systems of three nations: the former German Democratic Republic, France, and the United States. A model is presented for comparing these systems along two dimensions, one marking the degree of administrative and fiscal centralization, the other the degree of uniformity.

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Lien, Anne Christine. „Waving the map for national identity: How cartography in Norway and Sweden was used as a nation-building tool in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries“. Erdkunde 77, Nr. 1 (26.03.2023): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.2023.01.02.

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Cartography has for centuries been used as a political instrument to support national pride, impact and influence, whether through use of a national prime meridian or local toponyms, the emphasising of the country’s extent through colour, or the underlining and even distorting of its position and size through projection. In Scandinavia, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were times of upheaval, during which regions changed political affiliation and nations formed shifting political unions. Norway had not been an independent nation since 1380, but by the turn of the nineteenth century, Norwegian national consciousness was emerging, in parallel with the rise of ideas about the national state in the rest of Europe. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether and how the rising focus on national identity in Norway was nurtured through cartography during the final decades of the union with Denmark (1380-1814) and the first decades of the new union with Sweden from 1814 (-1905). A further aim has been to consider how Sweden, as the senior union partner, might similarly have used cartography to keep the union together as a unity, in opposition to the Norwegian national self-assertion. A selection of Scandinavian maps from the late eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century have been analysed with a focus on cartographic elements with potential impact on national identity. The main results indicate that both Norwegian and Swedish maps of that time may have been used as instruments of political influence. The use of cartographic elements on the analysed maps in general seem to have strengthened Swedish hegemony on one side and Norwegian nationalism on the other side, thus reinforcing the political division of Scandinavia still seen today.

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Romadan, L. I., und V. A. Shagalov. „United Nations - African Union Cooperation In Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping and Peacebuildin“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 6(45) (28.12.2015): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-174-181.

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The article addresses the cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, in particular the African Union in the sphere of security and settlement of conflicts. Over the last decade the role of the AU and sub regional organizations has dramatically increased. Through its agencies of ensuring peace and security the African Union is making significant contribution to strengthening stability and promotion of democracy and human rights in Africa. In the beginning of the article authors make a review of the level of security on the African continent and stress the sharpest conflict zones. According to researches one of the most turbulent regions on continent in terms of security is the North-East Africa. Continuing quarter-century war in Somalia, conflict relations between Somalia and Ethiopia, the border crises between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which in the late 20th century turned into the war between the two countries, finally, the number of armed clashes in Sudan attracted the special attention to the region of the entire world community. Authors pay the main attention to the cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in the sphere of settling regional conflicts and holding peacekeeping operations. In the article the main mechanisms and methods that are used by the United Nations and the African Union to hold peacekeeping operations are analyzed in details. The situation in Somalia and efforts of the United Nations and the African Union that are making towards stabilization in this country are also studied. Authors reveal the basic elements and make a review of the mixed multicomponent peacekeeping operation of the United Nations and the African Union in Sudan. In the conclusion authors stress the measures that could strengthen the strategic cooperation between the United Nations and the African union. According to the authors the most important task is to solve problems of financing joint peacekeeping operations quickly and effectively.

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Slezkine, Yuri. „The USSR as a Communal Apartment, or How a Socialist State Promoted Ethnic Particularism“. Slavic Review 53, Nr. 2 (1994): 414–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501300.

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Soviet nationality policy was devised and carried out by nationalists. Lenin's acceptance of the reality of nations and "national rights" was one of the most uncompromising positions he ever took, his theory of good ("oppressed-nation") nationalism formed the conceptual foundation of the Soviet Union and his NEP-time policy of compensatory "nation-building" (natsional'noe stroitel'stvo) was a spectacularly successful attempt at a state-sponsored conflation of language, "culture," territory and quota-fed bureaucracy.

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Ponomarenko, Liudmyla Viktorivna. „MODERN TRENDS AND CONTRADICTIONS IN THE PROCESSES OF NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF ARCHETYPES“. UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, Nr. 14 (16.06.2018): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.116.

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The article is an attempt to study the nation-building processes in Ukraine and in the countries of the European Union. The similarities and differences are accentuated for Ukraine, which was able to restore its independence after a long national liberation struggle, and the countries of the European Union, most of which can be called the states with sustainable democracy. In order to study the peculiarities of the nation-building processes, universal features common for any nation are investigated: history, territory, language, culture and national self-consciousness. The peculiarities of the nation-building in the newly and post-imperialist states are determined, as well as the influence of history on the formation of the archetypes of the nations. The reasons for the activation of the nation-building processes and their interrelation with the strengthening of separatist sentiments are investigated. The urgency of the separatism issue on the agenda of not only Ukraine but also of the countries of Europe is mentioned. The influence of nation-building processes on the interpretation of historical facts and events, attempts to “rewrite” historical facts or to silence them is considered. The role of the language issue in the nation-building and the duality of its interpretation are studied. Particular attention is drawn to the disagreements that have emerged in the nation-building process in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The contradictions in the interpretation of various social, political and cultural phenomena in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union are considered. The historical lessons of the European Union, which are worth learning in Ukraine for the further painless nation-building, and valuable European experience, which should be studied or taken into account in practice, are analysed. The main challenges facing Ukraine and the European Union countries regarding the future of the nation-building, peaceful coexistence and productive cooperation are highlighted.

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Hendrickson, David C. „International Peace: One Hundred Years On“. Ethics & International Affairs 27, Nr. 2 (2013): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267941300004x.

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The bequest for the Church Peace Union—the predecessor of today's Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs (and the publisher of this journal)—was given by Andrew Carnegie in February 1914. The Church Peace Union subsequently sponsored the first worldwide gathering of religious leaders, which was held in Constance, Germany, on August 2, 1914. Convened under the shadow of an impending war, not all delegates made it to the gathering. Six months previously, Carnegie had stipulated that the Church Peace Union devote its funds to the deserving poor “after the arbitration of international disputes is established and war abolished, as it certainly will be some day.” This could happen, he noted, “sooner than expected, probably by the Teutonic nations, Germany, Britain, and the United States first deciding to act in unison, the others joining later.” The outbreak of war was a catastrophic blow to such hopes, as the very nations expected to be at the core of this civilized project descended into an orgy of destruction the likes of which the world had never seen.

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Weigel, Jack W. „Difficulties for Western Nations in Obtaining Publications from Other Nations“. International Astronomical Union Colloquium 110 (1989): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100002906.

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For science librarians in the developed nations of the West, the difficulties of obtaining publications from other parts of the world seem to center around two interconnected factors: the number of copies printed of each publication and the availability of timely information about publication plans. For example, as quite a few people in today’s audience are aware, many advanced research publications from the Soviet Union are issued in relatively small quantities. As a result, libraries in the West must often order Soviet books in advance of publication in order to have a reasonable chance of obtaining them. By the time a specific title from the Soviet Union gets listed in the national bibliography, Knizhnaia letopis’, copies are no longer available for purchase. With respect to periodicals, the limited number of copies has an effect both on new orders and on claims. An order to initiate a subscription must be submitted several months in advance of the first issue of the volume which is to start fulfillment of the subscription. Otherwise one or more issues will be missed; only those issues actually published after the subscription has taken effect will be received by the subscribing library. After a subscription is firmly established, there is always a possibility that a particular issue may not be received by the subscriber. Libraries in the West are accustomed to sending in a claim for each missing issue, but this is seldom effective in the instance of Soviet periodicals, since few (if any) extra copies are printed.

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Bairner, Alan. „Nation and sporting places: exploring the national stadia of a (dis)United Kingdom“. Review of Nationalities 9, Nr. 1 (01.12.2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2019-0001.

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AbstractThe focus of this paper is sports stadia in Britain and Ireland and, by implication, the politics of identity in a multi-national United Kingdom, arguably more divided than at any time since the Act of Union in 1707 because of the decision to leave the European Union. The paper discusses sports stadia in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and, by necessary extension, the Republic of Ireland. I argue that, because of the multi-national character of the United Kingdom, it is impossible to identify a single British national stadium. In addition, in the UK’s various constituent nations, sport and its places are contested with the contestation reflecting divisions within these nations, making the Principality Stadium in Wales the only true example of a national stadium in the United Kingdom.

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Agustiar, Memet. „THE SINGLE CURRENCY FOR ISLAMIC NATIONS: DO HETEROGENEITIES MATTER?“ Journal of Islamic Monetary Economics and Finance 4, Nr. 2 (09.02.2019): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21098/jimf.v4i2.964.

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The purpose of this study is to assess the readiness of 44 OIC member countries to form a currency union and to test whether the Optimum Currency Area (OCA) criteria remain relevant to a large region like the OIC. Large geographic size is subject to socio-economic and geographic disparities. This study employs the OCA-index to estimate the degree of readiness of the OIC to form a currency union. Five selected criteria –business cycle synchronization, trade openness, inflation similarity, the size of the economy, and distance – were employed to determine the OCA using Ordinary Least Squares regression. The findings of this study estimate that 63 percent of pairs of countries in the OIC are ready to form a currency union. The selected OCA’s criteria present the best-fit variable in explaining the OCA for the OIC. This paper verifies that economic and geographic heterogeneities are not the main obstacle to forming a currency union. This study provides an important contribution to the theory of OCA primarily in clarifying the application of the OCA conditions in a large observation like the OIC, which comprises many countries and many blocs.

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Eklof, Tony. „The Coming together of the Nations of Europe: Sources of Information“. International Journal of Legal Information 29, Nr. 2 (2001): 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650000946x.

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The title of this paper comes from the famous ‘Schuman Declaration’ of 1950, which signaled the placing of Franco-German production of coal and steel under a single High Authority. It is quite astonishing that from this humble beginning, evolved the European Union of today. The phrase takes on new relevance as the Treaty of Nice paves the way for the biggest single enlargement of the European Union. The current Treaty, completes the Intergovernmental Conference which began in February, 2000. The founding treaties, signed in Paris and Rome in 1951 and 1957 respectively, and the amending treaties, most notably the Treaty on European Union, (Maastricht), and the Treaty of Amsterdam, form the Constitution of the European Union. It is important to note that while the earlier treaties concentrated on economic integration, the later treaties have shifted towards political questions. Bibliographic references to the various treaties have become quite complicated because the Treaty of Amsterdam brought about a renumbering of the articles to both the Treaty on European Union (EU) and the Treaty establishing the European Community (EC).

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Muharremi, Robert. „The Role of the United Nations and the European Union in the Privatization of Kosovo's Socially-Owned Enterprises“. German Law Journal 14, Nr. 7 (01.07.2013): 889–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002066.

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The privatization of Kosovo's socially owned property and enterprises differs significantly from privatization programs undertaken in other countries, especially in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe when they transitioned from communism to democracy and free market systems. What is unique about Kosovo's privatization program is that it was designed and implemented under the authority of the United Nations at a time when Kosovo was directly administered by the United Nations. It is perhaps so far the only privatization program that was initiated and implemented by the United Nations under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Various other international organizations, such as the European Union, played a significant role in this process as part of their responsibilities in the administration of Kosovo. An obvious question is what the United Nations would have to do with privatization in the context of territorial administration under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and if the United Nation's authority to administer Kosovo would include the authority to privatize property, the legal nature of which was unclear even when it was developed in former Yugoslavia. The discussion of these and other legal questions and controversies which are related to the privatization process in Kosovo are the main subject of this article, with a focus on the role of the United Nations and the European Union in this process.

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Lubbe, W. D., und Otto Spijkers. „Taking Stock of United Nations and African Union Constitutionalism“. African Journal of International and Comparative Law 29, Nr. 1 (Februar 2021): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2021.0350.

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Both the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) present themselves as a constitutional order, in the sense that they both set out to define the common values of their community – the global and African communites respectively – and to establish supranational institutions to promote and protect these values within their community. Because the two legal orders have a similar ambition, we believe it is interesting to analyse how the two can learn from and complement each other in the way they further define and specify that ambition, and in the way they attempt to concretise and implement it. We thus seek to establish the extent to which global constitutionalism and African regional constitutionalism can strengthen each other in the promotion of key constitutional values. In so doing the article will, inter alia, look at challenges and contestations faced by the UN and AU in their efforts to promote one such constitutional value which they have in common: the value of human dignity.

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Akinboye, SO, und OS Eesuola. „Students Union, University Administration and Political Development of Nations“. African Research Review 9, Nr. 1 (05.03.2015): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v9i1.12.

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30

Goma, Ophelia D. „Exploring a Monetary Union among Nations through Active Learning“. College Teaching 50, Nr. 3 (August 2002): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/87567550209595882.

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Larionova, Marina. „The Soviet Union in the United Nations Development System“. International Organisations Research Journal 14, Nr. 1 (01.04.2019): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2019-01-09.

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Thomas, Sion, Colin Reeves und Andrew Bell. „Home Advantage in the Six Nations Rugby Union Tournament“. Perceptual and Motor Skills 106, Nr. 1 (Februar 2008): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.106.1.113-116.

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Baksheev, A. I. „RELATIONS BETWEEN STATE BODIES AND TRADE UNIONS OF SIBERIA (1918—1929)“. Federalism, Nr. 3 (16.09.2019): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2019-3-88-97.

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The problems of the trade union movement are multidimensional and each state has its own characteristics related to the cultural and historical past of nations, traditions, ethnic composition of the population, level of economic development of the state, its territorial communities, etc. Along with the specific features of trade union organizations, theory and practice defined relatively well-established principles of forming trade unions and their tasks, which can be used in the further development of the state, including in today’s Russia. In this regard, the development of relations between trade unions and state structures of Siberia in the 1920s is of great importance. Twentieth century. It was at this time that new areas of work of trade union bodies associated with the development of the Soviet state system are growing and gaining strength. This includes the nomination by the trade unions of candidates for leadership, above all economic, positions and uncritical support by the trade unions of any proposals from managers of enterprises and the abandonment of the struggle for workers’ rights in state enterprises, etc. Thus, Russia began the process of merging trade union organizations with the Soviet state. The reluctance of the trade unions to draw a clear distinction between their duties and the role of the appendages of economic bodies in production had a painful effect on relations with the workers. Such a position of the trade unions separated them from the real needs and demands of the workers, caused frustration and apathy of the population towards the trade union movement.

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Sousa, Filipe Venade de. „The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities: a dynamic pro unione and pro homine with particular reference to the CJEU case-law“. UNIO – EU Law Journal 5, Nr. 1 (13.06.2019): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.5.1.255.

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The incorporation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities into the legal order of the European Union acquires a centrality relevant to the interpretation of the fundamental rules within the framework of the catalog of rights enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. The case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union constantly reminds us that the Convention is an integral part of the legal order of the European Union and prevails over European Union law.

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AHLQUIST, JOHN S. „Building Strategic Capacity: The Political Underpinnings of Coordinated Wage Bargaining“. American Political Science Review 104, Nr. 1 (Februar 2010): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990384.

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Encompassing labor movements and coordinated wage setting are central to the social democratic economic model that has proven successful among the nations of Western Europe. The coordination of wage bargaining across many unions and employers has been used to explain everything from inequality to unemployment. Yet there has been limited theoretical and quantitative empirical work exploring the determinants of bargaining coordination. I argue formally that more unequally distributed resources across unions should inhibit the centralization of strike powers in union federations. Using membership as a proxy for union resources, I find empirical evidence for this hypothesis in a panel of 15 OECD democracies, 1950–2000. I then show that the centralization of strike powers is a strong predictor of coordinated bargaining.

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Olteţeanu, Angel-Cristian. „Discrepancies in European Union Funding across member nations and sectors as of 2019“. Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 14, Nr. 1 (01.07.2020): 708–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2020-0067.

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AbstractThis paper aims to explore the discrepancies in attracting European Union funding across member states and across different sectors of activity. Specifically, it aims to discover if there is a set of rule or model that can be attributed to the structure of European Union funding across nations and sectors to discern if some sectors are much more lucrative from the point of attracting European Union funding than others. In addition, beyond the purely economic and business considerations, the article wants to investigate if some ideologies, regimes, or parties are more successful in general in attracting European Union funding by sharing membership between European international parties or other reasons such as funding majoritarian populist parties to sustain European Union membership. The topic is of recent international economics significance in the context of Brexit and the buildup of Eurosceptic sentiments across the European Union as well as the international polarization between blocks of political power in the global trade war. This topic has been addressed partially before, mostly by journalists but represents a niche novelty in academic studies of International Relations. The methodology used will be both through argumentation of historical and current evidence as well as empiric data collection.

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Roediger, Henry L., Magdalena Abel, Sharda Umanath, Ruth A. Shaffer, Beth Fairfield, Masanobu Takahashi und James V. Wertsch. „Competing national memories of World War II“. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, Nr. 34 (12.08.2019): 16678–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1907992116.

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We assessed the knowledge of 1,338 people from 11 countries (8 former Allied and 3 former Axis) about World War II. When asked what percentage their country contributed to the war effort, across Allied countries, estimates totaled 309%, and Axis nations’ estimates came to 140%. People in 4 nations claimed more than 50% responsibility for their country (Germany, Russia, United Kingdom, and United States). The overclaiming of responsibility reflected in these percentages was moderated when subjects were asked to consider the contributions of other countries; however, Russians continued to claim great responsibility, the only country that remained well over 50% in its claim of responsibility for the Allied victory. If deaths in the war are considered a proxy of a nation’s contributions, the Soviet Union did carry much of the burden. This study points to sharp differences in national memory even across nations who fought on the same side in the war. Differing national perspectives shape diverse memories of the same complex event.

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Festervand, Troy A. Festervand. „Perceptions Of Select, Newly Established Nations Of The Former Soviet Union As Foreign Direct Investment Options: A Longitudinal Perspective“. International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 10, Nr. 6 (24.05.2011): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v10i6.4369.

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This study replicates a 2002 study that used perceptual mapping to identify the collective and individual positions of nine, newly established nations of the former Soviet Union as foreign direct investment (FDI) options. With the continued growth of FDI globally, the purpose of the 2010 study was to determine if significant shifts had occurred in the perceived positions of the individual nations, as well as that of the "ideal" nation. FDI executives surveyed indicated that a limited number of newly established nations (e.g., Azerbaijan, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Ukraine) are positioned most strategically to benefit from future foreign direct investments. Of the newly established nations studied, Azerbaijan appears to hold a strategically unique position. The abundance of natural resources, the nations improving political and economic environments, and favorable business requirements all contribute significantly to this nations perceived position. Some nations (e.g., Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Moldova) continue to face significant FDI obstacles.

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Alvarez, Camila Huerta, Julius Alexander McGee und Richard York. „Is Labor Green?“ Nature and Culture 14, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2019.140102.

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In this article, we assess whether unionization of national workforces influences growth in national carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions per capita. Political-economic theories in environmental sociology propose that labor unions have the potential to affect environmental conditions. Yet, few studies have quantitatively assessed the influence of unionization on environmental outcomes using cross-national data. We estimate multilevel regression models using data on OECD member nations from 1970 to 2014. Results from our analysis indicate that unionization, measured as the percentage of workers who are union members, is negatively associated with CO2 emissions per capita, even when controlling for labor conditions. This finding suggests that unionization may promote environmental protection at the national level.

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Rahimov, Mirzohid. „From Soviet Republics to Independent Countries: Challenges of Transition in Central Asia“. Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, Nr. 1-3 (2007): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207766.

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AbstractIn the twentieth century, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan passed through a complex historical period. They were originally founded as republics of the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s as a result of national and territorial state delimitation. The process of the creation of new national state formations began after the Soviet Union disintegrated and these republics achieved independence. At the same time, the region's nations are facing complex problems of transition and the creation of new societies. Nevertheless, these countries have to continue the process of political and economic reforms, as well as development of civic institutions. The Central Asian nations established contacts with foreign states and international organizations and started to form a system of interstate relations between the countries of the region. There are potentials for development of regional integration of Central Asia. Future integration will depend on the readiness of the nations to carry out political and economic reforms, introduce forms and methods of economic regulation compatible with global norms, and most important, international support of political reforms and regional integration.

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YAMASHITA, HIKARU. „Peacekeeping cooperation between the United Nations and regional organisations“. Review of International Studies 38, Nr. 1 (29.11.2010): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001221.

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AbstractThis article considers a conceptual framework for peacekeeping cooperation between the United Nations and regional organisations. It articulates the ‘subcontracting’ and ‘partnering’ modes of global-regional peacekeeping cooperation, and examines how they have been practiced through efforts to form institutional partnerships with the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU). The article argues that there is incremental progress in institutionalising global-regional cooperation in peacekeeping, and yet managing such cooperation in the future requires a clearer understanding of the role of the UN in the globalisation of peacekeeping.

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Rosenberg, Göran. „The Peculiarities of Nations“. Eco-ethica 9 (2020): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202131936.

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In the evolving relationship between the European Union and its member states, the evolution of a democratic deficit at the European level has become increasingly manifest and problematic. EU remains a polity in which the nation-state remains the repository of democratic legitimacy, while EU-wide rule-making and decision-making are vested with institutions lacking democratic accountability. At the core of the problem are the persistent peculiarities of European nation-states, in this case, the reluctance of successful nation-states like Sweden and Denmark to concede democratic power and legitimacy to a common European polity. Remembering a conversation with Peter Kemp.

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Bolton, Patrick, und Haizhou Huang. „Optimal Payment Areas or Optimal Currency Areas?“ AEA Papers and Proceedings 108 (01.05.2018): 505–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20181058.

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We use the Optimal Capital Structure of Nations framework in Bolton and Huang (2018) to develop a new theory of Optimum Currency Areas. Whether two economically integrated nations should form an optimal currency area depends on a trade-off between financial flexibility (the value of monetary sovereignty) and monetary discipline (the commitment not to engage in competitive monetizations). We show that a monetary union works best when combined with a fiscal union and fiscal transfers. We also show that debt monetization is still desirable in a monetary union when both member-countries simultaneously face a negative output shock.

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Silverman, Victor. „Sustainable Alliances: The Origins of International Labor Environmentalism“. International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (Oktober 2004): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000201.

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This article examines evaluates the strength of the Labor-Environmentalist alliance of the late twentieth century. It traces the evolution of trade unionists' thinking about nature and the human relationship to the environment by examining intellectual and political sources of labor involvement in United Nations' environmental policy making from the 1950s through the 1980s. The article explores the reasons trade union organizations, notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Trade Secretariats (Global Union Federations) and the European Trade Union Confederation, participated in a variety of international conferences and institutions such as the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Environment, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. It finds that environmentally conscious trade unionists developed their own version of environmentalism and sustainable development based on a reworking of basic trade union principles, a reworking that emphasized solidarity with nature and made central the protection of the health and safety of workers, communities, and environments.

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Bogdanor, Vernon. „The British–Irish Council and Devolution“. Government and Opposition 34, Nr. 3 (Juli 1999): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00482.x.

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THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.

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Troitiño, David Ramiro, und Archil Chochia. „Winston Churchill And The European Union“. Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 8, Nr. 1 (01.06.2015): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0011.

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Abstract Given Winston Churchill’s influence and achievement as a writer, historian, adventurer, soldier, artist, and politician, his participation in the European integration process is crucial to understanding the entire scope of the project in its origins. Churchill was a fundamental voice promoting the Franco-British Union, a promoter of the European Communities, and an active participant of the Congress of Europe, embryo of the Council of Europe. This article analyzes Churchill’s view of European integration through his political speeches, in particular those delivered in Zurich and in The Hague, his ideas about the League of Nations and the United Nations, his understanding of the British Empire, and the special relations between the UK and the USA. His participation in the process of uniting Europe in its early stages provides us with essential information about the original plans for the creation of a united Europe and understanding the traditional British approach to the EU, including the current position of the conservative government led by Cameron.

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Wang, Horng-luen. „National Culture and Its Discontents: The Politics of Heritage and Language in Taiwan, 1949–2003“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 46, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2004): 786–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417504000362.

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In his groundbreakingNationalism Reframed,Rogers Brubaker challenges conventional understandings of nations and nationalism by advancing a distinctive, if not innovative, approach to the subject. Drawing on recent theoretical developments that problematize the realist ontology implicitly assumed in previous literatures, Brubaker calls for an institutionalist approach to the study of nations and nationalism. As he points out, nation and nationhood can be better understood not as substance but as institutionalized form, not as collectivity but as practical category, and not as entity but as contingent event (1996:18). He then employs this approach to analyze the breakdown of the Soviet Union. According to Brubaker, nationhood and nationality were institutionalized in the Soviet Union in two different modes: political-territorial and the ethno-personal. While the incongruence between these two modes led to tensions and contradictions within Soviet society, the dual legacy of such an institutionalization, manifesting itself as unintended consequences, eventually shaped the disintegration of the Soviet Union and continues to structure nationalist politics in the successor states today.

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den Heyer, Garth. „Police as Nation Builders: Distinguishing between Countries that Contribute Police Officers to United Nations Peace Operations“. Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, Nr. 1-2 (2013): 74–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1702003.

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The involvement of police in post-conflict peacekeeping has experienced exceptional growth. As a result, the countries contributing police officers to United Nations and European Union Missions is increasing. The countries that have contributed police officers to the 24 United Nations Missions that took place between January 2006 and December 2012 are examined and compared with those of military peacekeeping contributing countries. The countries identified as contributing police to peacekeeping missions during this period are different from those contributing military forces and are principally developing nations. These results raise questions in regard to the form of policing being introduced in post-conflict nations and the depriving of the contributing countries of their limited resource.

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Rekeda, S. „The Industrial Profile of the EAEU Countries: Effects of the First Decade“. Russia and New States of Eurasia, Nr. 1 (2024): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-1-25-41.

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The article delves into the analysis of the industrial progress of the Eurasian Economic Union nations spanning from 2014 to 2023. It elucidates the theoretical underpinnings on which the transnational framework for industrial advancement within the Union rests. The empirical endeavours of the Union in this realm are scrutinized. Drawing upon statistical evidence, an evaluation of the efficacy of the established industrial support mechanism in the EAEU member states is proffered. The article endeavours to delineate a comprehensive industrial portrait for each EAEU nation based on an array of economic benchmarks, which delineate the caliber of industrial sector growth and its integration into the economic fabric of the Union. The author arrives at discernments regarding the standard of industrial development in the EAEU and puts forth suggestions for augmenting its caliber and vigor.

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Burmester, Nicolas, und Michael Jankowski. „One voice or different choice? Vote defection of European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, Nr. 3 (30.05.2018): 652–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118768184.

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Existing research suggests that European Union member states are increasingly able to act in concert in the United Nations General Assembly. Based on several hundred co-ordination meetings per year, the European Union ‘speaks with one voice’ on most of the resolutions voted upon in the United Nations General Assembly. However, little is known about instances where the European Union member states do not vote coherently. Three questions remain unanswered. First, what factors determine deviating voting behaviour of European Union member states? Second, who are the most frequent defectors from the European Union’s majority position? Third, which voting blocs within the European Union can be identified? The article answers these questions in a quantitative design by controlling for domestic factors, issues of resolutions and the position of the United States. The results suggest that domestic factors determine deviating voting behaviour far less than agenda-related issues and the position of the United States.

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