Dissertationen zum Thema „Union Nations“
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1
Beale, Benjamin. „The United States, the Soviet Union and the United Nations : the United Nations as intermediary /“. Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb3663.pdf.
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Wood, Stephen. „Germany, Europe and the persistence of nations : transformation, interests and identity 1989-1996 /“. Title page, abstract, contents and preface only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw879.pdf.
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Bouchard, Caroline. „Managing expectations : the European Union and human security at the United Nations“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3261.
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This thesis explores the conditions under which the EU is an effective actor at the United Nations in the policy area of human security. Since the late 1990s, the United Nations has been increasingly active in addressing challenges posed by human security concerns. The concept of human security was introduced to emphasize the post-Cold War shift from a state-centred approach to security to an approach focused on the security of individuals. The EU is considered by some as a driving force in the UN policy process and has presented itself as a leader in the promotion of concrete initiatives to address human security challenges. This thesis seeks to examine whether the EU is truly an effective actor at the UN in human security negotiations and aims to identify conditions which influence the EU’s effectiveness. This thesis suggests that the analysis of conditions affecting the EU’s effectiveness at the UN requires the understanding of the ways in which a complex web of actors and institutions interact at three different levels: international, European Union and domestic. Using a multilevel game approach, this thesis examines the willingness of EU actors to work collectively at the UN (internal effectiveness) and the achievements of the EU’s objectives (external effectiveness). This thesis analyzes three cases of human security negotiations: 1) the ban on anti-personnel landmines, 2) the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and 3) the involvement of children in armed conflicts. Factors which have affected the EU’s internal and external effectiveness are identified in each of the case studies. The thesis uses qualitative methods such as expert interviews, documentary analysis and nonparticipant observation. This thesis demonstrates that, at the international level, the commitment of the EU to multilateralism can have an effect on the EU’s effectiveness in human security negotiations. The position of other key UN actors (such as the United States and the G-77) regarding a potential agreement also appears to directly influence EU Member States in achieving their objectives. The thesis argues that the use of consensus in the negotiations process can have a significant impact on the EU’s effectiveness. At the EU level, the analysis reveals that several key EU Member States channelled their efforts to convince their EU partners to act on all three issues. This thesis shows how the role of the EU presidency in coordinating the position of EU Member States can also affect the EU effectiveness in human security negotiations. The support of France, Germany and the United Kingdom, three dominant players in the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, seems also particularly influential in negotiations. Finally, the case studies suggest that domestic politics can directly shape the EU’s effectiveness. Internal negotiations in EU Member States and the involvement of NGOs at the domestic level are two other factors which influence the EU’s effectiveness.
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Hegemann, Hendrik [Verfasser]. „International Counterterrorism Bureaucracies in the United Nations and the European Union / Hendrik Hegemann“. Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1107603013/34.
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Biscoe, Adam John. „The interface between Europe's two regionalisms : the European Union and sub-state nations“. Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310711.
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Bergholm, Linnea. „The African Union-United Nations relationship and civilian protection in Darfur, 2004-2007“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/ee1c17fd-6f72-4661-94c1-dd02053e2e4d.
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This thesis argues that regional-global collaborations for the protection of civilians can be understood through the lens of the collective legitimation function of international organisations. Such a perspective attempts to go beyond – not supplant – the existing explanations for the performance of regional-global collaborations that focus on material, legal and political factors. The thesis builds on Katharina Coleman’s important theoretical framework that she calls a global legitimacy pyramid, but it also supplements it. While Coleman’s model acknowledges that all international organisations have some legitimating potential, it was not her central focus to develop this argument. Doing so is my point of departure for the thesis. With my complements, the model provides for stronger emphasis on the agency and the legitimacy contests at the regional and sub-regional levels. This perspective is used to shed new light on the AU-UN relationship, and on the consensus position that has emerged between a majority of member states in both the AU and the UN that the AU was best placed to take the political and military lead in the response to the conflict in Darfur. The research questions of the project are: (1) when the UNSC chooses to exercise its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security through a regional organisation, how can the impacts of this decision best be analysed? And (2) how did the AU-UN relationship impact on civilian protection in the case of Darfur? With the notion of ‘co-dependency’ I attempt to show that both organisations’ legitimacy is dependent upon being seen to contribute to the provision of international peace and security.
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Motsch, Pascaline. „La doctrine des droits fondamentaux des États : vers un redéploiement fédéraliste ou étatiste ?“ Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LORR0132.
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La présente étude se propose de revisiter la doctrine classique des droits fondamentaux des États, et cherche à vérifier si c’est à raison qu’elle fut rejetée, ou si elle trouve désormais quelque environnement juridique plus favorable à son redéploiement. Opposés trait pour trait aux droits dits relatifs ou accessoires qui trouvent leur source dans le droit conventionnel et coutumier, les droits de conservation, de souveraineté, d’égalité, de respect et de commerce, sont conçus comme fondamentaux dans un sens évidemment matériel – ce sont des droits constitutifs de l’État-nation et, inversement, des droits dont l’aliénation totale ou partielle anéantirait ou diminuerait la personnalité de l’État qui y consentirait –, mais également dans un sens formel – la violation d’un droit fondamental étatique emportant des effets juridiques spécifiques comme la nullité des traités et le recours à la guerre. Or, en raison de la contradiction entre l’horizontalité de l’ordre juridique international et la fondamentalité des droits étatiques, ainsi que du fondement très individualiste de la doctrine, celle-ci subit les attaques des écoles positivistes et néo-naturalistes durant l’entre-deux-guerres, et finit par être absolument rejetée au sortir du deuxième conflit mondial. Prenant toutefois acte du regain d’intérêt doctrinal que suscitent les droits étatiques, tant en droit international qu’en droit de l’Union européenne et en droit constitutionnel, dans le contexte d’une société internationale qui a beaucoup évolué, il s’agit de vérifier si certains droits étatiques, prétendus fondamentaux, répondent bel et bien aux critères matériel et formel de la fondamentalité d’un droit. Dans une perspective fédéraliste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection institutionnalisée des droits étatiques, les États obtiennent-ils par exemple une garantie de leur droit à la survie dans le cadre des Nations Unies ou d’un droit au respect de leur identité nationale dans le cadre de l’Union européenne ? Dans une perspective étatiste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection unilatérale des droits étatiques, si les internationalistes classiques théorisent à raison que l’aliénation des droits souverains et des droits identitaires portent atteinte à la qualité d’État-nation, la garantie de tels droits ne relève-t-elle pas alors davantage de l’ordre juridique national que de l’ordre juridique international, auquel il n’échoit pas de protéger l’État contre lui-mêmeThis thesis revisits the classical doctrine of fundamental rights of States, and attempts to determine whether it was rightly rejected, or if it could now be redeployed within a more adequate legal framework. In contrast with the so-called relative or accessory rights, which find their source in customary and conventional law, the rights to self-preservation, sovereignty, equality, dignity and mutual commerce are conceived as fundamental in a material sense – because they are inherently linked to the Nation-State and, conversely, a Nation-State could not dispose of them without affecting its statehood –, but they are also conceived in a formal sense – because their violation implies specific legal effects as the rights of the affected State to invoke invalidity of rules found in contradiction of them and, ultimately, to resort to war. In that respect, while classical internationalists hand down to posterity a notable theory of fundamental rights of States, they paradoxically claim to deploy it in the international legal order, which is radically horizontal. Therefore, somehow resisting from doctrinal attacks, the theory of fundamental rights of States was finally abandoned in the second half of last century. Nevertheless, acknowledging the renewed doctrinal interest in state rights, both in international law, in European Union law and in constitutional law, in the context of an evolving international society, the point is to question whether these states’ rights meet the materiel and formal criteria of the fundamentality of rights. In a federalist perspective, namely an institutional protection of state rights, do States obtain, for instance, a protection of their right to survival within the United Nations and a protection of their right to respect for national identity within the European Union ? From a statist point of view, namely a unilateral protection of state rights, if classical internationalists correctly theorize that the alienation of sovereign and identity rights undermine the quality of a Nation-State, does the protection of such rights fall within the international legal order or rather within the national legal order ?
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Majinge, Charles Riziki. „The United Nations, the African Union and the rule of law in Southern Sudan“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/845/.
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The argument of this thesis is that measures taken by international bodies to establish the rule of law in postconflict situations are undertaken in the mistaken belief that they will automatically enhance conditions for the rule of law to flourish. In fact, examination of the situation in Southern Sudan demonstrates that there is a wide disconnection between the measures pursued and the outcome of the process. This study will therefore inquire into the different meanings attributed to the concept of the rule of law in order to establish what the concept signifies in the context of statebuilding, with a focus on Southern Sudan. How does the theoretical understanding of the rule of law correlate with the legal and institutional measures taken by international organizations such as the United Nations and the African Union to build the effectiveness of the state in Southern Sudan? The study will further address issues such as what kind of state institutions are envisaged by rule of law reforms, together with the historical and theoretical imperatives which orient and drive the rule of law building process in post-conflict situations. The research is envisaged as a contribution to the debate on how to make ‘rule of law work on the ground’. It is hoped that if practitioners and policy makers take into account the findings of this study, their contribution to rule of law reforms in countries like Southern Sudan that have experienced protracted conflicts will not only achieve their objectives of reforms but also significantly improve the social and economic wellbeing and human rights protection of the people in whose name these reforms are pursued.
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Krasner, Tate Q. „Identity Crisis: Interorganizational Cooperation and Competition within the Peacekeeping Regime Complex“. Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:106773.
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Thesis advisor: Jennifer EricksonWhat explains why international and regional organizations in some cases choose to cooperate during peacekeeping operations, while in other cases find themselves competing for resources and control? This thesis seeks to explain variation in coordination, competition, and cooperation between international and regional organizations in the area of peacekeeping. In the post-Cold War era, a number of factors—including the proliferation of increasingly capable organizational actors, expansion of mandated tasks, and increasing complexity of conflict—have led to the development of an international peacekeeping “regime complex.” This complex is characterized by multiple international institutions that exhibit overlapping membership, are actively involved in matters of peace and security, and are connected by normative and operative interaction, both official and ad hoc. In some cases, this complex functions smoothly, while in others, it does not. By examining materialist, dependency, and identity factors at work in the peacekeeping regime complex, this thesis explores institutional interaction and the drivers of both rivalry and collaboration in the context of four cases: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Mali, and Somalia. I hypothesize that organizations will cooperate when they hold complementary understandings of their roles within the peacekeeping regime complex, but will compete when these identities clash and overlap. Understanding these dynamics will not only lead to recommendations for more effective and efficient peacekeeping operations, but also contribute more generally to the growing theoretical field of regime complexity in international relations
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Scholar of the College
Discipline: International Studies
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Moutardier, Claudine. „Réflexions sur l'application des sanctions internationales dans la pratique contemporaine des États“. Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010298.
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Le principe de souveraineté qui prévaut dans la société internationale rend difficile la perception de la technique des sanctions mais force est de constater que quelque soit l'époque les Etats y jouent un rôle, différent certes, mais prépondérant. C'est sur ce postulat que nous avons construit notre étude: apprécier la place de l'Etat dans le système de sanction internationale. Cette réflexion n'est pas dénuée d'ambigui͏̈té car l'Etat joue un double rôle, acteur au sein de l'organisation chargée de mettre en oeuvre les sanctions; il devient maître de leur application dans son ordre interne. Il est un relais indispensable, de lui va dépendre la pérennité ou l'effritement du système de sanction. De la Société des nations aux Nations Unies l'évolution est incontestable. Le Pacte de la S. D. N. A souffert de l'insuffisance des limitations de pouvoirs consenties par les Etats et par voie de conséquence l'application des dispositions du Pacte en matière de sanctions n'a pas été convaincante. Les différences sont fondamentales avec la Charte des Nations Unies, l'adoption de ce texte a marqué une rupture avec l'ancien système qui s'est traduit par l'instauration d'un mécanisme de sanction collectif dont le déclenchement ne dépend pas de la seule appréciation des Etats.
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Moazami, Behrooz. „Les Etats-nations europeens et l'avenir de la communaute europeens en tant que communaute politique“. Paris 8, 1998. http://octaviana.fr/document/174456484#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
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Cette these porte sur les changements dans le contexte social et la forme des etats-nations en europe depuis la derniere phase de leur consolidation (1871) jusqu'a la signature du traite de maastricht et la formation de l'union europeenne en 1992. Je propose une approche theorique relationnelle ou je traite des interactions entre l'etat et le capital en tant que deux processus majeurs et interdependants de l'histoire sociale, economique et politique europeenne. Pour la periode, je definis trois formes successives d'etats en europe pour la periode allant de 1871 a 1992 en fonction de leurs orientations principales successives, militaire puis sociale (l'etat-providence) et enfin de marche. Je montre que chacun de ces types d'etats correspond a un niveau particulier du developpement capitaliste. Je vois dans la formation de l'union europeenne une mesure politique qui favorise ce que j'appelle "un regime regional d'accumulation. " j'acheve cette these avec un argument theorique ouvrant la voie a d'autres etudes sur la theorie de l'etat en general et l'histoire de la formation de l'etat en incluant des approches emanant de la litterature concernant les cycles de kondratieff. J'analyse la relation intrinseque de l'etat et du capital par le mecanisme du marche et je constate que la relation entre la formation de l'etat et le developpement capitaliste peut aussi etre elucidee en prenant en consideration ces cycles. Dans mon developpement, je mentionne que ce qui a ete observe comme etant les cycles de kondratieff a pour contrepartie des cycles politiques. Et je suggere qu'on peut mieux comprendre les cycles economiques en tenant compte de l'influence des cycles politiques mediatises par l'etat.
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Birnberg, Gabriele. „The voting behaviour of the European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/23/.
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Despite their explicit intent to speak with a single voice in foreign affairs, EU member states manage to do so only some of the time. Which are the factors that determine whether or not the EU member states successfully coordinate their positions in the international arena? To find out, I propose to examine the voting behaviour of the EU member states inside the United Nations General Assembly; a forum in which, notwithstanding heterogeneous policy preferences, they intend to coordinate their votes and are thus subject to coordination pressures. This means that for divisive resolutions, each member state must try to reconcile its national policy preference with the objective of casting a unified vote. I hypothesise that the balance a member state strikes generally depends on how important it views the issue at hand, how powerful it is, what type of relationship it maintains with the EU and under certain conditions, what type of relationship it maintains with US. I further argue that the balance is expected to tip in favour of EU unity when increasing the collective bargaining power by working together becomes a tangible objective. By adopting a multi-method approach, the thesis shows that the EU member states make a genuine and continuous effort to coordinate their votes inside the General Assembly. Significantly, the thesis illustrates that member states, at times, are able to override their heterogeneous national policy preference in order to stand united. I conclude by connecting the findings with the constructivist/rationalist debate, which juxtaposes foreign policy cooperation according to the logic of appropriateness with the logic of consequence. The results obtained have implications not only for the study of EU voting behaviour in the United Nations, but also for theoretical debate underlying it.
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Lefebvre, Maxime. „Union européenne : la fédération d'Etats-nations entre préférences nationales, jeux de puissance et coopération institutionnelle“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020007/document.
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Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance »Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power
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Bernabéu-Casanova, Emmanuel. „La Corse, la Sardaigne, l'Europe : une nouvelle donne géopolitique entre régions, Etats-nations et Union européenne ?“ Paris 8, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA082173.
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Depuis la fin des années 1980, sous l'égide de l'Union européenne, les Corses et les Sardes développent des projets de rapprochement en commun. Après des siècles d'indifférence mutuelle, les deux populations insulaires semblent se découvrir. Distantes de seulement douze kilomètres, la Corse et la Sardaigne, ayant intégré au cours des derniers siècles deux grands Etats-nations, la France et l'Italie, ont généré très peu d'échanges. Si la géographie rapproche ces deux îles, en revanche, l'histoire et les formations sociales spécifiques des deux sociétés insulaires semblent les éloigner. Cependant depuis le début du XXe siècle, un trait commun les unit : la montée en puissance des phénomènes nationalistes, qui s'est toutefois déroulée dans des conditions particulières et au cours de temporalités différentes. Bien qu'on puisse les opposer quant au recours à la violence ou la participation à la vie politique, les nationalismes corse et sarde ont pris une place importante dans le débat politique au sein de leur île respective. Or, les nationalistes corses et sardes, au-delà de leurs combats pour leur langue, leur culture, l'environnement ou la préservation de leur "peuple" souhaitent promouvoir des régions plus autonomes des Etats-nations et plus proches des instances européennes. Ce projet semble prendre corps depuis peu par l'action des élus des partis politiques traditionnels corses et sardes, qui ont mis en place un puissant arsenal de lobbying s'inscrivant dans le cadre d'une véritable "logique des îles". Le but poursuivi est une meilleure reconnaissance du phénomène insulaire au sein de l'Union européenne mais aussi une plus grande émancipation des régions, notamment des îles, vis-à-vis des Etats-nations de tutelle. A l'avenir, ce projet géopolitique servira-t-il les intérêts des Corses et des Sardes ? En effet, l'ouverture prochaine de l'Union européenne aux pays de l'Europe Centrale et Orientale risque de priver les îles de la Méditerranée des subsides européens. De plus, la croyance en une possible "logique des îles" au sein d'une Europe des régions ou en une future zone de libre-échange méditerranéenne risque d'entraîner les dirigeants insulaires sur de fausses pistes. Dès lors, on peut imaginer trois scenarii pour l'avenir de la Corse et de la Sardaigne : un scénario républicain, un scénario autonomiste et un scénario fédéraliste, sans pour autant pouvoir affirmer lequel s'imposera dans le futurSince the end of the 1980s, under the aegis of the European Union, Corsicans and Sardinians have been developing joint projects aiming at coming closer together. The two island peoples seem to have discovered each other after centuries of mutual ignorance. Only twelve kilometres away from each other, Corsica and Sardinia have integrated two large nation-states, France an Italy, yet they have exchanged little. Whilst differing as to recourse to violence or involvement in politics, the Corsican and Sardinian nationalisms have taken much space in the political debate in both islands. These nationalisms, in addition to their struggle for language, culture, the environment and preservation of their "peoples", intend to promote regions that would be more autonomous from nation-states and closer to European institutions. Recently this project seems to be taking shape thanks to members of traditional political parties from Corsica and Sardinia. They have set up a powerful arsenal of lobbying tools within the framework of a real "island logic". The aim is for the European Union to better acknowledge the "island phenomenon" within itself, but also a greater emancipation of regions, especially islands, vis-à-vis nation-states they belong to. Will this geopolitical project serve the interest of Corsicans and Sardinians in the future ? Indeed, the upcoming widening of the European Union to CEE countries jeopardizes EU subsidies to Mediterranean islands. Moreover, the islands' leaders might soon discover that believing in an "island logic" within a Europe of regions or a future Mediterranean free-trade area could be a red herring. Three scenarios can be envisioned for the future of Corsica and Sardinia : a republican scenario, a separatist scenario and a federal one. But which one of the three will eventually be realised is still unclear
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Tatulashvili, Niko. „Freedom of association as a foundation for trade union rights : a comparison of EU and ECHR Standards“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16974/.
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The title of this thesis is Freedom of Association and Trade Union Rights in Europe, Comparative Analysis of the ECJ and ECtHR Case Law. There are several issues that the thesis will try to shed light on. Firstly, it will identify what level of freedom of association as a trade union right is deemed acceptable at the international and European levels. At the international level the ILO and ESC standards will be looked at, while at the regional level I will research the case law of the two European Courts – CJEU and ECtHR. Secondly, the standards of the CJEU and ECtHR will be compared to each other. This way, we will know which of the two protects trade union rights better and where there might be flaws. Thirdly, after comparing the CJEU and ECtHR standards with each other, they will be compared to the international standards of the ILO and ESC. This way I will check how the regional standards are in concert with the international standards that are respected worldwide. Finally, the prospects of EU accession to the ECHR will be looked at. Here I will investigate whether the accession might affect the protection of trade union freedoms in Europe, and if so, in what way.
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Reed, Daniel Simon. „Private enforcement of Art 101 and 102 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/374897/.
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Traditionally, the enforcement of competition rules in Europe has been predominantly via public enforcement. Following the European Court of Justice’s ruling in 2001 in which was established the right for compensation of harms suffered by any victim of antitrust infringements, the European Commission has made proposals to create a private antitrust enforcement regime. While compensation of victims is the first and foremost guiding principle, the regime thus created, should, according to the Commission, also deliver overall better compliance with competition rules whilst creating and sustaining a competitive European economy. In designing the system the Commission contends that it should not be grounded on similar features to that of the United States private enforcement mechanism as it has resulted in abuses of the system by private parties for private interests. A deconstructive reading of the Commission proposals, however, reveals that the envisaged regime contains more characteristics of the United States system than is explicitly presented. Furthermore, a direct comparison of common prohibitions in both systems exposes a significant lack of safeguards against misuse of the rules by private parties in the European system. This thesis also compares the envisaged European regime with the Canadian public enforcement regime. Despite the restricted cause of action accorded to private parties, the Canadian system is not immune from exploitation of the rules by private parties for self-interest. These findings call into question whether the proposed system will deliver the stated aims. This thesis concludes that considering the costs of private enforcement, European competition law should be solely the competence of public officials. It is argued that although not formally recognised either in the literature nor in the case law of the EU courts, the Commission is already legally empowered to award compensation to victims of antitrust violations. This thesis presents suggestions for an enhancement of the current public enforcement framework.
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Motjope, Mahlomola Victor. „A critical assessment of the evolving African Union - United Nations cooperation on peace and security : 2003 - 2009“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23965.
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Almost four decades of decolonisation and independence of sub-Saharan Africa have been characterised by inter-state and intra-state conflict situations, denying the continent stability and development. The study critically examines the evolution of a vision for collaboration and cooperation on peace and security in the interface between the African Union and the United Nations. The post Cold War period allowed the institutionalisation of peace and security cooperation between the UN and regional organizations, in particular the AU. The analysis argues that regional stability has been elevated into one of the key indicators of possible threats to international peace and that regionalism recognised as a necessary component of multilateralism in maintaining peace and security in the world. The UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council have developed a structured relationship that ensures information exchange on issues on common concern. Africa is assuming responsibility ad ownership of its peace and security problems by seeking to find solutions in partnership. The complementarity and comparative advantage of the two organizations has contributed to the emerging continental stability, state institution building, governance structures and African Peace and Security Architecture. The 2000 AU Constitutive Act and the 2002 AU Peace and Security Protocol had purposefully entrenched collaboration with the United Nations on peace and security. The signing of the 2006 Declaration Enhancing UN-AU Cooperation provides the framework and compass for building the AU capacity and access to resources. The evolving peace and security cooperation is not an easy matter as African leadership seeks to convince the international community, especially the UNSC, not to be indifferent to Africa’s perennial prevalence of conflicts. AU and UN peace and security cooperation is in its infancy, African leadership political will is the key to its consolidation.Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Delord, Guillaume. „La mise en oeuvre des résolutions du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies par l' Union Européenne“. Thesis, Nancy 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NAN20001/document.
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L'Union européenne n'est pas en tant que telle membre des Nations Unies. Afin de traiter la manière dont elle met en oeuvre les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, il convient de s'intéresser au rapport que le droit international entretient avec le droit communautaire. L'analyse porte notamment sur la personnalité juridique internationale de l'Union européenne, l'engagement de sa responsabilité internationale et sur l'implication de la structure en piliers de l'Union européenne. A travers les particularités du pilier PESC et du pilier relatif à la coopération policière et judiciaire en matière pénale (CPJP), il convient d'identifier les apports des différents traités jusqu'à l'adoption du traité de Lisbonne. Les conséquences liées à une articulation sur trois niveaux de la relation UE/ONU sont également mises en avant. Il s'agit ainsi d'évoquer les effets d'une mise en oeuvre s'opérant au niveau de l'ONU, où sont décidées les mesures à mettre en place, au niveau communautaire, où certaines initiatives sont entreprises dès l'origine de la construction européenne, et au niveau des Etats membres de l'Union, destinataires directs des décisions prises par le Conseil de sécurité. L'essor de la lutte contre le terrorisme et l'émergence de mesures relatives à la gestion des crises (dans ses composantes civile et militaire) permettent de délimiter les contours de la relation entre l'Union européenne et l'organisation internationale, dont l'étude nécessite une mise en perspective sous le prisme des droits fondamentaux, au regard de la jurisprudence de la CJUE et de la CEDH notammentThe European Union as such is not a member of the United Nations. In order to examine the means by the way it implements the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, it is necessary to develop the relations between international and community law. The analysis focuses mainly on the question of the international legal personality of the EU, the engagement of its international responsibility and the implications of its three pillars structure. Through the study of the particular characteristics of the CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) pillar and those of the pillar devoted to police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, the aim is to identify the impact of the different treaties, until the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon. The scope of the analysis is, furthermore, to stress the consequences of the construction of the relations between the EU and the UN on a three level basis. The implementation of the Security Council resolutions occurs, first of all, at the level of the UN, where the adoption of the measures is decided, at the level of the EU, where initiatives have been taken from the very early years of the European integration and, finally, at the level of the member states of the EU, which are directly concerned by the decisions taken by the Security Council. The extension of the fight against terrorism and the emergence of new measures in relation with the handling of crisis, offer the necessary material in order to try to identify the outlines of the relation between the UE and the UN, through the perspective of the protection of human rights and in respect with the jurisprudence of the CJEU and the ECHR
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Muchinguri, Theresa. „The role of the International telecommunications Union in outer space spectrum management with respect to developing nations“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/76734.
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From the remarks made by the then Secretary General of ITU, one envisions the possibilities of a truly connected world and upholding of tenets prescribed in the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, which provides for all of outer space, including the Geostationary orbit, as the province of all mankind, to be used for the benefit and in the interests of all countries, irrespective of their degree of economic or scientific development.2 On the backbone of ‘connecting the world’ is the scarce resource, spectrum, which is managed and allocated to states by the International Telecommunications Union (ITU). The demand for radio-based applications has been growing in line with the increasing mobility across the globe. Radio spectrum is a major global asset contributing substantial value to economies of states, whether big or small, and underlines critical aspects of their citizens’ lives. Radio communications is critical to areas such as air travel, emergency services, telecommunications, sound and television broadcasting, military defence, space research and other scientific activities
Spectrum plays a very critical role in the economic development of any society as it brings connectivity, it even plays a critical role in developing economies as it serves in bridging the existing “digital divide”. However, this precious commodity is a scarce resource, the available radio spectrum is limited.4 The rapidly changing environment of electronic communications, impressive technological progress, convergence and changing habits of end-users’ consumption is creating pressure for existent spectrum as well as its regulation and management. This has necessitated the need for managing a new, previously unused, international resource – the satellite spectrum/orbit., which is becoming increasingly crowded. At the same time, the increasing use of lower Earth orbits is further increasing the need for international coordination. ITU plays a crucial role in ensuring that operators’ multimillion dollar satellite systems operate smoothly throughout their lifetimes, delivering services to billions of people without interfering with each other.
The space-faring states are demanding more spectrum as they increase activities in outer space due to technological advancements, however, at what cost to the non-space faring states. At the same time the ITU is burdened with the responsibility of trying to harmonise the use of spectrum bands across the globe between the space-faring and upcoming non-space faring states, mainly the developing countries. The objective of this research is to ascertain whether, given the rapid technological changes being experienced across the globe, the ITU is still sufficient in its current state, to adequately manage and regulate the allocation of spectrum to all states, maintaining the true spirit of the principle of ‘province of all mankind’. Bearing in mind the ever increasing demands of advanced economies over the gradually increasing demands of developing economies and the concept of geostationary orbit being for the benefit of all countries irrespective of their degree of economic or scientific development. countries’. It is against this background that this thesis seeks to address the following question “The role of the International Telecommunications Union in Outer Space Spectrum management with respect to developing nations”.
The author will tackle this research through a quantitative lens, making use of the desktop methodology because of the nature of the research topic. A significant amount of reading will need to be done around the legal framework governing the ITU with regards to space technology. This thesis is mainly based on secondary data, retrieved from official documents, reports, news articles, academic papers and books. The research will take upon the characteristics of being critical to current legislative frameworks as well as the role of the ITU in the management and allocation of spectrum. It will be essential for the author to look at the historical legislature and how it has gradually progressed into what is currently obtaining. The thesis will take a critical approach in order to interrogate the relevance of the ITU in today’s modern era in light of the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty and the various ITU regulations particularly the ITU Convention; ITU Constitution and the ITU Radio Regulations in spectrum management and allocation including the position of developing states.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Public Law
LLM
Unrestricted
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Dujardin, Stéphanie. „L'Union africaine : un ordre juridique panafricain refondé par des états en quête de nations“. Paris 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA010307.
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Le Traité de l'Union africaine remplace depuis juillet 2002, la Charte de l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine, qui s'était donné pour principal objectif, en 1963, de décoloniser l' Afrique. Dotée de nouvelles institutions, comme le Parlement panafricain, la Cour de justice, le Conseil de paix et de sécurité et d'objectifs qui correspondent aux défis actuels du continent, l'Union africaine est juridiquement équipée pour aller plus loin que l'O. U. A: dans la réalisation de l'unité africaine. La mise en œuvre effective de son dispositif dépendra toutefois de sa capacité à financer l'ensemble des structures qu'elle met en place et de la volonté politique de ses membres. Soumis à l'impératif de répondre de manière collective aux contraintes de la mondialisation et aux préoccupations majeures relatives à la paix et au développement, les Etats africains ont plus que jamais besoin de se consolider, tout en cédant certaines compétences au profit de l'émergence d'une souveraineté panafricaine.
21
Monaco, Jason T. „Oceans apart : the United States, the European Union, and the International Criminal Court“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FMonaco.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Daniel Moran, David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-102). Also available online.
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Olamide, Ibrahim Nurudeen. „Paved with good intention? The African Union counter terrorism agenda“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/36787.
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Africa has for a long time been embattled by differing acts of terrorism, with divergent
manifestations such as suicide bombing, killings and hijacking. Accordingly, the
Organisation of African Unity and subsequently the African Union took up the
responsibility of developing strategies to counter the menacing trend of terrorism on
the continent. To this end, several counter terrorism interventions were created. The
first of Africa's interventions was developed as early as 1992, when the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU) member states adopted a Resolution to strengthen cooperation
and coordination among African states against different manifestations of extremism.
Although, there is abundance of scholarly literature on the subject of understanding of
terrorism and its human rights implications and also on the impact of terrorism on
political pluralism, there is a dearth of scholarly writings on the activities of the African
Union in relation to terrorism in Africa, particularly on whether the Union is
responding positively to its counter terrorism agenda. Yet, the role of the African Union
in this regard on the continent cannot be over emphasised. This study is therefore carried out to scrutinise the counter terrorism agenda of the African Union and explore
its counter terrorism activities from inception till date.
In ascertaining the necessity for the African Union to develop ways to adequately
implement its counter terrorism agenda, the study carries out an assessment of the
agenda and established its link with the United Nations counter terrorism framework.
Recommendations about how best the agenda can be realised concludes the study.
Specifically, the research explores the activities of the African Union with the aim of
determining whether the agenda was merely paved with good intentions.
While many weaknesses of the agenda were discovered and discussed in depth, the
research concludes, that despite the gap that exists between the agenda and its
implementation and the problem of resources bedevilling the implementation of the
agenda, it will be unfair to describe the African Union counter terrorism agenda as
merely paved with good intentions in the lights of numerous positive steps that have
been taken towards translating the agenda into full implementation.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
23
Lunca, Mariana. „Les relations entre l'Union européenne et l'Organisation des Nations-Unies. Essai d'analyse juridique de la dynamique relationnelle entre les deux institutions“. Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30012.
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L’engagement de l’Union européenne d’agir sur la scène internationale dans le cadre du multilatéralisme onusien fait de l’ONU une organisation avec laquelle l’Union cherche à établir des rapports privilégiés. Entre les deux organisations s’est développée une coopération matérielle importante couvrant la quasi-totalité des domaines d’activités de chacune. L’objet de cette recherche et d’analyser les rapports établis entre les deux institutions dans leur étendue, en dégageant une dynamique d’ensemble. L’approche dynamique est imposée en outre par le caractère évolutif de ces rapports. Ils sont marqués par la nature juridique de l’UE et de l’ONU. S’ils sont régis par le droit des relations entre les organisations internationales, en raison du caractère unique de chacune dans l’ordre juridique international, leurs rapports sont imprégnés d’une importante mesure d’originalité. En tant que rapports entre ensemblesautonomes mais limités par leurs compétences, ils apparaissent en outre comme des rapports fonctionnels, en permettant une articulation des ordres juridiques des deux organisations ainsi que, à travers leur collaboration, une rationalisation des moyens mis à leur disposition par les Etats membres. Dans ce cadre, les deux organisations explorent des modalités de rapports interinstitutionnels inédites entre les organisations internationalesWith the commitment of the European Union to act on the international scene within theframework of the United Nations’ multilateralism, the latter became an organization with which the EU intends to establish a privileged relationship. The two organizations developed an important field cooperation covering almost all of the areas of their activity. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relations established between the two organizations in their extent, by highlighting their dynamics as a whole. The dynamical approach is imposed as well by the evolutionary character of this relationship. It is shaped by the legal nature of the EU and the UN. If their relationship is governed by the law of the relations between international organizations, because of the unique character of both the EU and the UN in the international legal order, it is also characterized by an important measure of originality. As a relationship between autonomous but limited, by their competences, subjects, it appears to be as well a functional relationship, by allowing an articulation of the legal orders of both organizations and, through their collaboration, a rationalization of the means provided to them by the Member States. In this context, the EU and the UN explore in their relationship new interorganizational modalities
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Rolland, Anna. „La participation de l'Union Européenne à l'Organisation des Nations Unies pour l'Alimentation et l'Agriculture“. Paris 11, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA111004.
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Gruel-Dieudé, Magali. „Chypre dans l'espace européen et international (jusqu'à son adhésion à l'Union européenne le 1er mai 2004)“. Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030019.
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L'étude du problème chypriote revêt, en raison de la situation stratégique de l'île, de sa proximité, une importance toute particulière pour l'Europe puisque Chypre fait partie de la dernière vague d'élargissement de l'Union européenne, le 1er mai 2004. Chypre est divisée depuis 1974 entre la République de Chypre et la RTCN. Le sud, sous influence grecque est seule reconnue par la communauté internationale. Le Nord, lui, est sous l'influence de la Turquie qui est le seul pays à le reconnaître et y assure une présence militaire de 30 000 soldats. L'Organisation des Nations unies (ONU), avec l'aide de la Commission européenne à Bruxelles, s'est efforcée de trouver un règlement qui mette fin à la division, avant l'entrée de Chypre dans l'Union européenne. Les dernières tentatives ont échoué comme les précédentes depuis 1968. La première étape de notre analyse a été de poser les problèmes qui se situent à l'échelon bilatéral entre les deux communautés chypriotes, grecque et turque, en dressant un historique de l'île de Chypre. Nous avons également exposé les problèmes entre la Grèce et la Turquie qui ne sont pas indépendants du conflit chypriote, pour enfin travailler sur les mécanismes politiques et diplomatiques. Il était important de réfléchir sur les différents scénarii de paix établis par les Nations unies, de comprendre le rôle de la Grande Bretagne, d'analyser successivement les points de vue allemand et français, de voir quelles relations ces pays ont avec l'île de Chypre, d'établir l'avancée des négociations pour l'adhésion de Chypre à l'Union européenne et de donner la position de l'Europe sur ce pays avant d'arriver à notre objectif : savoir si l'adhésion de Chypre à l'Union européenne peut être une solution au problème chyprioteThe analysis of the Cypriot problem because of the strategic location of the island and because of its proximity, takes on particular importance as Cyprus is part of the last wave of enlargment of European Union the 1st of May 2004. Cyprus is devided since 1974 between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC). The South under Greek influence is the only one to be recognized by the International Community. The North is under influence of Turkey which is the only country to recognize it and has a military presence of 30 000 soldiers. The United Nations, with the help of the European Commission, has striven to settle a solution for the division before the accession of Cyprus to the European Union. The last attempts failed like the previous one since 1968. The first step of our analysis was to formulate the bilateral issues between the two Cypriot communities, Greek and Turkish, by drawing the history of the Cyprus Island. We have also explained the problems between Grece and Turkey which relate to the Cypriot conflict, in order to work on the political and diplomatical aspects. It was important to have a reflexion on the different scenarios of peace established by the United Nations, to understand the role of Great Britain, to analyse French and German perspectives, to define the type of relations these countries have with Cyprus, to look at the advancement of the negociations for the accession of Cyprus to the EU and to give the European stand on this country before coming to our objective: to know if the accession to the EU can be a solution to the Cypriot problem
26
Coimbra, Joao Pedro de Sa. „European Union integration model : follow me model for ASEAN?“ Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1880477.
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Rasch, Maximilian Bodo Konrad. „The European Union at the United Nations : the functioning and coherence of EU external representation in a state-centric environment“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438123.
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Jonelid, Helmer. „A New Hope? : The future for humanitarian intervention in the light of the article 4(h) intervention mandate of the African Union“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-449179.
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Tjânice-Túnstra, Wannette. „Origins and opportunities : ethno nations and conflict management in Europe : with special reference to the European Union and the Council of Europe“. Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6699.
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Salgado, Espinoza Raul. „The role of small states in the construction of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) : the cases of Ecuador and Uruguay“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5769/.
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This investigation introduces an innovative model for studying the role of small states in regional organisations. It conceptualises small states into region-engaging, regionconstraining and region-adapting actors, according to their particular type of engagement in regional politics. This thesis defines Ecuador and Uruguay as region-engaging small states, and argues that elements of a shared collective identity were a major factor of influence on the region-engaging character of Ecuador and Uruguay in the construction of the South American Union of Nations (UNASUR). Theoretically, the study employs a constructivist approach to exploring the reasons why these states have supported the creation and consolidation of UNASUR. It takes a cross case-oriented approach based on the analysis of documents, political speeches and semi-structured interviews, whilst also considering various historical events during the period from 2000 to 2012. Each case study delves into various historical events to provide specific foci on elements of a shared collective identity, left oriented ideology, the failure of economic integration projects, the overpowering influence of exterior agents, the need for national and regional peace, as well as the prospect of leading roles and a new type of political cooperation. A significant component of the research concerns the shared factors of a South American identity, whereby comparison facilitates the understanding of the aspects of identity influencing the behaviour of Ecuador and Uruguay in the consolidation of UNASUR.
31
Tekebeng, Lele Télesphore. „Le système africain de sécurité et les opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies“. Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAA014.
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La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONUThe demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations
32
Garner, Jef Lee. „Forensic Detection for Earnings Management in Selected Code Law Nations of Europe“. ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5863.
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This study investigated earnings management in European firms. The private investors became victims of manipulated earnings where few laws offered regulatory oversight. The study forensically examined the attributes of earnings management identified using a discretionary accrual model published in Jones' work and Schippers' work. The firms' managers should fulfil agency theory when they made reporting decisions, and they should act in the investors' best interests to fulfil stewardship theory. The managers failed as they seemed to favor insiders when they reported manipulated earnings to outsiders like small investors even though the managers published financial reports conforming to the International Financial Reporting Standards. The investors depended on the decision usefulness of the reports. The study used the data of 432 listed firms in 11 code law nations. The paired t test identified significant differences between reported and economic earnings to find earnings management attributes and between economic and restated earnings to find earnings management cases. The research found that managers seemed to manipulate discretionary accruals to misstate earnings and reduce the decision usefulness of reporting. The data came from published financial reports and databases. The firms represented 11 nations and 9 industries that excluded banking and insurance. Almost 17% of nations and industry segments reflected earnings management attributes. About 29% of firms restated at least one annual earnings, and 84% of the restatements appeared to offset manipulation. The research results should prompt social change for small investors where regulators would redress the manipulation using stronger investor protection laws to improve the reported earnings quality and its decision usefulness.
33
Gebreselassie, Yonas Debesai. „The United Nations and the African Union in the prevention of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Africa: lessons from Rwanda“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1084.
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"Although the concept of human rights is not new, it has never attracted more attention than today. However, contrary to the tremendous growth of concern for the international protection of human rights, Rwanda was visited by three main deplorable waves of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Therefore, while the study is based on the premise that the primary duty of preventing these international crimes lies with the state, it will be argued that the secondary duty lies with international organisations like the UN and the AU. Both organisations could have averted or minimised the atrocities that occurred in Rwanda. Accordingly the study aims to address four issues. First, it attempts to review the weaknesses of the UN and OAU in their human rights monitoring and promotional fucntion derived from international human rights instruments. Second, it seeks to investigate the shortcomings and the failures of these two organisations in intervening to stop the Rwandan genocide. Third, it attempts to examine the UN's and AU's current handling of the cases of genocide as a preventive mechanism against gross human rights violations in Rwanda. Finally, the study will attempt to see if the failures seen in Rwanda are reflected in the current responses of the UN and the AU. The study presupposes that the 1994 Rwandan genocide, although not altogether inevitable, would not have been so comprehensive had the UN and the OAU/AU not developed a culture of impunity in the genocide of 1963 and 1973. One way assume, too, that the suffering could even have been minimized had there been active measures taken by these two organisations. This thesis proceeds on the premise of a problem that the vacuum that still exists under the Rwandan situation, both pre- and post-1994 genocide, as well as the weakness of the response from the UN and AU, is also abetting the current genocide in Sudan and countries with a volatile situation, like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Palau-Leguay, Floriane. „Union européenne et aide humanitaire : La DG ECHO à l'aune de la malnutrition au Sahel“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020065/document.
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La Direction générale responsable de l’aide humanitaire de la Commission européenne(DG ECHO) est un acteur particulier des relations internationales. Sa singularité est marquée par une institutionnalisation progressive et par un fonctionnement distinct au sein des institutions européennes.L’étude de la stratégie qu’elle a élaborée pour lutter contre la malnutrition au Sahel révèle tout particulièrement les forces, les faiblesses, mais aussi les opportunités et les contraintes de l’aide humanitaire de la Commission européenne. À la lumière de cette stratégie, la DG ECHO est parvenue à promouvoir une approche crédible et reconnue afin de combattre la malnutrition. Néanmoins, l’enjeu sécuritaire que représente ce phénomène expose les vulnérabilités de la Commission européenne, à plus forte raison dans le contexte volatil du Sahel. Le manque de cohérence des actions extérieures et l’administration de l’Union européenne se révèlent particulièrement contraignants.Pourtant, l’autorité et la maturité dont fait preuve la DG ECHO, notamment dans la dimension nutritionnelle de l’aide, lui offrent la légitimité d’exister et le privilège d’être devenu un acte urfondamental, voire incontournable, du système humanitaire. La plus-value qu’elle apporte repose sur l’expertise de son personnel mais aussi sur un partenariat original avec des opérateurs spécialisés. Au terme de deux décennies d’existence, la DG ECHO s’affirme et exerce une influence croissante sur la scène européenne, où elle contribue à la construction de l’identité de l’Union, mais aussi internationaleThe European Commission Directorate-General for Humanitarian Aid (ECHO) has become a unique actor in international relations. Its singularity is defined by a progressive institutionalisation and a proper functioning within the European institutions. In particular, the study of the strategy ECHO has developed to fight malnutrition in the Sahel reveals the strengths, the weaknesses, the opportunities and the constraints of the European Commission humanitarian aid system. Indeed, ECHO has succeeded in promoting a credible and recognized policy to combat malnutrition. However, the security challenge posed by malnutrition exposes the European Commission’s vulnerabilities, which are heightened in the volatile environment of the Sahel. The lack of coherence of the EuropeanUnion external actions and administration are particularly constraining. Though, the authority and maturity displayed by ECHO, specifically in the nutritional dimensions of aid, has increased its legitimacy to exist and to be a key player in the humanitarian aid system. The added value it provides is based on the expertise of its staff,but also on a unique system of partnerships with specialized operators. Twenty years after its creation, ECHO has asserted itself and has a growing influence on the international and European scene, where it contributes to the construction of the EU identity
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Baldé, Hassatou. „La coordination entre l'ONU et les organisations régionales africaines dans la gestion de la paix“. Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010252.
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La multiplication des conflits intra-étatiques sur le continent africain y a conduit les principales organisations : régionales, la CEDEAO, la CEEAC, la SAOC et l'IGAD à s'impliquer dans la gestion de la paix dans leurs régions respectives. L'engagement de ces organisations à vocation économique dans la résolution des problèmes de paix avait provoqué quelques questions et controverses juridiques quant à la portée du chapitre VIII de la Charte de l'ONU. L'intérêt que revêt ce chapitre s'explique par le fait que c'est l'ONU qui a la responsabilité principale du maintien de la paix dans le monde. Mais conformément au chapitre VIII de la Charte, l'Organisation mondiale ne s'oppose pas à ce que des accords ou organismes régionaux préviennent ou résolvent les différends à l'échelon régional. Cependant l'usage de la force demeure du ressort du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU qui peut toutefois la déléguer mais à condition de la contrôler de manière stricte. Sur le continent africain, seule l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine qui s'est désormais muée en Union africaine s'était vue expressément conférée la qualité d'accord ou organisme régional. Est-ce à dire que les autres organisations régionales, notamment celles citées ne rentrent pas dans cette définition ? L'agenda pour la paix du Secrétaire général de l'ONU a semblé clore le débat juridique sur le sens à donner au chapitre VIII de la Charte. II a opté pour une interprétation large des accords et organismes régionaux et aujourd'hui la légalité de l'intervention des organisations comme la CEDEAO, la SAOC, la CEEAC et l'IGAD n'est plus remise en cause. Le temps est plutôt au renforcement de la coordination entre l'ONU qui est très sollicitée pour résoudre les différents conflits dans toutes les régions du monde, et les organisations régionales africaines. Ce renforcement se traduit par l'aide que l'ONU apporte à ces organisations dans leur restructuration pour leur permettre de mieux appréhender les problèmes de paix et de sécurité sur le continent. Parallèlement à l'aide qu'elle leur apporte pour se doter des mécanismes de prévention, de gestion et de règlement des conflits, l'ONU incite les membres du Conseil de sécurité et d'autres Etats à former les forces prépositionnées de ces organisations et destinées à servir de force de maintien de la paix. L'ONU et les Organisations africaines collaborent également pour une meilleure application des règles du droit international, notamment dans le domaine du désarmement sur le continent africain.
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Gueuyou, Mesmer Luther. „Les rapports entre l'Organisation des Nations Unies et l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine - Union Africaine au regard du chapître VIII de la Charte de l'ONU“. Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100029.
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Le chapitre VIII a introduit le régionalisme dans la Charte des Nations Unies sous l'angle de la paix et de la sécurité. Les accords ou organismes régionaux qui y sont visés sont ceux destinés à régler les affaires qui, touchant au maintien de la paix et à la sécurité internationales, se prêtent à une action de caractère régional. En Afrique, l'OUA qui a opéré sa mutation en Union Africaine en l'an 2000 est le partenaire priviligié de l'ONU dans le domaine de la prévention, la gestion et le règlement des conflits interafricains. Les règles de l'ONU visées au chapître VIII instaurent une coopération avec les organismes régionaux et insistent sur la comptabilité des buts et principes de leurs activités à ceux des Nations Unies. .The Chapter VIII introduced regionalism into the United Nations Charter in the field of peace and the security. The regional agreements or organizations which are aimed there are those intented to regulate affairs which, concerning to the maintenance of international peace and security, lend themselves to an action of regional character. In Africa, OAU which oprated its transfer in African Union in year 2000 is the privileged partner of the UN in the field of the prevention, the management and the peaceful settlement of African conflicts. The UN rules aimed to chapter VIII found a co-operation with regional organizations and insist on the compatibility of the goals and principles of their activities to those of the UN. .
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Pakpahan, Beginda Anwar Teguh. „EU's policy development towards ASEAN from 2001 to 2009 : engaging with their dynamic relationship“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8142.
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The existing analyses in the literature of inter-regionalism focus on a macro perspective when they look at the relationship between inter-regional ties and global governance. They have not explored the European Union’s (EU) policy development toward the Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) in detail which affects the EU and ASEAN relationship. They have overlooked explanations and current empirical evidence regarding that relationship. This thesis analyses internal factors within the EU and external factors from ASEAN and outside of the EU which influence EU policies toward ASEAN. The internal factors are the relevant actors within the various institutional arrangements of the EU policy and the promotion of interests of the EU and those of its member states and to some extent of common EU values. The modes of engagement between the EU and ASEAN, the level of integration within ASEAN and the pressures and opportunities from ASEAN and outside the EU are the external factors. Then, this thesis assesses how, when and to what extent these factors influence the EU’s policy developments toward ASEAN and have implications for the inter-regional relationship between the two regions. I examine three EU policies toward ASEAN from 2001 to 2009:1) a new partnership with South-East Asia, 2) the joint EUASEAN monitoring mission in Aceh, and 3) an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA).This thesis is based on a qualitative method of analysis and is part of problem-driven research. It employs inductive theory building from case studies as the research strategy and documents and interviews as methods of data collection. This thesis presents the variation in importance within factors which influence the EU’s policy development toward ASEAN. It highlights different kinds of interactions between factors which shape the success or failure of the EU’s policy development. The co-operative relationship between these factors is needed to conclude agreement between the two regions. However, the conflicting relationship between these factors can lead to the failure to reach agreement between them. With regard to internal factors, this thesis demonstrates that a shared common position between relevant and other related actors within each of the various institutional arrangements in the EU may assist in the conclusion of an agreement between the two regions. As EU interests takes precedence over values, the likelihood of achieving an agreement increases. With regard to external factors, this thesis argues that consultation and monitoring mechanisms have been used by the EU as its modes of engagement (as opposed to a negotiation) and they affect its policy development and enable it to reach an agreement with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the two regions can be easily achieved, when the level of integration within ASEAN remains static or weak. However, when the level of integration within ASEAN is stronger, the EU would be less likely to achieve its expected agreements with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the EU and ASEAN can be achieved when they can resolve these external pressures and take advantage of external opportunities. The trends in and implications for the EU and ASEAN relationship are as follows: first, the more the EU applies a balanced treatment of internal and external factors, then the more it will support the EU’s policy development and that will positively influence the EU and ASEAN relationship. Second, their relationship has been shifted from a hierarchical ex-colonial dynamic to a mutually interdependent partnership.
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Sall, Abdoul Aziz. „Les opérations de maintien de la paix : : exemple africain“. Perpignan, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PERP1168.
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L'actuel système africain de maintien de la paix trouve son fondement dans les transformations intervenues dans la société internationales dés le début de la décennie 1990. Il est simultanément une reprise des mécanismes antérieurs de règlements des conflits en Afrique et une réaction régionale à l'évolution de la stratégie onusienne vers un partage de responsabilité avec les organisations régionales. Il ouvre en tout état de cause une nouvelle page de maintien de la paix ei Afrique et élève les OIG africaines au rang des principaux acteurs de la prévention, de la gestion et du règlement des conflits sur le continent. L'activisme des OIG africaines dans le processus de paix en Côte d'Ivoire, au Darfour (Soudan), en République Centrafrique et dans plusieurs autres situations de conflits en Afrique Subsaharienne, atteste de cette place centrale désormais occupée par le nouveau système. Ces multiples initiatives de paix prises en moins d'une décennie, ne permettent pas de conclure à l'existence d'une culture stratégique africaine. Mais elles établissent tout ai moins les prémisses d'une emprise de l'état africain sur le système de la sécurité. Il découle en effet des fonctions et pouvoirs des nouvelles structures de sécurité collective que l'état africain se situe au cœur du système de sécurité en ce sens qu'il en est le principal, voir l'unique sujet et objet. Cependant, les nouveaux conflits africains impliquent une multitude d'acteurs autres que les Etats, d'où l'une des principales incohérences du système. Par ailleurs, la configuration des différents organes ainsi que l'articulation de leur compétence et pouvoirs respectifs, suscitent d'importantes réserves sur l'aptitude du système à assurer la prévention, la gestion et le règlement des nouveaux conflits africains. C'est ainsi que les principales limites du système de sécurité sont, pour l'essentiel, inhérentes à sa conception. Il aurait besoin d'un appui d'Etat et d'OIG étrangers, qu'un renforcement interne consistant principalement en la restauration de l'autorité du Conseil de paix et de sécurité (CSP) de l'UA qui semble être plus une structure de représentation étatique qu'un organe centrale chargé d'une fonction de prévention de gestion et de règlement des conflits
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Crols, Dirk. „From Tsarist empire to League of Nations and from USSR to EU : two eras in the construction of Baltic state sovereignty“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2453/.
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This thesis examines how the three Baltic countries constructed their internal and external sovereign statehood in the interwar period and the post Cold War era. Twice in one century, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were confronted with strongly divided multiethnic societies, requiring a bold and wide-ranging ethnics policy. In 1918 all three Baltic countries promised their minorities cultural autonomy. Whereas Estonian and Latvian politicians were deeply influenced by the theories of Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, the Lithuanians fell back on the historic Jewish self-government in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Many politicians were convinced that the principle of equality of nationalities was one of the cornerstones of the new international order, embodied by the League of Nations. The minority protection system of the League was, however, not established to serve humanitarian aims. It only sought to ensure international peace. This lack of a general minority protection system was one of many discussion points in the negotiations of the Estonian and Latvian minority declarations. Although Lithuania signed a much more detailed minority declaration, its internal political situation rapidly deteriorated. Estonia, on the other hand, established full cultural autonomy with corporations of public law. Although a wide-ranging school autonomy was already established in 1919, Latvia never established cultural self-government. The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet occupation led to the replacement of the small historically rooted minority groups by large groups of Russian-speaking settlers. The restoration in 1991 of the pre 1940 political community meant that these groups were deprived of political rights. In trying to cope with this situation, Estonia and Latvia focused much more on linguistic integration than on collective rights. Early attempts to pursue a decolonisation policy, as proposed by some leading Estonian and Latvian policymakers, were blocked by the ‘official Europe’ which followed a policy analogous to the League of Nations.
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Ramsbotham, Alexander. „African Union Peacekeeping and Civilian Protection. An Evaluation of the EU Strategy for Africa and the G8/Africa Joint Plan“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5497.
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Global demand for peacekeeping is growing, especially in Africa. The United Nations has traditionally been at the forefront of developing peacekeeping theory and practice, and remains the primary operational agency for peacekeeping in Africa. But increasing emphasis is being placed on the African Union to assume greater responsibility for peacekeeping on the continent. The AU is still comparatively new and is in the process of developing its peace and security architecture. Over the past decade, the international community has been supporting African peacekeeping, both to build AU capacity and to provide direct operational support. In 2005 the international community agreed a collective 'responsibility to protect' vulnerable civilians threatened by gross violations of their human rights. And civilian protection is increasingly included in the mandates of peacekeeping missions. Within the context of contemporary complex, multidimensional peacekeeping ('peace support'), civilian protection is not an exclusive operational objective, but is rather one of a number of mandated tasks aimed at establishing more sustainable security as part of a broader peacebuilding goal. The AU has embraced the responsibility to protect principle, adopting a constitutional commitment to protect the rights of vulnerable civilians, including through peacekeeping interventions if necessary. But how capable is the AU in practice to deliver effective peacekeeping to protect civilians? And how appropriate is international support to help realise this ambition?
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Marchesi, Daniele [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels und Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Leidhold. „The Weak Link: European Union-United Nations Cooperation and Effective Multilateralism in the Mediterranean and the Middle East / Daniele Marchesi. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Wolfgang Leidhold“. Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1052993230/34.
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Sveitz, Therese. „Accessibility in ordinary dwellings for various physical disabilities : a comparison between Swedish and Italian dwellings in the 20th to 21th century“. Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Arkitektur och vatten, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-60228.
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The world population is increasing while the average age rises steadily. With this, the percentage with any kind of physical impairment is equally increasing (WHO, 2011). Today, a large part of our built environment is planned for people without disabilities. The inaccessible environment prevents people with disabilities to live independently and participate in society. This divides the population into two: the ones with a disability and the ones without one. The thesis is focused on accessibility for persons with various physical impairments in dwellings. Building legislation in Italy is limited to Milano and in Sweden the main focus has been Stockholm because of the similar population and accommodation. This master thesis aims at defining how two different countries, both part of the European Union, works with accessibility for disabled. To define and analyze the work at different political levels, laws and guidelines that is used to regulate accessibility for buildings have been investigated and to describe and analyze differences and similarities a comparative method has been used. A literature study and case study have been applied to answer the research questions, as well as for further understanding and comprehension. Both Sweden and Italy has ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of persons with disabilities, but the study has shown that there is work left before the buildings are fully accessible for all. Sweden has a clear legal framework and standards regarding accessibility in buildings, but yet many newly built dwellings do not meet the requirements or the process is ineffective concerning accessibility. Italy has not come as far as Sweden and their current building legislation is very strict, which causes problems for architects and the responsible for control of plans. Control of how well new built apartment houses function is poor and both countries have work to be done in the field; especially In Milano, Italy. When it comes to social support Italy is behind Sweden in available and free social support for disabled. In Italy it is depending on the family to help while in Sweden society take more responsibility. So the thesis shows that the countries have differences despite the same legal framework from the UN and the EU. They can learn from each other and together build a more accessible environment.
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Kermarec, Bruno. „Les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne et l'Association des nations de l'Asie du sud-est (ASEAN) : mondialisation et integrations régionales“. Aix-Marseille 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002AIX32047.
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L'Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est (ASEAN) est la pierre angulaire du dialogue que l'Union européenne (UE) entretient avec l'Asie orientale. Le commerce entre les deux régions a connu une intensification depuis la conclusion d'une convention de coopération en 1980. Il se trouve au confluent de deux évolutions : la mondialisation politique et économique d'une part, l'essor du régionalisme d'autre part. Ces deux vecteurs entretiennent un rapport dialectique. En particulier, les espaces unifiés sont à la fois des tremplins d'insertion dans l'économie mondiale, mais également des zones de repli en cas de protectionnisme des marchés tiers. C'est pourquoi, sous les auspices de sa politique d'aide au développement, la Communauté accorde une assistance aux programmes d'intégration de l'ASEAN. Dans un monde devenu un village, les dissensions entre les deux régions sur les questions sociales (protection des travailleurs) doivent être surmontéesThe Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is the key element in the dialogue between the European Union (EU) and the Far East. Trade between the two areas has increased considerably since a cooperation agreement was concluded in 1980. The establishment of this trade is furthered by two factors, that is, political and economic globalization on the one hand, and the rise of regionalism on the other. Regionalism and globalization could be said to counterbalance each other. Regional integration in particular is a way of making a dynamic impact on the world economy and at the same time keeping a market in reserve should foreign markets prove to have a protectionist policy. This is why, in the context of its foreign aid policy, the Community grants aid to the ASEAN for its regional integration programme. In a world that has become a global village, disagreements between the two areas over social questions (Labour standards. . . ) will have to be dealt with
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Aguinaldo, Angela Leonor C. [Verfasser]. „East Meets West : Development of Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters between and within the Association of Southeast Nations and the European Union / Angela Leonor C. Aguinaldo“. Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:101:1-2021091802483067673065.
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Christmann, Olivia. „La consolidation de la paix en Bosnie-Herzégovine : instruments de paix européens et limites“. Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010273.
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Le rapport du groupe d'étude sur les opérations de paix de l'Organisation des Nations Unies, du 21 août 2000, dit «rapport Brahimi », définit ces opérations comme faisant appel à trois activités principales: la prévention des conflits et le rétablissement de la paix, le maintien de la paix et la consolidation de la paix. Cette dernière activité correspond à l'action menée après les conflits en vue de reconstituer les bases propres à affermir la paix. A cet égard, l'Etat de Bosnie-Herzégovine, né de l'éclatement yougoslave, constitue un cas topique non seulement pour la mise en place d'instruments destinés à mettre en œuvre la consolidation de la paix mais aussi pour les développements de la coopération des Nations Unies avec le Conseil de l'Europe, l'Organisation pour la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe et en particulier avec l'Union européenne, pour laquelle la Bosnie-Herzégovine a constitué un laboratoire de la gestion de crise. Ainsi, c'est l'aune du cas de la Bosnie-Herzégovine que cette thèse, qui s'inscrit dans une démarche empirique, se propose, dans une première partie, d'analyser les instruments de paix mis en place à la suite des Accords de Dayton-Paris de décembre 1995 pour consolider la paix et d'en dégager les spécificités européennes. Après avoir envisagé la possibilité pour ces instruments de paix européens de constituer des modèles pour d'autres opérations de paix, cette thèse revient, dans une seconde partie, sur les limites de la consolidation de la paix ainsi que sur celles des instruments de paix européens.
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Orago, Nicholas W. „Interrogating the competence of the African court of justice and human rights to review“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16789.
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Globalisation and the transfer of powers from state constitutional systems to international
organisations (IOs) have led to several deficiencies, especially with regard to checks and
balances in global governance. The need to inculcate the rule of law and constitutionalism in
global governance has therefore gained currency in the 21st century. This has been exemplified
by calls for the reform of the United Nations (UN) and the extensive reforms in regional IOs,
such as the European Union (EU), with emphasis on institutional balance and the tempering of
political power with institutional controls.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Jacqui Gallinetti Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Oral, Tolga. „The Place Of The European And The United Nations Based Agreements In Prison Reformation Process In Turkey: An Evaluation Of The Effects Of Internal Dynamics Versus External Inputs On The Application Of F-type Prisons In Turkish Legal System“. Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614628/index.pdf.
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This thesis seeks to evaluate the compatibility of the legal and institutional policies about F-Type Prisons applied by Turkish State with the European and the United Nations Based Agreements and Conventions which stipulate certain standards for the penitentiary system in the high contracting party states. It tries to make two level analysis: On the one hand, the relevant Turkish codes and the institutional settings of the penitentiary system in Turkey, namely internal dynamics, are examined in order to chart the ground for the F-Type Prison reforms. On the other hand, the thesis attempts to depict the European and the United Nations based documents as well as the formal reports of the monitoring bodies of them about F-Type Prisons in Turkey.
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Kiki, Sonagnon Lydie. „Les organisations internationales dans le règlement des conflits en Afrique de l'Ouest“. Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010272.
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L'Afrique, autrefois présentée comme le «berceau de l'humanité», est aujourd’hui le «champ de prédilection» de nombreux conflits qui ont engendré des conséquences désastreuses pour ce continent. Alors que les États occidentaux, et ceux des autres parties du monde ne cessent de connaître un progrès remarquable avec l'avènement de la « mondialisation» et de la «globalisation », on note en Afrique une régression des États. Cette situation est en partie due à la multiplicité de conflits armés qui minent le continent africain. Face à une telle réalité, de nombreuses organisations internationales que sont notamment la Communauté Economique des États de l'Afrique de l'0uest (CEDEAO), l'Union Africaine (UA) et l'Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) tentent de leur côté de contribuer à la prévention, à la gestion et au règlement de ces conflits. Notre étude s'emploiera à mettre en lumière l'efficacité de l'action de ces organismes dans la gestion des conflits ouest africains.
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Minnella, Carlotta. „Imperfect socialisers : international institutions in multilateral counter-terrorist cooperation“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c1d13bdc-56a2-4cc1-9919-dfda38a95604.
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This thesis examines the effects of cooperation within multilateral counter-terrorist fora on the process of preference formation of a selected group of Western countries: the United States, the United Kingdom and Italy. The analysis focuses on the global counter-terrorist regime, a set of complex and multifaceted institutional arrangements, which were developed in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks in order to harmonise state counter-terrorist responses worldwide. The study looks at three sets of formal international institutions within the regime: the United Nations, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the European Union. It also selects a sample of three issue areas in multilateral counter-terrorist cooperation: counter-radicalisation policies, the inclusion of human rights safeguards within the main counter-terrorist sanctions provisions, and counter-terrorist financing standards. The thesis identifies as the visible symptom of institutional effects the progressive convergence of policy outputs at member state level, and proceeds with an exploration of the processes of regime creation, evolution, reform, and participation on the part of the three country case studies. The analysis reveals that the instances of pro-institution behaviour displayed by state actors are occasioned by image-related group-pressures, triggered by considerations of the maximisation of status markers and social praise, and the related avoidance of shame and social devaluation. The thesis labels this process social influence. The study further outlines the specific conditions under which interaction within a group can activate the social influence phenomenon and identifies the main triggers of state actors’ particular sensitivity to image and shame.
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Mützelburg, Irina Béatrice. „Multi-level transfer of international norms : asylum policies and practices in Ukraine (1993-2015)“. Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0001.
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Cette thèse soulève l’importance d’acteurs et de voies de transferts souvent négligés en adoptant une perspective longitudinale et multi-niveaux sur les transferts internationaux de normes et de politiques. Elle examine le rôle d’organisations internationales dans le développement de politiques et de pratiques relatives à l’asile en Ukraine depuis la première loi sur les réfugiés en 1993 jusqu’en 2015. Elle montre la dépendance de l’action des organisations internationales (OI) et non-gouvernementales (ONG) à l’égard de modes d’influence plus connus, telles que la conditionnalité sectorielle exercée par l’Union Européenne, mais elle met aussi en lumière les modalités propres à leurs interventions. Elle étudie les interactions et les relations entre les acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques au long d’une « chaîne de transferts », révélant les logiques de dépendance, de délégation et de contrôle ainsi que les processus de traduction, de soutien et de résistance aux transferts. En analysant le soutien et des formes subtiles de résistance à l’adoption législative des normes internationales par le Parlement, elle montre l’impact de la quête de reconnaissance internationale et d’incitations offertes par les OI. Les OI et les ONG cherchent à influencer les pratiques étatiques en adaptant leurs stratégies aux résistances et aux obstacles structurels, par des approches consensuelles ou confrontatives, formelles ou informelles, verticales ou horizontales. En dépit de l’effort des entrepreneurs de normes pour induire la formalisation de certains changements, les effets des transferts sur les pratiques étatiques restent hétérogènes et instablesThis thesis uncovers the importance of often overlooked actors and transfer channels by adopting a longitudinal and multi-level perspective on international norm and policy transfer. It examines the role of international organisations in the development of asylum policies and practices in Ukraine since the adoption of the first Law on Refugees. It shows how the action of international and domestic non-governmental organisations is interlinked with and differs from the sector-specific conditionality exercised by the European Union. In this manner, it enriches the findings on transfer from research that has mostly focused on top-down processes and political elite actors. It investigates the interactions and relations between state and non-state actors of the “transfer chain”, revealing logics of dependence, delegation and control as well as processes of translation, support and resistance. Analysing the support and subtle forms of resistance to the legislative adoption of international norms at the Parliament, it demonstrates that adoption is shaped, to a large extent, by domestic politicians’ pursuit of recognition and incentives by international organisations. Moreover, non-state actors seek to influence state practices by adapting their strategies to domestic resistance and structural obstacles, utilising confrontational and harmony-seeking, formal and informal, top-down and horizontal strategies. While norm entrepreneurs try to trigger the formalisation of certain changes, the effects of the transfer attempts on state practices remain heterogeneous and unstable. This thesis thus adds to transfer scholars’ widespread findings regarding the weak application of norms