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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Union Nations. General Assembly 1947)"

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Martyukova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna. „Position of the Soviet Union in the United Nations on settling the Greek conflict (late 1947 – 1951)“. Исторический журнал: научные исследования, Nr. 5 (Mai 2021): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.5.36772.

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This research is dedicated to the analysis of the role of the Soviet Union in the United nations on settling the Greek conflict (late 1947 – 1951), which drew the attention of international community. The article covers the process of curtailing the UN programs due to deterioration of relations between the USSR and the United States in the conditions of active bipolar confrontation, which involved Greece. The goal lies in examination of the approaches, tactics, and nature of the Soviet delegation in the United Nations on resolution of the international and regional crises. Based on the documentary materials of the Security Council and General Assembly of the United Nations, assessment is given to the results of the efforts undertaken by the Soviet government on settling the Greek conflict. The scientific novelty consists in comprehensive examination of the positions of the USSR in UN on settling the Greek conflicts using the relatively unknown documentary materials of the United Nations. In the scientific literature, this topic has not previously become the subject of special research. The author reveals the method of settlement of the Greek conflict. Having compared the positions of the parties to the conflict, the author describes the course of political struggle around making final decisions on resolution of the complicated and controversial Greek conflict. The conclusion is made the achieved results were not satisfactory for all parties, since their interests differed. Overall, the UN played a positive role as an international arbiter, since the critical war stage of the Greek conflict has been ceased, and the conflict has been localized with the active participation of the United Nations.
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Lityński, Adam. „Powracające ludobójstwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Rosji (1894-1995)“. Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, Nr. 2 (2020): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.13.

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There have been numerous publications on genocide, which provides evidence that this topic is up-to-date, important and still insufficiently researched. The author of the legal concept of "genocide " is Rafał Lemkin, a Polish scholar of Jewish nationality: "Father of Genocide Convention". In 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide crime. During the hundred years (1894-1995), genocide repeatedly occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. The greatest genocide in human history is the extermination of the Jews (the Holocaust). The author also recalls the genocide of the Armenians (1894-1915) in the Ottoman Empire (although it goes beyond Central and Eastern Europe and Russia). There were numerous genocide cases in the Soviet Union, and it is only about them that it is possible to accumulate substantial literature. Namely, the author reminds: the Cossacks genocide following the Bolshevik revolution; genocide in the countryside in connection with the collectivization process; Great Famine in Ukraine; the extermination of entire national minorities (so-called national operations 1937-1938); the most massive such operation was the "Polish operation." The author also recalls genocide in the countries of former Yugoslavia: especially in the fascist so-called Independent Croatian State [Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). The genocide of Ukrainian nationalists on Poles (1943-1946) closes the text. The article describes the largest genocidal operations carried out in Central and Eastern Europe over the course of a century and outlines their historical and political background, the manner in which they were carried out and their relationship with the international law and individual national regulations in force at the time.
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Ishfaq Ahmad Akhoon. „INDO-RUSSIA RELATIONS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO UKRAINIAN IMBROGLIO: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY“. International Journal of Economic, Business, Accounting, Agriculture Management and Sharia Administration (IJEBAS) 3, Nr. 1 (11.02.2023): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijebas.v3i1.684.

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Russia has been a longstanding and time-tested partner for India. Development of India-Russia relations has been a key pillar of India’s Foreign policy. India and Russia have enjoyed good relations since 1947 wherein Russia helped India in attaining its goal of economic self-sufficiency through investment in areas of heavy machine-building , mining, energy production and steel plants. Later India and Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in august 1971 which was the manifestation of shared goals of the two nations as well as blueprint for the strengthening of regional and global peace and security. After the dissolution of Soviet Union, India and Russia entered into a new Treaty of Friendship and cooperation in January 1993 and a bilateral Military-Technical Cooperation agreement in 1994. As the Indian government’s response to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis received a mixed reaction, it puts a serious introspective question to Indian lawmakers: is Indian foreign policy still dependent upon the big superpowers or are we moving towards Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India)? After abstaining in UN Security Council, New Delhi again abstained from voting in United Nations General Assembly on a resolution condemning “in the strongest terms” Russia’s belligerence against Ukraine and calling on Moscow to “immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognised borders.” In the current crisis, India has strived to maintain a non-aligned collinear, avoiding pointing a finger or naming names. This has proven to be challenging in the present predicament. It has done so by reiterating fundamental principles enshrined in the UN Charter and international law, but also appeals for a halt to violence and to return for dialogue as “the only response to addressing disagreements and conflicts, however daunting that may sound at this time.”
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Dobrenko, Vladimir. „The Soviet “Struggle for Peace,” the United Nations, and the Korean War“. Journal of Cold War Studies 26, Nr. 1 (2024): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01190.

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Abstract Before the Second World War the Soviet Union had been an isolated pariah state, but by the end of the war it had emerged as one of the world's two superpowers. Yet, the founding of the United Nations (UN) in October 1945 brought a new round of international isolation for the USSR, as a Western majority dominated the UN General Assembly during the first ten years of the organization's existence. This article focuses on the Soviet Union's attempt to overcome the Western-led majority during the Korean War, when the Soviet-backed World Peace Council became embroiled in an orchestrated propaganda campaign spreading false allegations that the United States had used biological weapons in Korea. Soviet officials used this campaign to try to discredit both the United States and Not until after the death of Joseph Stalin did Soviet policymakers curtail their support for the baseless allegations, though in public they refrained from acknowledging the falsity of the earlier claims.
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Frowein, Jochen A. „The Transformation of Constitutional Law through the European Convention on Human Rights“. Israel Law Review 41, Nr. 3 (2008): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000339.

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Only five years after the end of the Second World War terminating the complete disregard for human rights in one of the important European countries and in the occupied territories, the governments of European countries agreed on a European Bill of Rights and took the first steps toward collective enforcement of certain rights of the Universal Declaration, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. Evidently the Convention was a response to the totalitarian ideologies prevailing in national socialism but also to the communist ideology and practice governing the Soviet Union and the European countries behind the iron wall. Was the Convention intended to be more than a response and clarification of the fundamental principles which were well recognized in the constitutional structure of the free European states? If this is the case it should have had an impact on the legal system of member states.How far that impact would go was certainly not foreseen in 1950 or 1953 when the Convention came into force. By hindsight we may say that the establishment of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights as judicial organs to enforce the Convention had something that is called “List der Vernunft” in German, a certain rule of reason, not fully understood by the drafters.
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Aikman, Colin. „New Zealand and the origins of of Universal Declaration“. Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 29, Nr. 1 (01.01.1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v29i1.6052.

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Dr Aikman here provides a personal perspective on the New Zealand's role at the United Nations Conference on International Organisation, held at San Francisco in 1945, and at the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, held in Paris in 1948. Dr Aikman was adviser to the member of the New Zealand delegation who presented the New Zealand case at the Paris meeting of the UN General Assembly in September 1948. The author provides New Zealand's positions on economic and social rights, trade unions, and the right to petition. The author then discusses the adoption of the Declaration, and core conventions which were later adopted. The author concludes with a discussion on the legal status of the Declaration, as well as its Māori translation.
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Samosiuk, I., V. Orzheshkovsky, W. Zukow und A. Sikorska. „To the history of hydrothermotherapy: pages of history“. Journal of Education, Health and Sport 1, Nr. 1 (03.03.2011): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/jehs.2011.01.01.001.

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In 1921 in London, was created by the International Society of Medical Hydrology, which included scientificsocieties of scientists from over 40 countries, in 1928 they were joined by scientists of the Soviet Union. In 1937 wasorganized by the International Federation of the health resort, which in 1947, renamed the "International Federation ofHydrotherapy and Climatology (FITEC). In 1999, Congress in Yalta, it was called "The World Federation ofHydrotherapy and Climatotherapy (FEMTEC). FEMTEC is the most representative association of Spa and healthorganizations in the world. FEMTEC composed of national Spa and health resorts associations and federations, as wellas central state organizations dealing with Spa problems from many countries and continents. FEMTEC functions underthe aegis of the World Health Organization and submits every three years report on its activities. The principal functionsof the Federation are following: representing world thermalism matters and promote them internationally before statesand public organization; international business-like co-operation in health resorts' sector; study, research and experienceexchanges in the sphere of Spa treatments; popularization of Spa and health resorts of the FEMTEC member-countriesin different countries of the world. With a view of organizing fruitful activities of FEMTEC there function 4 permanentcommissions: medical, economic, technical and social. FEMTEC members actively participate in international scientificsymposia, exhibitions, conferences; there are held annual General Assembly, Executive Board and ExecutiveCommittee meetings. Every year FEMTEC organizes Scientific Congress along with a competition of scientific works,marks of the best thermalists etc. The Federation maintains close contacts with European Spas Association (ESPA),World Tourism Organization (WTO) and other international organizations. The Board of FEMTEC includes thefollowing member: Prof. Nikolay Storozhenko - (Russia) President of FEMTEC from 1998, President National SpaAssociation D.M., Honored Physician (http://www.naturmed.unimi.it/femtec.html). In 1996 he joined the Federation ofRussia, which was timed to the International Congress "The resort medicine, science and practice", held in May 1996 inSt. Petersburg. In 1998 the Federation adopted the Ukrainian Association of Physiotherapists and health resort. One ofthe main problems is FEMTEC: cooperation of scientific institutions, exchange of information in the study oftechnological and scientific problems associated with water-and climate-through scientific committees, convening theannual congresses, conferences, symposia, seminars, publications, etc.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, und Febrian Febrian. „ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?“ PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, Nr. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.

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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, und Febrian Febrian. „ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?“ PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, Nr. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.

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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Kolchin, N. N., und V. N. Zvolinskiy. „The matter of extreme national importance“. Traktory i sel hozmashiny 84, Nr. 8 (15.08.2017): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/0321-4443-66349.

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It is reported on the history of the development of the domestic agricultural machinery industry. It is noted that the beginning of the modern development of the industry was laid down by the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of April 1, 1921, in which it is recognized as «... a matter of extreme national importance». It sets out a set of measures to create the industry as the basis for the de-velopment of the country's agriculture. The head institute All-Union scientific research Institute of agri-cultural engineering (VISKhOM), profile research institution, leading specialized design bureaus, student design bureaus and various factories are being created in different regions of the country. Being the lead-ing complex center for scientific research and practical development of new and promising agricultural technology, including the training of scientific personnel, the Institute VISKhOM played a major role in the development of domestic agricultural machinery and integrated mechanization of the country's agri-culture in the 20s and 30s, in its restoration to Postwar years of the last century. Achievement in 1947 of pre-war production of agricultural machinery. It is noted that the Institute VISKhOM developed and pro-duced in the industry a large number of new machines; many monographs and collections of articles and other scientific papers have been published, scientific and technical reports on the results of their imple-mentation of R&D have been compiled. Scientific and technical assistance was provided to design bu-reaus and factories of the industry in the creation and production of new equipment, according to method-ological and normative documentation. Significant is its contribution to the development and implemen-ta-tion of systems of machinery and technology in the country's agriculture. The UN General Assembly rec-ognized the need to increase the world's food production. Russia has a unique agrarian potential and can provide itself with quality, renewable products and its supply to the world market. It is noted that a number of problems of the domestic agro-industrial complex remain unresolved, for example, its insufficient support by the state, the liquidation of scientific research institutes of the industry, including VISKhOM and a number of factories. There is a need for a large-scale revival of the domestic agricultural machinery industry as an effective scientific and production system for the creation and production of modern ma-chinery of high quality and reliability for our agriculture with an extensive set of crops and with various technologies. The future of Russia's agriculture is the use of modern machine technologies as the basis for the country's food security and the competitiveness of Russian food in the domestic and world markets.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Union Nations. General Assembly 1947)"

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Birnberg, Gabriele. „The voting behaviour of the European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/23/.

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Despite their explicit intent to speak with a single voice in foreign affairs, EU member states manage to do so only some of the time. Which are the factors that determine whether or not the EU member states successfully coordinate their positions in the international arena? To find out, I propose to examine the voting behaviour of the EU member states inside the United Nations General Assembly; a forum in which, notwithstanding heterogeneous policy preferences, they intend to coordinate their votes and are thus subject to coordination pressures. This means that for divisive resolutions, each member state must try to reconcile its national policy preference with the objective of casting a unified vote. I hypothesise that the balance a member state strikes generally depends on how important it views the issue at hand, how powerful it is, what type of relationship it maintains with the EU and under certain conditions, what type of relationship it maintains with US. I further argue that the balance is expected to tip in favour of EU unity when increasing the collective bargaining power by working together becomes a tangible objective. By adopting a multi-method approach, the thesis shows that the EU member states make a genuine and continuous effort to coordinate their votes inside the General Assembly. Significantly, the thesis illustrates that member states, at times, are able to override their heterogeneous national policy preference in order to stand united. I conclude by connecting the findings with the constructivist/rationalist debate, which juxtaposes foreign policy cooperation according to the logic of appropriateness with the logic of consequence. The results obtained have implications not only for the study of EU voting behaviour in the United Nations, but also for theoretical debate underlying it.
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Hilmy, Hanny. „Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives“. Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5888.

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This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.
Graduate
hilmyh@uvic.ca
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Bücher zum Thema "Union Nations. General Assembly 1947)"

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Chaudhri, Mohammed Ahsen. International law and the United Nations: A study of the working of the Sixth (Legal) Committee of the General Assembly, 1947-1962. Karachi: Pakistan Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics. General Assembly, American Geophysical Union und Geological Survey (U.S.), Hrsg. U.S. National report to International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics, 1987-1990: Contributions in tectonophysics ; [twentieth General Assembly, International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics, Vienna, Austria, August 11-24, 1991]. Washington, D.C: American Geophysical Union, 1991.

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Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich. A road to the future: Address by Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ... at the plenary meeting of the Forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly, in New York, Wednesday, December 7, 1988. Sante Fe, N.M: Ocean Tree Books, 1988.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Long-term viability of U.S.-European Union aircraft agreement uncertain : report to the Honorable Richard Gephardt, Majority Leader, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Long-term viability of U.S.-European Union aircraft agreement uncertain : report to the Honorable Richard Gephardt, Majority Leader, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Long-term viability of U.S.-European Union aircraft agreement uncertain : report to the Honorable Richard Gephardt, Majority Leader, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Long-term viability of U.S.-European Union aircraft agreement uncertain : report to the Honorable Richard Gephardt, Majority Leader, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Long-term viability of U.S.-European Union aircraft agreement uncertain : report to the Honorable Richard Gephardt, Majority Leader, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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Office, General Accounting. International trade: Comparison of U.S. and European Union preference programs : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Trade, Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 2001.

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United States National Report 1983-1986: Nineteenth General Assembly International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics, Vancouver, British Columbia 1987. Amer Geophysical Union, 1987.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Union Nations. General Assembly 1947)"

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Wouters, Jan. „The European Union as an Actor within the United Nations General Assembly“. In The European Union and the International Legal Order: Discord or Harmony?, 375–404. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-409-7_18.

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Paasivirta, Esa, und Dominic Porter. „EU Coordination at The UN General Assembly and ECOSOC: A View from Brussels, A View from New York“. In The United Nations and the European Union: An Ever Stronger Partnership, 35–48. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-471-4_3.

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Wight, Martin. „The United Nations General Assembly“. In Foreign Policy and Security Strategy, 217–19. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867889.003.0018.

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Abstract In September 1947 the US proposed revisions in the veto power of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. The Soviet Union rejected these suggested revisions. Washington also proposed that the General Assembly establish an Interim Committee on Peace and Security. (The General Assembly founded such a committee on a temporary basis in November 1947 and then on an indefinite basis in 1949, but it has not met since March 1951.) There is a single crevice in the mausoleum of the Charter through which the UN might grow towards light and sanity. That is Article 51 of the Charter, which allows collective security in anticipation of action by the UNSC. But the veto is not the only question. It is arguable that the UN would be more dangerous if it worked than it is impotent. It is a quinquevirate which, given unanimity, possesses despotic and irresponsible powers. If the five can agree about the exercise of the “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security,” there are no legal limits to their power, and the rest of the United Nations are compelled to carry out their directions. The UN has in no case consented to a definition of its own jurisdiction; it has tended to encroach upon domestic jurisdiction and to override treaties. The September 1947 U.S. proposals try to rectify the veto, but they do not touch the decision of Dumbarton Oaks, where the Western Powers agreed to an organisation built on a quasi-totalitarian principle.
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Howard, Adam M. „From Homeland to Statehood“. In Sewing the Fabric of Statehood, 50–79. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0004.

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The 1939 McDonald White Paper proved calamitous for European Jews as it severely limited immigration to Palestine. This led the AFL and the recently formed CIO to pressure the British government to allow Jewish immigration to Palestine. The American Trade Union Council for Labor Palestine (AJTUCP) formed in 1944 so the American labor movement could speak with one voice on Palestine. Led by Max Zaritsky, the AJTUCP rallied the leadership of AFL and CIO unions as well as the leadership of both federations. By July 1945, trade union leaders hoped for relief from the White Paper’s immigration restrictions with the British Labour Party’s stunning election victory that month. However, the new government and its foreign minister, Ernest Bevin, maintained the restrictions of the predecessor Conservative government, greatly irritating U.S. labor leaders. This refusal to change course led to tremendous protests from American labor, including communist organizations such as the American Jewish Labor Council (AJLC). The International Fur and Leather Workers’ Union’s leadership, a communist led union, played a vital role in the AJLC, which protested British actions vigorously between 1946 and 1948. Ultimately, the United Nations created a special committee to investigate solutions in Palestine (UNSCOP), which led to its recommendation for the partition of Palestine in 1947. That November, the U.N. General Assembly voted for the partition of Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states.
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Jamieson, Dale. „Sustainability and Beyond“. In Morality’s Progress, 321–34. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199251445.003.0021.

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Abstract During the decade of the 1980s the phrase “sustainable development” migrated from an obscure report produced by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources in 1980, through several popular “green” books, to become the central organizing concept of the Brundtland Commission report. Convened by the General Assembly of the United Nations and known officially as the World Commission on Environment and Development, the Brundtland Commission identified sustainable development as the criterion against which human changes of the environment should be assessed, and defined it as development that “meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (The World Commission on Environment and Development 1987: 43).
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Jurdem, Laurence R. „A Symbol of Appeasement“. In Paving the Way for Reagan, 96–114. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813175843.003.0005.

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One of the major concerns of writers for the publications of conservative opinion was the growth of leftist ideology that permeated much of the newly independent Third World. Many of the activist leaders who led their nations’ independence movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America during the decades following World War II viewed the Soviet Union as an ally that was philosophically opposed to European imperialism. It was within the General Assembly of the United Nations that these new states began to exert their influence. Since the founding of the institution in 1945, the United States had been able to exert a large amount of influence in the major decisions taken up by the UN. The independent nations that now occupied the diplomatic chamber were determined to redress the economic injustices they believed had been committed against them by the West. Commentators who contributed to these publications were frustrated by the inability of American policy makers to stand up to the rampant criticism of the United States and its democratic values and believed that this represented another example of the decline of US foreign policy.
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Graham, Erin R. „Vision over Visibility“. In Transforming International Institutions, 61–84. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198877936.003.0003.

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Abstract Chapter 3 outlines the planning process and negotiations that culminated in the adoption of the United Nations Charter. It identifies the combination of one-country-one-vote in the General Assembly, the Assembly’s budgetary authority, and mandatory funding obligations for all UN member states, as jointly producing egalitarian multilateralism at the UN. This design outcome is puzzling in retrospect. The Soviet Union would regret the combination in just a few years’ time and the US would follow by 1960. Consistent with the framework outlined in Chapter 2, the chapter demonstrates that genuine uncertainty prevented the UK, the US, and the USSR from “seeing” the challenges of 1960 from 1945. Using archival evidence, it uncovers the working assumptions of UN negotiators in 1945 about how the UN and the world would develop and reveals how these assumptions were wrong in two respects. First, they misjudged decolonization in various ways. They failed to anticipate how quickly new states would gain independence, how many new states decolonization would produce, and the preferences of newly independent states. Second, and related, they did not anticipate the potential for UN costs to rise significantly because they did not foresee a substantial operational arm in either peacekeeping or economic and social development. The chapter argues that had negotiators foreseen these developments, UN Charter rules would look quite different.
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8

„The Status of the European Union at the United Nations General Assembly“. In The European Union in the World, 209–23. Brill | Nijhoff, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004259140_013.

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9

Mahler, Gregory S. „United Nations General Assembly: Resolution 181, The Partition of Palestine (November 29, 1947)“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 133–41. 2. Aufl. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170657-17.

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Türk, Alexander H. „Primary Legislation and Legislative Procedures“. In Oxford Principles Of European Union Law: The European Union Legal Order: Volume I. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199533770.003.0025.

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The evolution of EU legislation and its legislative procedures can be seen as a reflection of the development of European integration from an administrative regime to a constitutional system more generally. The Coal and Steel Community of 1951 was to perform its functions with actors, legal instruments, and procedures for their adoption, which, despite their supranational nature, were inspired by national notions of administrative law. The idea that a representative and democratically accountable institution would adopt binding legal acts for its citizens seemed at this stage far-fetched. Even though the European Community Treaty of 1957, owing to its more broadly framed policies, envisaged an increased law-making activity, the dominance of executive actors (Commission and Council) in the adoption of legal acts with little or no input from the European Assembly was not conducive to an assessment of such acts as comparable to national legislation. On the other hand, it could not be argued that such acts were typically administrative either. Their normative content made them more comparable to national executive laws.
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